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1811059
REYNOLDS H/STORJCAL
GENEALOGY COLLECTjdk
GO
ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY
3 1833 01191 9591
THE
HISTORY OF CANADA
BY
WILLIAM KhNGSFORD, LL.D., F.R.S. [Canada].
y±iL
VOL. IV.
[ 1756-1763-]
[With Maps.]
TORONTO, DOMINION OF CANADA :
R O WS ELL & H U T C M I S O N.
LONDON:
TRUBNER & CO., LUDGATE HILL.
1890. •
{All rights rt'served.^
1811039
*ou.„a ..... huncUed a„d „ine.y. by «,U.,.M lO.osKO.o, a. ,he Depa-
ment of Agriculture.
•WITNESS" PRINTING HOUSE,
MONTREAL.
PREFACE TO THE FOURTH VOLUME.
The present volume brings to a conclusion the history of
French rule in Canada. An opinion may prevail in some quar-
ters, that occasionally its detail has been elaborately related, and
that undue importance has been given to incidents, which might
have been more summarily presented. As I was actuated by the
conviction, that it was unwise to pass over any event which had
any social or political relation to the early years of the history of
Canada, I have striven to embrace within my narrative all that
may be said legitimately to belong to it. I do not here refer to
the dramatic interest attached more or less to the several inci-
dents, for the feeling thus appealed to must ever be a relative
matter, and what may strike one mind as entertaining, may to
another appear dry and jejune. I was myself impressed by the
thought, that the subject had to be considered from the higher
view of the application of the past to our present condition. Any
honestly written impartial narrative must throw light on the
subject of which it treats ; and a proper appreciation of what
has taken place from the transfer of Quebec to the French in 1632
by Charles I., to the capitulation of IMontreal in 1760, cannot fail
to aid in leading to a just consideration of any claim, which may
be put forward to-day, whatever its character and by whomsoever
it may be advanced.
One essential principle presented itself to my mind in the
preparation of this work : that in order to make it plain and intel-
ligible, it was indispensable that the events which took place
synchronously in Great Britain, France and the then southern
British provinces, should be understood. I have accordingly
briefly introduced the narrative of such events, and in doing so I
deemed it incumbent upon me, to consider the principal actors who
have appeared from lime to time in Europe and America, upon the
political stage. The four volumes which have appeared may be
regarded as an introduction to the history of British rule in
Canada, which itself may be divided into three periods. The first
iv PREFACE.
period includes the years succeeding the conquest, to 179 1, when
the Canada act divided the province into Upper and Lower Canada.
This act continued in operation for the subsequent half-century,
during which the two provinces remained independently constituted
with separate legislatures, until the iilh of February, 1841, when
they were formed into the one province of Canada. Thus, this
portion of our history extends over eighty years. It includes the
remarkable events of the quarrel with the revolted British colonies,
and the war which led to the independence of the present United
States: the war of 18 12- 14 with that republic; the rebellions in
Upper and Lower Canada, and the development of constitutional
government in the province.
The first of these events is so closely connected with Canada,
that it calls for a special narrative of what took place in connection
with the province. Moreover it was the direct cause of the settle-
ment of Upper Canada by a British population; a fact which
must be kept in view in the history of Ontario for the following
seventy years. It created a dominant feeling in the minds of the
first settlers and their children ; of those who suffered to sustain
the United Empire, "the U. E. loyalists," as their descendants
proudly call themselves. These men sacrificed all they had in this
world, and left behind them many of the associations which make
life dear, to carve out of the w^oods a hard, toilsome existence, that
they might live and die under the British flag ; and they were not
unhappy, for they acted up to their convictions, and from their
sense of duty; and they retained in the greatest trial and privation,
the proud feeling of unswerving self-respect.
The second period is constituted in the quarter of a century,
during which the province of Canada, embracing the present
provinces of Ontario and Quebec existed as a unity until 1867,
when confederation of the whole of the British North American
provinces took place : at which date the third period commences
when British America became known as the Dominion of Canada.
I trust, if circumstances permit, to continue the history of
British rule in Canada to the nth of February, 1841, the date
within half a century of the }. resent time, when the union of the
two provinces was consummaled. Most of the enmities, political
PREFACE. V
and social, of that day, have passed away with the men who figured
in them. The task of describing the concluding years is not
without difficulty, for some of the younger actors at that date
still survive, and retain at least the family and party recollections
which were engendered by the struggle. If I succeed in carrying
out my purpose, I will endeavour to avoid in any way awakening
this ancient feeling of discord. I have no desire to revive old
feuds, and I must ever bear in mind that I am " walking upon
ashes under which the fire is not extinguished."
I hope it will not be considered that "I protest too much," if I
add that I have endeavoured to fulfil the promise made in the
early pages of this work, to be fair and honest. So far as I know
myself, I have had no theory to advocate, no purpose to attain.
I have endeavoured to render a service to the dominion by the
completion of a record which it is my hope may prove acceptable
in all quarters. This intention at least may be remembered in my
epitaph.
I will add that I have neglected no source of information. In
addition to the many known authorities, I have consulted the MSS,
at my disposal in the parliamentary library, and the copies of the
imperial records in the Archives so admirably collected by the
ability and untiring industry of INIr. Brymner. I do not know one
source of information I have failed to consult. Whatever the
defect in my own use of these authorities, I cannot accuse myself
of want of industry, or of an absence of earnestness in my labours.
In conclusion, I will venture humbly to quote the words of Grote,
in the preface to his immortal history of Greece. It is " only
within the last . . . years that I have been able to devote to
the work that continuous and exclusive labour, without which,
though much may be done to illustrate detached points, no entire
or complicated subject can ever be set forth in a manner worthy to
meet the public eye."
I repeat my deeply felt thanks to those friends, who have so
unselfishly and generously aided me in my undertaking.
W. K.
Ottawa, Canada,
%lh October, 1890.
CONTENTS OF THE FOURTH VOLUME.
BOOK XII.-CHAPTER I.
[1756.]
r
Montcalm returns to Montreal
The Iroquois' deputation
Meets de Vaudreuil
New York authorities and the Six
Nations
Letters of sir "William Johnson
Indian discouragement .
Johnson retains tribes in British
interest ....
Edmund Atkin meets Johnson
Result of Indian deliberations
Attack of French outposts aban
doned ....
Major Robert Rogers .
The rangers
Montcalm and de Vaudreuil
Their unsatisfactory relations
Rogers' scouting party north of
Ticonderoga .
Rogers' retreat
His skirmish with the French
Rogers praised for gallantry .
Rigaud de ^'audreui^s e.xpedition
His attack of William Henry
Major Eyre ....
Alarm given to the garrison
Le Mercier demands surrende
The demand refused
French attack
Retreat of the French .
Eyre's gallant defence .
Relieved by colonel Monroe
Destruction of British vessels
Montcalm in Montreal .
Opposed to marriage of the young
GE. officers 16
I Encourages marriages by men in
1 the ranks . . . • I?
2 High play in Canada . . • I?
Dearness of provisions . . -I?
2 Weak condition of the British
2 garrisons . . . .18
^ CHAPTER II.
3 [I757-]
4 Lord Loudoun . . . .20
4 Treasonable letters to the due de
Mirepoix . . . .21
5 The letters sent to Dublin . . 22
5 George Croghan, the supposed
5 writer 23
6 Loudoun recommends attack of
7 Quebec 24
William Shirley . . . -24
7 His meeting with Loudoun . . 25
8 Difficulty with the provincial offi-
S cers 26
9 W'inslow's good sense . . .26
10 .Shirley's neglect of Oswego . . 27
1 1 Importance of Oswego . . 28.
II Loudoun's feeling as to its loss . 29
1 1 Attack of fort Granville on the
12 Junita 29
13 Loudoun on the fall of Oswego . 29
13 Provisions illegally exported to the
14 French . . . . -30
14 Provinces refuse quarters for the
15 • British troops . . -SO
15 Troops assemble at New York for
16 attack of Quebec . . .31
CONTENTS.
Admiral Holbourue's fleet .
General Hobson in command of
troops ....
Loudoun sails from New York
Webb left in command
Dinwiddie raises embargo
Loudoun arrives at Halifax .
The "cabbage planting expedi
tion " .
Loudoun's good sense .
The episode of lord Charles Hay
The large force at Louisbourg
Attack on Louisbourg abandoned
Holbourne sails to the fortress
Fleet caught in a hurricane .
Loss of the "Tilbury"
Dispersion of the British fleet
CHAPTER IIL
[I757-]
De Machault, minister of marine .
D'Argenson, secretary of war
Their dismissal ....
The Jesuit party in France in the
ascendant . . . .
The church objects to be included
in taxation ....
De Machault's ability .
Persecution of the Protestants
Billets dc confession
Arrogance of the cleigy moderated
Difference of view as to foreign
policy ....
Alliance with M.Tria Theresa
Damien's attempt on the king's life
The king's pitjue d\\pin:;!c
Tlie dauphin summoned
Madame dc Pompadour in disgrace
Recovery of the king .
De Paulmy, secretaiy of war
Attack of William Henry resoi
upon . . . .
The garrison of William !Ienr\
Culonel Monroe \\\ connu.iiiii
Difficulties of Webb's position
PAGE.
Colonel Meserve . . . -45
Colonel Young sent with reinforce-
ments 45
CHAPTER IV.
[I757-]
De Levis sent to Carillon
Marin arrives with western Indians
Expedition against fort Edward
Montcalm arrives at Ticonderoga
Skirmishes ....
De Corbiere ascends lake George
Colonel Parker's advance
His defeat and loss
The French force march by we^-tern
side of lake .
De Levis in command .
The remaining force ascends lake
in boats ....
Arrival before the fort .
De Levis establishes himself to the
south '. . . .
Montcalm sends summons to sur
render ....
Montcalm's letter .
Monroe's answer .
The fort described
Strength of the garrison
Webb unjustly blamed for not re
lieving fort
Without strength to aid it
De Levis between Welib and fort
Webb applies to provincial govern-
ment for men
Advises Monroe to make best
terms he can ....
Montcalm obtains letter
Number of Frencli troops
Character of the Indians present .
Their conduct during the siege
Difficulty in managing them .
Batteries openetl ....
Montcalm receives red ribbon
False alarm .....
Deplorable condition of besieged .
48
49
49
49
49
50
51
51
51
52
52
53
53
54
54
55
55
56
56
57
58
5S
58
59
59
60
60
61
61
61
62
62
CONTENTS.
Proposal of surrender .
Articles of capitulation .
Scarcity of food in Canada .
Prevents garrison being marched
prisoners of war to Montreal
The Indians at the surrender
Montcalm cannot be acquitted of
blame ....
The British prepared to march out
of the intrenchment
Attack of the Indians .
Passiveness of the French troops
Indians attack column .
Their atrocities unchecked .
The prisoners taken by them re
deemed
Parties sent out to protect fugitives
Indians return home
De Bellaitre
Attacks Palatinate settlement
Depression in the British provinces
CHAPTER V.
[1757-1758.]
Scarcity of food in Canada .
Situation of the French
Rations of troops reduced
The regiment of Beam
Women demand bread
Refuse to eat horse-flesti
Horse-flesh served out to the troops
De Levis' tirmness
His address to the troops
His camaraderie .
Montcalm's letter to de Moras
He describes his position
Increase in prices in Canada
Trial of de Verger and de Villerai
Both exonerated .
Civil officers desire to leave Canad?
Misconduct at the outposts .
The war of outposts
Roger's defeat
His escape ....
Attack of Louisliourg looked for
De Levis to attack Oswego .
PAGE.
62
63
63
CHAPTER VI.
[I754-I757-]
74
74
75
75
76
76
77
77
78
79
79
80
81
S2
82
S3
84
84
85
S5
%(>
86
Pitt's ministry
Death of Pelham .
Political complications .
Fox, first lord Holland
Death of the Prince of Wales
Newcastle's influence .
Secret service money .
Sir Thomas Robinson .
Fox deserts Pitt ....
Discredit of Newcastle's adminis
tration ....
Admiral Byng
Loss of Minorca .
Resignation of Newcastle
Richard Grenville, first lordT^mph
George II. .
The duke of Cumberland
Causes of Pitt's dismissal
The country greatly excited .
Formation of Pitt's ministry .
The greatest England has ever seen
CHAPTER VII.
[I757-I7S8-]
Pitt's new ministry
Early reverses ....
Convention of Clostern Severn
The French overrun Hesse .
Duke de Richelieu .
Duke of Cumberland .
Pitt's magnanimity
Dread of an invasion in England .
Feeling in the country .
Expedition to France .
First mention of Wolfe's name
Attack directed against Rochefort
Failure of the operations
Mordaunt tried by court-martial .
Condition of the army .
The national spirit re-awakened .
Operations in America determined
PAGE.
88
Loaisbourg to be attacked
Appointment of Wolfe .
89
90
91
91
92
93
93
94
94
95
96
96
97
97
98
98
99
99
100
100
100
lOI
lOI
lOI
102
103
104
104
104
105
los
106
106
107
107
108
108
CONTENTS
Admiral Boscawen
General Amherst .
Plis career ....
James Wolfe
His birth ....
His diligence as a student
His services ....
His affaire de cccur with Elizabeth
Lawson
In command of the 20th
Visits France
Lord Temple's fable concerning
Wolfe ....
Temple, first lord Grenville .
His impertinence to George II
His intrigues
His story to be rejected
109 The barracks on fire
109 Attack persevered in .
1 10 Leforey takes " le Prudent" and
111 " le Bienfaisant " .
111 The whole French fleet destroyed
112 (note]
113 Desperate condition of the fortress
Capitulation proposed .
113 Terms refused ....
1 14 Finally accepted ....
115 British take possession of the fort-
ress .....
116 News received in England .
117 Fortifications demolished
117 Safety of British-American prov-
117 inces due to the mother coun-
117 try's intervention .
Mde. de Drucour ....
133
1.34
134
'35
135
136
137
138
139
140
CHAPTER VIII
[1758-]
Louisbourg .
The fortress and its garrison
The British force
Danger in landing
Captain Ferguson
Boscawen's determination
Kennington cove .
Bad weather
Landing attempted
Heavy fire of the French
Landing effected .
The French jjicket repulsed
The British take up position
The marquis DesgouUes
Wolfe opens his batteries
Ships sunk in the harbour
Sortie of the French
British lines advance
L'Arethuse, captain de Vauclain
De la Houliere organizes a sortie
Burning of " le Celebre," " I'En
treprenant " and " le Capri
cieux" . . . .
123
124
124
125
125
126
127
127
128
129
129
130
130
131
132
BOOK XIII.— CHAPTER I
[1758-1759-]
After the conquest
Thoughts of proceeding to Quebec
Lord Rollo sent to ile .Saint Jean
(Prince Edward island) .
The population
Major Dalling at Sydney
Major Morris at Cape Sable
Monckton at Saint John
Ascends Saint John River .
Major Scott sent to the Petitcodiac
Ilazzen ascends river Saint John
Wolfe ordered to Gaspe
Wolfe returns to England
Barrington's letter to Wolfe
Wolfe's reply
The provincial troops .
General Abercrombie .
His character
His want of artillery .
La petite i;iierre .
Order repudiating capitulation of
William Henry
147
148
149
150
151
153
153
154
154
156
157
158
158
159
159
CONTENTS.
XI
CHAPTER II.
[>7S8.]
PAGE.
Abercrombie descends lake George i6i
Montcalm at Ticonderoga
The defences ...
Landing of Abercrombie
The advance of Abercrombie's
force . . . . ,
Death of lord Howe
His death without influence on the
day ....
Howe not sent to control Aber
crombie
Montcalm's force .
Failure of auack from want of
arlillery.
The intrenchment of abatis .
Bivouac of British force night
before attack ...
Report that de Levis was expected
Mr. Clerk, engineer, recommend.'
assault ....
French disposition for defence
British attack resolved upon .
Storming parties repulsed
Gallantry of the attack
Retreat without confusion
British retire to saw mills
Bivouac there the night of the Sth
July ....
British retreat, ascending the lake
British losses
Wisdom of the retreat .
Incident during action .
Few stores only left behind by
British ....
News of disaster in England .
162
163
163
164
164
166
166
166
167
167
16S
168
169
169
170
171
171
172
172
172
173
174
175
175
176
CHAPTER III.
[1758.]
No advantage gained from repulse 177
Behaviour provincial troops . -177
One colonel Hart . . . 17S
His misconduct . . . .178
Rogers' expedition to Wood's
creek ....
His fight near fort Anne
Losses on both sides
Generals on both sides perplexed
Amherst reaches Boston
Arrives at fort George .
Bradstreet proposes the attack c
Cataraqui
Organization of his force
Proceeds on the expedition .
Takes Cataraqui .
The commandant Payan de Noyan
Importance of fort Frontenac
Relief despatched from Montreal
Major Duplessis .
Chevalier Benoit sent to Fron
tenac ....
Hradstreet's information concern
ing the Indians
French attempts at conciliation
De Rigaud's mission
Difference in treatment of Indians
by French and English .
British troops go into winter quar
ters ....
Abercrombie recalled .
French troops go into winter quar
ters . . .
178
179
180
I So
i8i
i8r
182
•83
183
184
184
18S
185
18S
186
187
187
187
188
189
190
CHAPTER IV.
[1758.]
Fort Duquesne
Devastation of Pennsylvania and
Maryland
Brigadier John Forbes .
His military career
Difficulties with the provincial
legislatures .
Bouquet second in command
Question of route to fort Duquesne 194
195
195
195
196
George Washington
Difficulties of route
Raestown
Road cut to Cumberland
191
191
191
192
193
194
Xll
CONTENTS.
PAGE.
PACE.
Troops commence to assemble
. 196
Reaches fort Duquesne to find it
Washington opposed to march
abandoned .
212
through Pennsylvania .
. 196
Walls blown up .
212
Comparison of routes .
197
British take possession of ground
212
Washington's views
197
Site called Pittsburg .
213
Indians, troublesome and unreliable
' 199
De Ligneris retreats to Venango .
213
W'ork on the Raestown road
199
Mercer placed in charge of fort .
214
Forbes at Shippensburg
200
Forbes' broken healih .
215
Y ires fdit lie joie for fall of Louisbourg
200
His death
215
The same for taking of Niagara
200
His genius and patriotism
2l6
Advancing force troubled by In
dian scouts .
201
Grant's expedition
201
CHAPTER VI.
Arrives before fort Duquesne
202
His attempted attack .
202
['759]
His defeat ....
203
Quebec considered unassailable by
His losses . . . •
204
water
Canada looked upon as under the
217
protection of the Virgin .
218
CHAPTER V.
Religious processions .
218
[1758-1759.]
No danger anticipated at Quebec .
Montcalm at Montreal .
218
219
Defeated force arrives at Loya!
Pouchot sent to Point au Baiil
219
Hannan ....
205
At Niagara . . . . .
219
Washington ordered to Raestown
205
Defence of Lake Champlain
219
Grant's attack first gave notice to
de Ligneris of presence of
British force .... 206
Sends expedition against Loyal
Hannan .... 206
The French carry off horses . . .206
De Ligneris' sense of his danger . 206
The Indian treaty at Easton . 206
Forbes' service in effecting it . 207
The Indians on the Ohio abandon
the French alliance . . 208
Washington arrives at Loyal Han-
nan ..... 208
Forbes at Raestown . . . 208
Suffering from dysentery, carried
on hurdle .... 208
No faltering in his purpose . . 209
The council of war . . . 210
Advises discontinuance of advance 210
Forbes determines to proceed . 2ii'
The advance continued . .212
De Bougainville arrives from
France . . . . .
Accompanied by reinforcements
and provisions
Biings bievets of promotion .
Attention bestowed on Quebec
Troops posted for its defence
De Levis arrives ....
Council of war ....
De Vaudreuil's instructions .
News of successes at Louisbourg
and fort Duquesne reach
London ....
Wolfe offers his services
Is offered command of expedition
His staff
Difficulty with regird to Carleton
Brigadier Monckton
George Townshend
Townshend's letter to his wife
Brigadier James Murray
220
220
221
221
221
221
222
222
224
224
224
225
225
226
227
CONTENTS.
XUl
PAGR.
CHAPTER VII.
[1759]
Admiral Saunders
Appointed admiral . . . 230
Sails 231
Durell sent to the Saint Lawrence 232
Lands at lie aux Coudres . . 232
Some young officers taken pris-
oners ..... 233
Boats examine channel . . 234
Wolfe's force at Louisbourcj . 235
His correspondence with Wliitrnore 236
Fleet sails from Louisbourg: . 23S
The Dritibh toast on sailing . . 23S
The fleet reaches Anticosli . . 239
"Old Killick" . . . .241
The troops land at the island of
Orleans . .241
The scene of action . . . 242
Failure of the fire ships . . 243
Point Levis taken possession of . 243
Point Levis attacked . . . 244
The French Indians . . . 245
Wolfe takes possession of ground
east of .Montmorency . . 245
Acquainted with upper ford . . 245
Indian attack .... 246
Deserters from the British camp . 246
Charest reconnoitres Point Levis . 247
Fruitless Canadian attack of that
post 24S
Bombardment of city commences . 24S
British ships sail above city . . 24S
Pointe aux Trembles attacked by
Carleton .... 249
British parties bring in prisoners . 250
Failure of the fire-raft . . . 250
French prisoners sent back . 250
Indians in 'aml)u>h under de
Repentigny attack Kiitish
force ....
Wolfe's procl.\mation .
Attack on French lines, at M
morency .252
The attack repulsed . . 253
PAGE.
British losses .... 255 .
Death of captain Ochterlony . . 255
CHAPTER VIII.
[1759]
Projected entrenchment at ile aux
Coudres .... 256
Expedition to destroy French ships 256
De Bougainville .... 257
Murray's attempt at Pointe aux
Trembles . . . .257
Murray attacks Uechanibeau . 257
Saint Anloine and Saint Croix
burned 258
French prisoners at (Quebec . . 25S
De Vaudreuil addresses letter to
Wolfe 258
Barre's reply .... 259
Surrender of Niagara known at
Quebec • -259
St. Luc de la Corne . . . 260
De Levis leaves Quebec for
Montreal . . . .260
.■\l)enakis bring in prisoners . . 260
Vessels ascend above Quebec . 260
Provisions brought by old men,
women and children . . 260
Attack of the bay of St. Paul . 261
Attack of south shore . . . 261
Saint Joachim burned . . . 262
L'Ange Gardien and Chateau
Richer burned . . . 262
Wolfe's sickness .... 263
Meeting of three brigadiers . . 263
Deteimiiuation to carry on opera-
tions above the town . . 264
Fortification of lie aux Coudres . 264
Difficulty of landing troops . . 265
Movement of ships . . 265
News from lake Champlain . . 266
Briti.-h abandon camp at Mont-
morency .... 266
Schooner with provisions at cap
Rouge 267
Scarcity of provisions . . • 26S
CONTENTS.
PAGE.
Non co-operation of Amherst . 269
Wolfe again ill . . 270
Troops placed on board transports 270
Wolfe's last despatcii . . 271
Wolfe's last order . . .271
The landing at the anse au Foulon 272
De Vergor . - . . . . 273
Strength of the British force . 274
French provision boats exjiecled . 275
De IJougainvillc at Cap Rouge . 275
The landing effected . . . 276
The line formed .... 277
Montcalm hears of landing . . 277
The French force .... 278
Reasons for Montcalm's attack . 2S0
Wolfe's tactics .... 282
Feeling of the r.ritish troops . 283
The action of the 13th of Sep-
tember 283
Wolfe wounded .... 283
Wolfe's death .... 284
CHAPTER IX.
[I7S9]
Monckton wounded . . 2S5
Townshend in command . . 2S5
Montcalm and de Scnezergue
wounded .... 2S5
Montcalm's death . . . 2S6
French losses .... 287
The capitulation .... 287
De Ramezay .... 287
His orders from de Vaudreuil . 2S8
His position nt Quebec . . 2S9
Memoir of citizens . . . 2S9
Council of war .... 289
Stores at lieaujiort plundered . 290
De Ramezay's sui render . . 291
Terms of capitulation . . . 292
The city occupied by tlie l?riti>li . 293
De Levis hears of .Montcalm's
death ..... 293
Proceeds to Jacques Carticr . . 293
Attemjits to relieve Quebec . . 294
Trooj^s arrive at I'oiute au.x
Trembles .... 295
PACE.
Hears that town has surrendered . 295
Want of provisions at Quebec
De Levis retreats to Jacques Cartier 296
Lord Colville in "Northumber
land" sent to Halifax in com-
mand .....
Saunders returns to England with
fleet ....
Murray placed in command .
Scarcity of money at Quebec
News in London .
Wolfe's memory .
.Saunder's high character
Wolfe's monument
Terms of capitulation of Quebec
BOOK XIV.— CHAPTER L
[I759-]
Amherst's preparations
Lake Chanipiain to be attacked
Oswego ....
British force in North America
La pctilc guerre
Rogers' scouts
The Pennsylvanian legislature
Claims payment of money due
Prideauxselectedtocommand expe
dition against Ningara .
The Six Nation Indians
Situation on the Ohio .
Prideaux leaves Schenectady
Frederick Haldimand .
His character
Left in command at Oswego
Attacked by Saint Luc de la Corne
Attack repulsed .
Pouchot in command at Niagara
Strength of Niagara garrison
Arrival of British force
Joncaire de Cliabert
I'rideaux invests the jilace
Meeting of Indians
Death of Prideaux . .
Arrival of gariisons from the Ohio
foils 325
CONTENTS.
Surprised on the march by Johnson
Their defeat ....
Attempted surprise of British line
The council of war
Surrender of Niagara .
Terms of surrender
Haldimand summoned"l)y Johnson
lie appeals to Amherst
Gage sent in command
Effect of loss of Niagara
Fort Kouille at Toronto burned
CHAPTER II.
['7591
Amherst negotiates loans
Bills issued by New York and
Pennsylvania
Troops arrive at head of lake
George ....
Strength of British force
Expedition st.-irts .
Descends lake George .
Landing made at Ticonderoga
Finds intrenchments abandoned
Activity of Indians
Fort Carillon attacked
Colonel Townshend killed
Fort blown up . . .
Force .sent on to Crown Point
Crown Point abandoned
Gage urged to descend the Saint
Lawrence
Champlain a British lake
Road opened towards the east to
No. 4 . . . .
Crown Point to be restored .
Captain Kennedy sent to Wolfe
The Abenakis
They take Kennedy and fiis part
prisoners
Rogers sent to chastise Abenakis
His boats taken .
His painful march
Arrives at village .
Destroys it with great slaughter
PAGE.
326
326
326
327
327
327
328
328
329
330
330
331
331
331
333
333
334
334
335
335
336
336
336
336
337
337
33S
33S
339
339
340
Provisions sent by Amherst to
mouth of Amonoosuc
Taken by one Stephen .
His infamous conduct .
Rogers without food
Descends Connecticut .
Arrives at Crown Point
Gage's explanations
Lateness of the season .
Arrival of Hutchins and Stobo
Vessels completed on lake Cham
plain ....
Attack of the F"rench vessels
Stormy weather makes advance
impossible
Troops go into winter quarters
Major Skene
Amherst arrives at Albany .
Extreme cold
Government reserve around forts
CHAPTER III.
[1 759-]
De Levis ascends the Saint Law
rence ....
Arrives at La Presentation .
Insensibility to Indian female
charms ....
Orders island to be fortified .
Returns to Montreal
Disposition of French troops
Le Mercier sent to France .
Vessels arrive before Quebec
Captain Miller of ihe "Racehorse
Loss of British seamen
De Levis' attempt to harass garrison
Proposed attack of British garrison
Movement deferred until spring .
De Levis' projects
Mgr. de Ponlbriand
His mantienients . . . .
The last French "Te Deum" for
340
341
341
341
342
342
343
343
344
344
345
345
345
346
346
347
347
victory .
Instructions to cures
348
349
349
349
349
350
350
350
350
351
351
352
352
353
354
355
CONTENTS.
before
CHAPTER IV.
[1759-1760.]
Murray at Quebec
Condition of the city .
French prisoners sent to France
Fleet sails away .
Scarcity for firewocKl
Discipline relaxed
Severe punishments
Murray hears of intended attack
Places force at Point Levis
Men suffer from frost Ijite
Murray's ordinances
Hears of arrival of French force at
Point Levis .
SicTtness of the garrison
Want of money
The assistance given by fleet
leaving .
Murray's difficulties
Attack of French outposts
Means taken to resist attack
British vessels repaire*
Cap Rouge fortified
Canadian inhabitants ordered
leave the city
Fable of the gunner on the ice
Murray marclies five regimeni
Saint Foy
Unable to form camp on tht
of Abraham .
De Levis embarks his force
Lands at Pointe aux Trembles
Advance to Saint Foy .
Murray hears of arrival
Trying period of year .
Murray marches out of Quebec
Battle of the 28th of Apri
Strength of the British force
The killed and wounded
The French force
The siege commenced .
Murray sends " Racehorse
Halifax.
Colville leaves Halifax
Murray's letter to Amherst
PAGE.
357
357
357
358
358
358
358
359
359
360
361
362
362
363
363
363
364
364
365'
365
365
piams
■ 366
• 366
• 366
• 366
• 366
- 367
- 368
• 368
• 309
• 369
• 369
• 371
to
• 372.
Explains his tactics
Seven days of siege
Arrival of the " Lowestoft "
Arrival of Colville's ships
French vessels attacked
De Vauclain in "I'Atalante"
The French camp abandoned
De Levis' retreat .
Loss of the " Lowestoft "
Correspondence between Amherst
and de Levis
Campaign considered .
De Levis' losses .
PAGE.
372
372
373
373
374
374
375
375
376
376
377
378
CHAPTER y.
[1760.]
Indian attacks, lake Champlain .
Amputation of one hundred toes .
The Pennsylvanian legislature
Amherst prepares his advance
Hears from Murray by Montresor
Desertion of the provincial troops
Rogers' reconnaisance of ile aux
Noix . . . . .
Plan of the campaign .
Amherst at Oswego
Strength of the British force
Embarkation . . . .
Pouchot at fort Levis
Amherst's attack . . . .
Pouchot's surrender
Terms imposed . . . .
Indians not allowed reprisals
Governor of New York notified
that the Mohawk was safe
from Indian attack
Amherst prepares to descend the
Saint Lawrence
His dread of the rapids
Safe descent to " Cedars" .
Casualties descending "Cedars"
Amherst's force arrives before
Montreal . . . .
379
380
3S0
3S1
3^1
3S2
3S2
383
383
3S4
3S4
385
3S6
3SS
388
3S9
3^89
390
391
392
393
393
CONTENTS.
PAGE.
394
394
394
395
CHAPTER VI.
[1760.]
Murray leaves Quebec
Issues ptoclamatiou
Lord Rollo disarms population
De Levis at Berthier .
Murray lands at Sorel, burns the
place . . . ' . .395
Arrives at Contreca?ur . . 396
Haviland's advance from lake
Champlain .... 396
Death of de Langy . . . 397
De Bougainville in command . 397
British force lands on east side . 39S
Passes round fort .... 398
Attacks shipping . . , . 398
Surrender of ile aux Noix . 399
Canadian militia desert . . 399
Saint John's abandoned . . 399
Surrender of Chambly . . 400
De Levis appeals to Indians . 400
Hears of Amherst's advance . 400
Moves troops to Montreal . . 400
CHAPTER VII.
[1760.]
Council of %%ar .... 401
Memoir read by Bigot . . .401
Capitulation determined upon . 401
Negotiations for capitulation . 402
De Levis sends messenger to
Amherst .... 402
Amherst's reply .... 403
De Levis asks for resistance to be
prolonged .... 404
French colours destroyed . . 404
The word of honour given of the
French officers they did not
exist 405
Articles of capitulation . 406
French regiments lay down arms . 408
Attentions paid to de N'audreuil . 40S
Departure of French troops . 409
Rogers sent to Detroit . . . 409
Establishment of British garrisons 409
Burton appointed governer of
Three Rivers . 410
Elliott sent to the Restigouche . 410
His ship wrecked on Sable island 411
Gage appointed governor of Mont-
real . . . .411
Amherst visits ile Jesus and Three
Rivers ..... 412
Arrives at Quebec . . .412
Census furnished to Amherst .412
Amherst returns to New York -413
Commodore Byron's naval opera-
tions, bay of Chaleurs, in
July 414
Articles of capitulation, Montreal,
verbatim. French text . 417-433
CHAPTER VIII.
[1760.]
War continued in Europe • • 434
Death of George II. . - • 434
His character .... 435
Her present majesty's influence on
society 435
Constitutional government of
George II 43^
His death a loss to the empire . 436
Canada surrendered to Great
Britain 437
Problem of government . -'438
Le " regne militaire " . . . 438
Misrepresentations concerning it . 43S
Jacques Viger .... 439
Judge Dominique .Mondelel . . 439
Dr. Labrie 44°
Burton governor of Three Rivers . 440
Legal procedure .... 440
Gage governor of Montreal . . 44I
Disarming Canadian militia . . 44I
Murray at Quebec . . -441
Ordinances ..... 442
The courts 44^
Early legal proceedings French
rule 443
French Canadians before conquest 443
CONTENTS.
Gentry only could read and write
444
Honesty of Amherst's government
444
Location of courts district of
Montreal
444
Special court for city .
445
Two executions only reported
445
Canadians put on mourning for
George II.
445
Address to Gage citizens of
Montreal
446
Treaty of peace .
446
Gage leaves Montreal .
447
Captains of militia present hin
with address .
447
Burton appointed to Montreal
447
Haldimand to district of Threi
Rivers ....
447
Location of courts Three Rivers
447
Ilaldimand's report of French
. Canadians
448
Ordinances ....
449
Value New York money
449
The king's approval of Amherst'
system ....
450
Influence on the habitants
451
CHAPTER IX.
[1761-1763.]
Lord Egremont's census [1760]
452
Montreal population
452
Three Rivers " . ' .
453
Quebec '• . .
453
Tabulated total of population
454
The fur trade
455
Indian posts ....
455
Gage's regulations
456
Tites de Bottle
457
Regulations regarding .
457
Briti.sh justice to tlie Indian .
45S
The card money .
45S
Calumny that British officials
unfairly obtained it
45S
Murray's proclamation regarding i
459
Burton's proclamation .
459
Card money out of use in 1760
459
Its consideration included in treaty
of peace .... 460
Final settlement regarding it . 463
Certificates given to French Cana-
dians ..... 461
French Canadian feeling as to
religion 461
Necessity felt of obtaining native
born ecclesiastics . . .461
Modern feeling regarding religion . 462
Roman catholic church during
interregnum .... 462
M. Montgolfier .... 463
Mgr. Briand chosen bishop . . 463
Population of Quebec in distress . 463
Merchants assist them . . 464
Soldiers give one day's provisions
in month for support of needy 464
Asserted departures from Canada . 464
The fact disputed .... 465
Consideration shewn to Canadians 466
CHAPTER X.
[1760-1761.]
Events preceding treaty of peace . 4G7
Administration George II. . . 468
George III 468
His personal character . . . 469
Formed by princess dowager . 470
Augusta of Saxe Gotha . . 470
Her arrival in England . . 471
John Stuart, earl of Bute . . 472
First meeting with the prince of
Wales 472
Lord Bute an amateur actor . . 473
Accepted lover of princess royal . 473
J^ute's character .... 474
Caricatures of the day . . . 474
The monarch's constitutional posi-
tion ..... 475
George the third's accession . . 475
Bute enters privy council . . 476
Pitt's objection to language king's
speech ..... 476
Bute's policy to discontinue war . 476
CONTENTS.
His intrigues with lord Ilolderness 477
Attacks upon Pitt . - 477
Bribery at the elections . • 477
Legge dismissed .... 477
Differences in the ministry . . 477
Holderness' resignation . . 478
His reward 478
Bute secretary of state . . 478
Ministerial changes . - 47S
Pitt desires to grant no fisheiy
rights to Newfoundland . . 47S
Pitt's conduct as to the peace . 479
De Choiseul desirous of peace . 479
Negotiators ..... 479
Offer of de Choiseul ■ 479
The conquest of Belle-Isle . 4S0
Its effect upon France . . . 4S0
Vessels of war offered the French
king 4S0
Activity in sea ports . . . 4S0
Terms from London moderated . 4S1
French demands . . . .481
Silhouette 481
Charles III. of Spain . 4S2
The " family compact " . 482
Its conditions .... 482
Known in London . . . 483
De Bussy's memoir on the part of
Spain ..... 483
Pitt's reply ..... 483
Negotiations broken off . . 484
Pitt desirous of declaring war . 484
Pitt's resignation .... 484
Lord Carteret, earl Granville . 4S5
CHAPTER XI.
[1762-1763.]
Newcastle dismissed . . . 487
Bute first minister . . . 488
Pitt's pension
His inierview with George III.
Bute's support of political writers
Pensions granted by him to men
of letters
Hogarth ....
War declared against Spain .
Bute desirous of abandoning
Prussia ....
The duke of Bedford's motion
His intrigues with prince (jallitzin
British successes .
The French attack of Newfound
land ....
Arrival of lortl Colville with fleet
Colonel Amherst attacks by land
Escape of French lleet .
Surrender of French troops .
News of the attack in London
Bute accused of receiving money
from French .
Dr. Musgrave
Terms of peace .
Bute willing to cede Havannah
without equivalent
Treaty carried through parlinment 499
The means adopted . ■ 499
Close of French rule . • 500
Jacques Cartier no place in the
history of Canada . . 501
Population at concjuest . . 501
Population in 1 88 1 . • 501
French Canadians have incorpo'
rated all foreign elements . 501
Influences operating upon them . 502
Present position of French Cana
dians 503
The harmony of the future . . 504
Treaty of Utiecht, clauses relating
to Canada and Newfoundland 505
4S9
489
490
490
491
491
491
492
492
493
494
494
495
495
495
496
-496
497
498
MAPS.
1. Fort William IIenkv, Attack of Montcalm, isr to 9T11 of August,
»757- P-55-
2. LOUISUOURG, vSlEGE OF I758. p. I20.
3. Map shkwing ABRucROMniE's Attack of Ticonukroga, 8th of July,
1758. p 162.
4. Skeleton Mat, shkwing the connection of Lake Ontario and
THE River Saint Lawrence with the River Hudson and Lake
Champlain. p. 1S3.
5. Map shewing Route followed nv the Force under I^kigadier
Forbes, from Bedford, Pi^nnsylvania, to Fort Duqijesnf. on the
Ohio, 1758. p. 196.
6. Skeleton Mav shewing the Ohio Forts, p. 214.
7. QuEP.EC, 1759. p. 242.
BOOK XII.
From the Close of 1756, to the Conquest of
LouiSBOURG: 1758.
THE HISTORY OF CANADA
FROM THE EARLIEST DATE OF FRENCH RULE.
CHAPTER I.
Montcalm returned to Montreal from Oswego, having
performed the most brilliant military exploit then known in
the history of Canada, while the destruction of the English
settlement was equally of the highest political importance.
The Anglo- American had been driven from his footing on
lake Ontario, for its waters to become in fact, as in name,
entirely French ; dominated to the east and west by the two
forts of Frontenac and Niagara. If there had been incom-
pleteness in Montcalm's success, it had been made more
certain by the fears of colonel Webb and the unfortunate
demolition of the forts at the carrying-place between the
Mohawk and the streams tributary to lake Ontario. This
abandonment of territory was an acknowledgment of power-
lessness and defeat not to be misrepresented, and its
consequence was that the Iroquois faltered in their belief that
British protection, could hereafter safeguard them.
In accordance with the sentiment that it was expedient to
take steps for their own protection, a deputation descended
the Saint Lawrence to Montreal. It consisted of forty men,
with sixty women and children, of the Onondagas and
Cayugas. The Senecas and Oneidas had engaged to follow
them, therefore on their arrival a request was made that their
reception should be deferred for three days, until the 30th of
November.* When they met de Vaudreuil, he assured them
of his protection, and ceremoniously introducing ^Montcalm,
• N.V. Doc.,X., p. 556,
2 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l756
he referred to those present who had seen the victorious
general at the ruins of Chouaguen. The orator repHed, that
it was they who had first given to the English news of the
capture and of the impossibility of resisting the French. The
ambassadors of the Senecas and Oneidas arrived on the 6th
of December ; at this date the number of the Six Nations,
including women and children, amounted to one hundred and
eighty, and the reception of the whole body took place in the
parlour of the seminary of Saint Sulpice.
A conference, with the representatives of the tribes beyond
Detroit, was likewise being held during this period. Montcalm
described the event as remarkable from the number present
and the subjects discussed, especially from the conduct of the
Iroquois. It appeared to him to be a promise of assured
neutrality on their part. There was even the anticipation,
that although the tribes as such could not be expected to take
an avowed part against the British, there was ground for
belief that many of the younger men would actively side with
the French.*
A similar course was followed by the New York authorities ;
but while the Six Nations seemed to recognize the impossibility
of entirely changing the old relations with Albany, they were
careful in making it understood, that they could no longer bs
regarded as the allies they had hitherto been. They would
give no definite promise of support, and claimed the right to
remain neutral. Belief in the power of the British colonies
to withstand the attack of the French, had been so violently
shaken, that there was no longer sympathy with their cause,
or hope of their success. We have only to read the letters
of sir William Johnson, -f- to perceive the depression which
the defeat of Braddock, and the " unhappy news of the loss "
of Oswego had created in the Indian mind. He sets forth
that the possession "of a navigation on lake Ontario was not
only a curb to the power of the French that way, but esteemed
• Que. Doc, IV., p. 90. Montcalm au Ministre, 24 avril, 1757.
t N. Y. Doc, VII., p. 127. loih September, 1756. VIL, p. 171. lOth
Nov., 1756.
175^] INDIAN SENTIMENT. 3
by the Six Nations whenever they joined our arms as a secure
cover to them and their habitations against the resentment of
the French," * * * which left them to act in full security."
The demolition of the fortress, the seizure of the ships upon
the lake, and the humiliating spectacle of the garrison em-
barked as prisoners for Montreal, had destroyed all sense of
reliance in British protection.* There had been also cause of
dissatisfaction in the grants of land which had lately been
made, and which were bitterly complained of by the Indians, as
an infringement of their rights and a seizure of their property.
It was the commencement of a system which was persevered
in until the revolutionary war; the active interference of the
home government to control the alienation of Indian land, so
that the tribes should be protected from spoliation, was one of
the grievances brought forward by the provincials interested
in the traffic, in justification of their dissatisfaction and revolt.
Nothing had more discouraged the Indians than Webb's
abandonment of the forts at the upper Mohawk. It had been
carried out in one of those trying situations in which the great
qualities of an undaunted nature are called forth, to face with
calm determination, whatever duty may demand : but Webb
had only shewn his want of faith in the force at his dis-
posal. The ability of sir William Johnson retained the tribes
as far as it was possible in the English interest ; but he was
made to feel that their zeal was passing away, that they could
not be depended upon, and that only those who were liberally
paid would march by the side of the British.f
* "But by our losing Oswego, which I may call the Barrier of the 6 Nations,
and thereby the possession of that part of the Country, they were laid open to the
Resentments of the French, who might at any time they were inclined to it,
with facillity {sz'c) fall upon their Towns, and cut them and their families to pieces,
especially those of the upper Nations." Sir William Johnson to Lords of Trade,
loth Sept., 1756. N.Y. Doc, VII., p. 12S.
+ A meeting of the Onondagas, Oneidas, and Tuscaroras took place at
German Flats on the 3rd Sept., 1756. The orator addressed the interpreter
present : "We are now met and must now tell you in the name of all the 6
Nations tiiat we are quite surprized to find ourselves deceived in our opinion of
the English, we took them to be a more steady People, but we see that this
Defeat at Oswego discourages them entirely, and you seem as it were to give up
THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l75<5
So unsatisfactory were the «'-''°"^,;'''* 'l^^ .'"tin
throughout the entire provinces, that Mr Edmund Atk n
'superintendent of the Indian Department .nV,rgn.a North
and South Carolina and in Georgia," arr.ved m Albany m
November to discus, with Johnson " upon what foot„,g and ■
after what manner" trade with them could be earned on
He found the Si:< Nations "weakened and depressed^ Atk n
priposed an alliance in the British interest of al the tnbes
L accompanied Johnson to his home at the Mohawk and
remained with him a week. Johnson was unable to obta n
an answer to his question what assistance the Mohawks would
render n the next campaign. The deputies present desned to
delay a reply until a meeting had been held at Onondaga, after
the r'eturn'o' the deputation from Montreal. The b,x NaUons
however, shewed a favourable feeling towards un.on w.th the
southern tribes, and agreed to the establishment of s.gns and
tokens by which friends could be d.stmgu.shed from foes.
One result of the meeting was the establishment of perfectly
good feeling between Johnson and Atkm.
The result of these deUbcrat.ons was, *»' *e "pp"
nations, the Senecas, Cayugas and Onondagas declared them-
selves in favour of neutral.ty. The Tuscaroras and One.das
took no part in the discussion ; but it was ev.dent they could
Z be depended upon.f The Mohawks alone remau.ed fiun
"their attachment to British interest. Thus the .mmed.ate
consequences of the fall of Oswego were by no means of a
chamcter to assuage the depression that it had tnduced
What creased this' feeling was, the pervading -"t.ment t a^
there was no one in the first rank, capable of act.ng w.th
ud^-ment and decision ; what efforts were made were unwse,
and proved the cause ofjubsequertd^saster_
twols ...e carrying Place a„d „,a,chi„s back ,0 ,h= Gc,„,.u Fla... ]
N.Y. Doc, VII., p. 193-
tribes." [Can. Arch.. Series A. .^ W.I., 85.1. P- 6.]
1756] ROBERT ROGERS. 5
All thought of attacking the French outposts of Ticonderoga
and Crown Point had to be abandoned. Those places had
indeed become established garrisons, maintained by a large
force, and could only be attacked with any hope of success by
a numerously constituted and well appointed expedition. As
winter approached the French removed the greater part of
the force from Ticonderoga. The difficulty of furnishing
supplies was great, and for a time their operations were
confined to guarding against attack, and in watching the
movements of the British at the south of the lake. In these
attempts the French Indians shewed great activity, and were
constantly prowling in the neighbourhood of the southern
fort in the hope of seizing prisoners.
The British shewed the same enterprise in their attempt to
penetrate the enemy's designs. The duty was one of danger,
and loss was experienced on both sides. In each case the
adversary's fort was closely approached, so that an estimate
could be formed of any probable hostile movement, and
prisoners could be seized and carried away with a view to
obtain reliable information.
Prominent in the scouts on the British side was captain
Robert Rogers. At the end of the war he published a journal
of his operations. His hair-breadth escapes can still be read,
and with belief, for his narrative in the most remarkable
instances is corroborated by French reports.*' Rogers relates
that he was brought up in a frontier town of New England,
and that his manner of life led to a knowledge of both the
British and French frontier settlements. In 1755 he was in
command of a company of New Hampshire troops, his duty
in the first instance being the escort of provisions. In March,*
1756, he received an order to form a company of rangers of
sixty men, and in June and July a second company was raised.
They were specially equipped, and constantly engaged in the
attempt to obtain intelligence. Rogers possessed courage
* '* Journals of Major Robert Rogers, containing an account of the several
Excursions he made under tlie Generals who commanded upon the continent of
North America during the late war, etc., etc. London, 1765."
6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l756
which never quailed in the hour of danger. He cheerfully
undertook expeditions, the hardships and risk of which he
perfectly knew, as much from a love of adventure as from the
consequence of his position. He brought to his duties cool-
ness and soundness of judgment and an unfailing self-reliance
which never deserted him. He passed safely through all these
perils, suffering only from a wound and an attack of small-pox.
If Montcalm looked for recognition of his services from
de Vaudreuil, he only experienced disappointment. He did
not long remain in Montreal ; on the loth of September he
arrived at the camp at Carillon with the regiments of Guicnne
and Beam, and lOO men 'of dc la Sarre. On his arrival, he
learned that two days previously two young officers had been
scalped.*' His first step was to send out a strong party of
Indians and Canadians; their appearance prevented the occu-
pation of some of the islands by a British detachment. On
the 27th of October Montcalm, with the main body of the
force, left for IMontreal: de Levis remained until the 15th of
November, when he likewise marched off with the rear guard.
The stone fort of Carillon was then so far finished that it
could receive a garrison of 350 men, and it was considered
capable of resisting any force which could be brought against
it in winter. The original intention had been that de Levis
should proceed to Quebec, but, owing to the lateness of the
season, he remained in Montreal ; and de Bourlamaque was
placed in command there.
The correspondence of that date shews the unsatisfactory
relations between de Vaudreuil and ^Montcalm. The governor
general complained of Montcalm and the French officers
generally, on account of their had treatment of the Canadian
troops.f He claimed that the victory at Oswego was wholly
due to the gallantry of the latter, and he did not fail to point
out that the artillery was entirely Canadian. One cause of
* Two lieutenants of the regiment " de la Keine," tie Biville and de Torcac.
They had been killed when hunting in contravention of the positive orders of de
Levis. Letter of Montcalm, 26th Sept., 1756. Que. Doc, IV., p. 74.
t 13th October, 1756. De Vaudreuil to de Machault, minister of Marine.
Dussieux, p. 279.
1757] ROGERS' EXPEDITION. 7
his censure was that the French officers objected to carry on
la petite guerre, and were only willing to enter upon what de
Vaudreuil called defensive warfare. He dwelt upon their
insolence and exactions ; indeed scarcely any report more
depreciatory could be made.
On his side, Montcalm complained * that de Levis and
himself in duplicate received orders, which could not be
carried out, so that in case of failure the blame could be
thrown upon them. De Vaudreuil, however, always made the
best representation he was able. In writing to the minister
early in the yearf although unable to report that he had
gained any positive advantage on lake Champlain, he repre-
sented that he had kept 1900 men in check ; and that the
scalps, which had been brought him, established the serious
losses suffered by the enemy.
In the middle of January a scouting party of some strength
was organized in the British garrison of fort Edward, to feel
the country towards Crown Point. Rogers was placed in
command, and the force was marched to William Henry.
After making the necessary preparations, they descended
lake George on the ice, as far as "the narrows." Some of
the party being footsore, were sent back ; the number then
remaining, including officers, was seventy-four, among whom
were two volunteer officers from the 44th regiment. On the
1 8th they marched twelve miles ; on the following day they
descended the lake three miles further, and turning to the
shore, followed a north-west course to avoid Ticonderoga ;
finally they came within three miles of lake Champlain, midway
between Crown Point and Ticonderoga. On the 21st they
reached lake Champlain, where they saw a sleigh on the ice
proceeding towards Ticonderoga. Rogers detached his lieu-
tenant. Stark', to cross a point extending from the shore to
reach the ice, and stop it. No sooner had Stark left when
Rogers saw that three sleighs were following. It was too late
to countermand the order, so the attempt was made to take
* Que. Doc, IV., p. 79.
+ 13th January, 1757. Que. Doc, IV., p. 82.
8 ' THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^757
possession of the whole number. The first sleigh, however,
escaped to Ticonderoga, to carry news of the presence of the
British scouts, north of the French garrison. From the
prisoners Rogers learned that the fort at Carillon contained
350 regular troops, and that they had lately been reinforced
by 200 Canadians and several Indians, destined to be engaged
in harassing the English garrison, and that more Indians were
expected.
Rogers felt the danger of his situation : it was plain to him
that he must expect an immediate attack by a large force, and
his only safety lay in a retreat before he could be intercepted ;
in reaching ground where there was no chance of being assailed.
He went back to his camp, where the men dried their arms,
which were wet, and started on their way homeward. They
had scarcely marched half a mile, and were crossing a valley of
fifteen rods breadth, when at close range they received a volley
from a large force in ambush, which proved most telling.
Kennedy, one of the officers, and one of the volunteers, were
killed ; several of the party were wounded, some placed //ors de
combat. The discharge was returned. Rogers' men retreated
to the elevation which they were descending, and here they
formed and fought desperately. The force by which they
were surrounded amounted, according to Rogers' estimate, to
two hundred and fifty men, and had the few rangers been
charged by the bayonet not one could have escaped.
There is no reason to think that Rogers over estimated the
number. De Lusignan was then in command at Ticonderoga ;
on hearing the news he immediately detached one hundred
men of his force, v/ith " some Indians and Canadians." They
were placed under the command of captains de Basserade and
de Lagrandville.* De Basserade was dangerously wounded
early in the fight. The contest lasted for several hours, until
nightfall, when the French withdrew, carrying with them their
wounded. The English effected their retreat to lake George.
Of the 74 who went into action only 54 gained the lake, of
* '• II detacha lOO homnies . . avec quelques Sauvages et Canadiens. '
Montcalm, 24111 April, 1757. Que. Doc, IV., p. 91-
1757] THE SKIRMISH. 9
this number 48 only were effective. Six were wounded, 14
were left dead on the field, including two of the officers,
Kennedy and Spekeman, and the two volunteers from the 44th,
Baker and Gardner. Six were taken prisoners.
They were perfectly exhausted on reaching lake George.
Stark, a lieutenant, afterwards known in the revolutionary war,
started in advance to fort William Henry, so that sleighs
might be sent forward for the wounded men. Finally the
whole retreating party reached the fort in safety. It is
astonishing that the French from Carillon did not follow them.
There may have been some attempt of the kind, but it is not
recorded.
Montcalm, in reporting the affair, does not conceal the
strength of Rogers' force ; he places it at seventy-seven ; the
correct number being seventy-four. He describes the surviv-
ors, however, as all perishing from cold, except three who
reached William Henry. The losses of the French he sets
forth as nine killed and eighteen wounded, of whom some
died from their wounds.*
There have been few skirmishes, fought under such odds,
where more determined gallantry was shewn, and in which the
danger was escaped by courage and determination. On all
sides Rogers was highly praised. Abcrcrombie's nephew
James, aide-de-camp to his uncle, specially wrote him to say
how all were pleased with the conduct of himself and his men,
and, while regretting the losses which had been experienced,
pithily adds that it is " impossible to play at bowls without
meetinc: with rubs." f
* The account of the affair, N. Y. Doc, X., p. 570, pves the French dead at
eleven, the wounded at twenty-seven.
+ There is a passage in Rogers' journal which shows how constantly the spirit
of red-tape has prevailed, to aid the indifference felt towards the honest claims for
service performed, which threaten to be troublesome to the official heads at head-
quarters. After the affair of the 2lst of January, when Rogers had received great
thanks for liis services, and the companies of rangers had been increased, Rogers
says: "I again wrote to his lordship [lord I.oudoun] earnestly soliciting his
friendly interposition and assistance to obtain from the government here an order
for payment of what was due to me and my men for our respective services during
the winter of 1755 ; but if that could not be obtained, that he would be pleased to
lO THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
Whether from the desire of achieving a success, which in
the public mind would be a counterpoise to the triumph of
Montcalm, or whether de Vaudreuil desired to shew his faith
in la petite guerre, whxch. the French generals would not enter-
tain, an expedition was organized against fort William Henry
in the depth of winter, the season being one of unusual
severity. It was placed under the command of Rigaud de
Vaudreuil, governor of Three Rivers, the governor general's
brother, so that any honour which might be gained should
appertain to the Canadian branch of the army, in contradis-
tinction to the regular troops of France. When the project
became known, Montcalm offered to take command, asking
for 800 men.* De Levis and de Bourlamaque also volunteered
to lead it. De Levis in writing to France expressed his belief
that he could not have done better, and that the expedition
had all the success that could be expected.f
Unusual care was bestowed on the organization of the
column. It consisted of 1400 men, composed of 50 grenadiers,
and 200 volunteers from the regular troops, under the com-
mand of M. de Poulharies ; with 250 colonial troops ; 600
Canadians and 300 Indians. The second in command was
M. de Longueuil. X
The object in view was, if possible, to surprise and escalade
the fort. In the event of such an attempt not being feasible,
the vessels and bateaux constructed for the carriage of troops
and men to attack Ticonderoga were to be burned. The
expedition left Montreal in four divisions ; the first marching
out on the 20th, the last on the 25th of February. In the closing
direct me what method to take for the recovery thereof. Whereto his lordship
replied, that as their services were antecedent to his command here, it was not in
his power' to reward them. General Amherst, on a like application, gave me
much the same answer." The consequence was that Rogers was engaged in law
suits, and had to pay ;^S28 3s. 3d., for which he never received one penny, p 51.
* Que. Doc, IV., p. 92.
t N.Y. Doc, X:,,p. 547.
X These figures are taken from a letter of Montcalm to the minister, 24th
April, 1757. Que Doc, IV., p. 91. A writer, X. V. Doc, X., p. 544, mentions
the number at 1 500.
1757] FORT WILLIAM HENRY. II
months of autumn Montcalm had caused the construction of
a road from Laprairie to Saint John's, 14 miles; the Richelieu
accordingly was easily reached. The ascent of lake Cham-
plain was made to fort Carillon, a distance of 130 miles, the
march having been made on snowshoes. The season was
one of such severity as to cause mention in letters of the period
of the intense cold. The advance must have been leisurely
made, for it was not until the 15th of March that the column
left Carillon, to arrive within a league and a half of fort
William Henry on the 17th instant.
The French account states captain de Poulharies was
detached to observe the position of the fort, and that it was
evident to him that there was no probability of a surprise :
he formed the opinion that the march of the French column
had become known.
The garrison was under the command of major Eyre, who
had relieved Winslow on the nth of November, when the
provincial forces returned to their homes. It consisted of the
44th regiment and some rangers.* Eyre maybe remembered
as having efficiently directed the artillery at Dieskau's attack,
and had personally pointed the gun which did such execution
against the advance of the French regulars. The preceding
year he had been promoted to the majority of the 44th, and it
was he who had constructed the fort. He had 274 regulars
and J 2 rangers fit for duty ; 128 men, mostly suffering from
scurvy, were on the sick list. The total number in the fort was
therefore 474 ; the defence falling on the 346 men who were
effective,
The first alarm was given to the garrison on Saturday, the
19th, about one in the morning, by the noise of axes, which
appeared to be about three miles from the fort ; at the' same
time a light was seen on the east side of the lake, extending
• We have a full narrative of the defence in the despatches of major Eyre to
lord Loudoun [A. & W. I. : America and West Indies, vol. S5, part I., pp.
215-239] i» tlie Canadian archives. These volumes are transcripts from the imperial
colonial documents. I follow the dates given by major Eyre, his account being
written a few days after the attack on the 26th of March.
12 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^7S7
some way down. Precautions were taken against any attempt
at a surprise ; about two hours later the march of the troops
approaching upon the ice was heard. It was a body of men
under captain Dumas, sent forward to reconnoitre, and to avail
itself of any opportunity which offered for attack. From the
fire directed against it, both from artillery and small arms, the
detachment was forced to retire. An unsuccessful attempt
was made to set fire to some of the bateaux. At break of day
the French withdrew. Eyre sent out scouts to obtain informa-
tion, they picked up some scaling ladders and faggots prepared
for burning the vessels. If there had been an intention to
storm the fort no attempt was made to carry it out.
De Rigaud in his report tells us that on the 19th he invested
the fort, and sent a party of Indians on the road to fort
Edward to cut off the communication, so that no relief could
be sent On the following day, Sunday, the 20th, Le Mercier,
the chief of the Canadian artillery, was sent to summon the
fort. Accompanied by a small party waving a red flag he
advanced on the ice. He was met by an officer and led
blindfolded into the fort. Le Tvlercier's demand was that a
peaceful surrender should be made. The terms he offered
were that the troops should march out with the honours of
war, the officers being permitted to carry off their most valu-
able effects.* The refusal of these terms, he added, might be
attended with " circumstances very fatal and calamitous to the
garrison," should " the assault they were preparing to put in
execution " succeed. ... Considering what sort of people
composed part of their army . . . however much they
* The words of Le Mercier deserve attention in relation to what took place
after the capitulation of this fort to Montcalm in August. Eyre reports the
suggestion of Le Mercier " that some things might only be left by the officers to
please and gratify the Indians, and that they (the garrison) need not be under any
apprehensions of Mischief from the Savages, for that they had a sufficient number
of regulars to protect the garrison against any sort of violence that might be offered
to them, and they should be conducted to any place they desired" [Can. Arch., A. &
WM., 85. 1, p. 216] These remarks, in.my humble judgment, also throw light on
the murders reported to have been committed by the Indians after the capitulation
of Oswego.
1757] DE rigaud's attack. 13
might be inclined to levity and compassion, the cruelties of the
savage could not be altogether prevented."
Neither the offer of favourable terms of surrender, nor the
threat of unflinchingly abandoning the garrison to the merci-
less cruelty of the Indian weighed with the true and good
soldier who was in command. Eyre's reply was his determina-
tion to defend his post. The fort had no great strength, as
was proved in Montcalm's attack, and there were less than 350
defenders ; but for the threat to be carried out, even with the
preponderating numbers of the attacking force, it was neces-
sary that the attempt should be made by a resolute body of
men. Its strength, however, was such that if the storming
parties had been gallantly led, and proper determination shewn,
the assault, with some loss, must have proved overpowering.
From the weakness of the garrison the sorties were unimport-
ant, and they were principally made with the view of the pro-
tection of property. Le Alercier's demand suggested the
possibility of an assault in all directions, and it kept the garrison
on the alert. The appearance of the enemy was looked for by
night, and at the period the darkness was so great that nothing
could be seen ; consequently wherever the least noise was
heard, shells and the fire of small arms were directed towards it.
On the night of the 20th the French force advanced. It
may have been only a feint, but if the attack was seriously
designed, they were received so warmly that it was abandoned ;
the expedition ended in setting fire to two store houses con-
taining large supplies of provisions, to the " provincial " store
and all the rangers' huts. On the 21st snow began to fall
somewhat thickly; a thaw succeeded, so the hulls of the vessels
became moist from melted snow,and little was attempted on the
part of the French. On the night of the 23rd they were more
fortunate. \Vhile the defenders were expecting at all points
to be assailed, and were directing their unceasing watchfulness
to the protection of the fort, the French scouts stealthily
advanced, and placed dry faggots against the hulls of the
vessels. They were soon seen to -burst into flames. It was
not possible to make any attempt to save them. The confla-
14 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
gration included an old building which served as an hospital,
and a wooden structure in the neighbourhood of the fort, by
the flames of which the fort itself was threatened. But in
face of the enemy's fire the roofs were cut away, so the danger
was removed. The fire burned the whole night. A sharp
fusillade was kept up from the defenders to impede the
operations, but with little effect.
The French account records the destruction of four brigan-
tines, one constructed to carry six guns ; two long boats of
fifty oars, three hundred and fifty transport bateaux, much
building timber, and a large supply of firewood. The report
of Eyre states that the whale boats and scows escaped.
As the fort could not be escaladed, and all the damage had
been done which was possible, moreover, according to two
prisoners who were taken, their provisions being almost con-
sumed, and their stock of powder exhausted, the French force
retreated. On the following morning the long line of their
inarch was seen descending the lake.
Eyre's gallant defence has not received the consideration
to which it is entitled. It is in all respects noteworthy, and
stands out in strong contrast to the weakness and irresolution
shown at Oswego, where, after Mercer's death, not a show of
resistance was made. There are few more gallant acts to
record than this defence by a handful of men against a force
nearly five-fold its number,- supplied with every requisite to
storm the fort, which only possessed imperfect defence. The
threatened assault continued from the night of the 19th to
the night of the 24th of March. It is plain that only the
resolute attitude of Eyre deterred de Rigaud from an attempt
to storm the place. The besieged had only seven wounded,
but those six days of gloomy expectation must have taxed
the strength and the endurance of the small garrison, and the
defenders must have gladly seen the retreating ranks of the
French in the distance.
It may be safely said that this successful resistance encour-
aged an exaggerated idea of the strength of the place. It was
•but a few months later that Montcalm destroyed this illusion.
1757] MAJOR EVRE. 1 5
The failure of de Rigaud must have suggested to him that the
fort could only be taken by cannon ; that it had to be beaten
down and made untenable : a fact which ought to have been
appreciated on the British side and should have been provided
against.
Owing to the number of sick who were suffering from
scurvy, it was resolved to relieve the garrison. On the 29th
of March following, Eyre with his gallant band marched out,*
and colonel Monroe, with five companies of the 35th, occupied
the fort. When spring came it was discovered that some bodies
of the French had been thrust into a hole in the ice : one
corpse was found stuffed into a pile of cord wood ; likewise
the body of an Indian was exposed : it was covered with snow
and, strange to say, had been scalped by the French force.
Although the expedition in reality proved little more than
a reconnaissance in force, one advantage was gained : the precise
situation and character of fort William Henry became known,
and its capacity for defence estimated. The destruction of the
sloops and bateaux was also of some account as it would delay
the operations of the British provinces in early spring. Owing
to the want of provisions no aggressive movement could be
made from Canada until the arrival of the ships from France.
In any circumstance, owing to the difference in climate, an
expedition from Albany could take the field three weeks
earlier than any departure from Montreal. Thus the destruc-
tion of the vessels enabled the habitants to return to their
farms and put their crops in the ground.f Montcalm, however,
• We first hear of Eyre as chief engineer and quarter-master general in New
York in March, 1750 [N. Y. Doc, VI., p. 553]. As has been related, he was
quarter-master general at Uieskau's attack [lb., VI., p. looo.] In 1756 he built
a fort at Oswego falls [VII., p. 1S4]. He was wounded in Abercrombie's attack
of Ticonderoga on the Sth of July, 175S [X., p. 729]. He subsequently became
colonel of the 55th. As colonel of the 44lh he formed part of Amherst's force in
1759 on Lake Champlain; and in 1760 he accompanied the force which descended
from Oswego to the att.-\ck of Montreal. In 1764 he was unfortunately drowned
on his voyage to Ireland. [Knox.] Vol. II., p. 406.
t In Montcalm's letter to the minister, of the 24th of April, [N.Y. doc. X., p.
549] he relates that men of the detachment returned snow blind. He writes [as
translated] "Canadians, Indians, and our men, to the number of fourteen score, had
l6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^757
did not accept this view, for while admitting that no expedition
could start from Canada until June, and that the delay had
been caused to the English by the burning of the vessels, he
considered that it would prove " not so much as M. de
Vaudreuil thinks." *
During the winter in Montreal, Montcalm felt himself called
upon to intervene in a direction which has caused many a
commanding officer anxiety, and will doubtless continue to be
a source of trouble so long as garrisons exist : the inclination
of many young officers to enter into imprudent marriages.
In his letter to the minister f he represents this tendency to
form' " bad marriages . . which were not any more advan-
tageous for the political interest of the colony than to the
King." He continues : " M. dc Vaudreuil appeared to me to
favour them ; he is encompassed by relatives of mean extrac-
tion." Montcalm wrote a memoir on the subject, which he
gave to de Vaudreuil, " who appeared to coincide with these
views." Two marriages were only allowed by Montcalm ; one
that of a captain of the regiment of Languedoc, whose father
approved of the match ; the second that of a captain of the
same regiment, the objection apparentlydisappearing before the
circumstance of " the bride being a girl of respectability, very
well connected in the colony, having a handsome fortune." 1;
to be led by their comrades, bat at the end of twice twenty-four hours, sight is re-
stored with simple remedies." The letter also appears Que. Doc, pp. 89-93. There
are serious discrepancies between the two published letters, although claiming to
represent the same document.
* N.Y. Doc, X., p. 552.
+ 24th April, 1757. N.Y. Doc, X., p. 550.
t It is worthy of attention that about the same period [31st December, 1754,
Wright, p. 285] Wolfe was expressing the same opinion. Writing home, he says:
" I always encourage our young people to frequent balls and assemblies. It
softens their manners and makes them civil ; and commonly I go along with them
to see how they conduct themselves. I am only afraid they shall fall in love and
marry. Whenever I perceive the symptoms, or any body else makes the discovery,
we fall upon the delinquent without mercy till he grows out of conceit with his
new passion. Ry this method we have broke through many an amorous alliance,
and dissolved many ties of e^ernai love and affection. . . Two or tiiree of the
most simple and insensible in other respects have triumphed over my endeavours,
but are seated upon the stool of repentance for the rest of their days."
1757] HEAVY PLAY. I7
If Montcalm saw objections in the marriages of officers,
he felt that he could do nothing better for the interest of the
colony and the kingdom than to encourage the soldiers in
obtaining wives. The consequence was that, while in 1755-6
there were only seven such marriages, in 1756-7 there were
eighty. He recommended that a gratuity should be given to
soldiers willing to remain and settle in Canada, on the ground
that they would make excellent colonists, and could easily be
brought in the field during the period of war, whereas on their
return to France the diminution of pay, with the increase of
discipline, would be insupportable.*
One cause of anxiety with Montcalm was the love of play,
which was affecting officers of all ranks. Seeing its mis-
chievous tendency, he proposed to de Vaudreuil to prohibit
games of chance ; on the principle enforced by the rules of
a modern, well conducted club. We learn from Montcalm
that there was no play either at Montreal or Quebec until de
Vaudreuil went to Quebec. Montcalm brought the matter
directly to the notice of d'Argenson. " M. Bigot loves to
gamble," he wrote. " M. de Vaudreuil thought proper to per-
mit a bank at M. Bigot's. I said what I considered my dut}^
but did not wish to forbid our officers playing at it ; 'twas
displeasing to M. de Vaudreuil and M. Bigot ; the good of the
service requires the contrary. Captain de Maron, of La Reine,
has lost twelve thousand livrcs, which have been, paid, his
lieutenant-colonel having lent them to him. This partiality
in favor of M. Bigot's house would have caused gambling else-
where had I not placed the second captain of one of our
battalions under arrest. I write to M. de Machault on the
subject of marriages ; it concerns the colony. I do not write
anything to him concerning gambling ; it would only serve to
destroy the friendship between ]\I. de Vaudreuil, M. Bigot and
me. But I owe my minister an account of my conduct.-f-
Provisions continued scarce and dear. Officers of small
means found it difficult to live on their allowance. % From the
• N.Y. Doc, X., p. 551. t lb., p. 551.'
X M. le marquis de Montcalm aura I'lioiineur de vous faire des representations
c
1 8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
inability to obtain the necessary supplies four hundred men
only could be sent to fort Duquesne on the Ohio, although the
necessity of reinforcing the garrison was well understood, in
view of what was heard of the operations designed against it.
There had been little attempt on the part of the British to
replace the vessels and bateaux destroyed at fort William
Henry, accordingly not only all fear of an expedition against
Ticonderoga and Crown Point had passed away, but aggress-
ive operations were determined upon. In June de Vaudreuil
was able to report that at fort William Henry there were only
three hundred men, many of whom were sick, and that at fort
Edward, on the Hudson, the garrison was of the same strength
as in winter, with three additional companies of regulars and
thirty-six militia. It was plain that no operation was designed
against lake Champlain and that the English forts possessed
but indifferent means of defence. It was known that the main
body of regulars and militia had been transferred to New York
to join an expedition against Louisbourg. All the force that
remained to protect the frontier was 800 regulars and 2,000
militia. The forts, as it were, invited attack, the garrisons
being weak in number and the forts incapable of resistance.
sur la situation oil se trouvent reduits les subalterns des troupes de terre. Comme
tout est au moins trois fois plus cher que quand elles sont arrivees dans la colonic,
il n'est pas possible que les lieutenants puissent vivre avec leur paye, si vous
n'avez la bonte d'y avoir egard en les faisant augmenter, ou en leur faisant donner
le vin et autres douceurs qu'ils ont eu les premieres campagnes.
Permettez-moi d'avoir I'honneur de vous faire les meines representations pour
raoi. La place que j'occupe m"oblige de tenir un etat honnete pour ni'attirer la
consideration que je dois avoir. Je n'ai cependant pas u me reprocher d'avoir fait
aucune depense mal a propos et je croirois mcme avoir mal servi le Roi, si je
n'avois pas re9u avec la decence que j'ai observee.
Ce qui n'a pas empeche que je n'aie use d'une grande economie. Je me trouve
cependant cette anntie en airicie de dix mille livres des appointements que le Roi
me donne ; cela ne peut qu'augmenter, puis qu'il ne me reste plus rien des provi-
sions que j'avois apporlees de France.
Je vois supplie d'avoir la bonte d'observer que je n'ai pour fortune que les
bienfaits du Roi, que je depenserai avec plaisir a son service ; et tout ce que je
desire, du cote de I'argent, est de ne rien devoir en partant de ce pays ; il seroit
bien douloureux pour moi de laisser plus de dettes que je ne serai en etat de payer.
M. de Levis a ^L dc Pauimy, loth Oct., 1757. Lettres, pp. 177-17S.
1757] OSWEGO. 19
It was information too important to be neglected, and in a
month preparations were made to profit by it, which were to
be crowned with complete success.
In a previous volume [III., p. 569] I mentioned the difficulty of weighing the
evidence with regard to the massacres asserted to have been committed by the
Indians on the taking of Oswego. Subsequent investigation establishes that they
did take place, and were unrepressed by de Rigaud and a portion of the French
force. With the Canadian troops the proceeding was only in accord with the
policy which had been followed for a century : the destruction of every inhabitant
on disputed territory, or permission granted to the Indians to carry away prisoners
to serve as slaves until redeemed. To the majority of the French officers the
proceeding was in every way repellent. Nevertheless, it was enforced by the
governor-general de Vaudreuil. Before his day it had become a recognized
principle in carrying on war, to use Le Mercier's expression to Eyre, that the
Indians should be "gratified." They formed so important an adjunct to any
French expeditionary force, that it was important to conciliate them to the fullest
extent.
The officer named de la Tour, reported as being murdered in the hospital,
belonged to the artillery, and by a cannon shot had lost his legs [Can. Arch.,
A. & W. I., 83.7, p. 225]. The fact is mentioned in "a statement of six
deserters, etc." ' 21st August, 1756. It is proper to state that on the 3id of
October Loudoun wrote to Henry Fox [lb., pp. 246-273] that he did not give
credence to any massacres at Oswego ; but this opinion he subsequently changed.
One Beuzil, then a prisoner at Quebec, writing to governor Morris of Pennsylvania,
also records the death of ' one lieutenant of the artilerie.' He adds; "The
whole number of the garrison killed very inconsiderable, not exceeding fourteen
Sergeants and Privates. Some were since murdered by the Indians and their own
drunken misconduct."] lb., 83.2, p. 514. Lieut. -colonel Littlehales also wrote to
Loudoun [lb., 83.2, p. 51S] : "After the capitulation, some of them having got
in liquor fell into wrangling with the Indians, and several of them were killed ;
the number was uncertain." These letters were written by prisoners hoping to
be exchanged, and in order to be forwarded had to be read by the French
authorities.
In a letter from Loudoun to Holderness, commenced at sea on the iSth of
August, and finished at New York on the 17th of October, the news having been
brought by a despatch boat of the taking of William Henry, Loudoun speaks of
the massacres by the Indians, as 'The inhuman and villainous breach of the Capit-
ulation." He then'proceeds to speak of the taking of Oswego as being followed
by the murder of several of the soldiers in the fort, aud the whole of the sick in the
hospital. [lb., 85.2, p. 35S.]
The fact is officially substantiated that in the face of a large French force after
the capitutation of Oswego these Indian massacres took place.
20 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [US^
CHAPTER 11.
Lord Loudoun arrived in New York in July, 1756. He
remained in America until March, 1758.* Franklin has
stated in his autobiography -[- that Loudoun was recalled
owing to the fact that Pitt never heard from him and could
not learn what he was doing. Such was by no means the
cause why Loudoun was ordered to return to England : there
has seldom been so voluminous a writer of dispatches or a
more patient and careful correspondent I with a minister.
The fault of Loudoun's character was, that he was deficient
in resources, and that he looked upon as insuperable the
difficulties which could have been overcome by boldness, tact,
and judgment. His letters shew that by nature he was
desponding, and that he was impressed by the gloomy side of
any event, foreboding failure where a more sanguine tempera-
ment would have looked for success. He was without the
* Ante vol. HI., p. 558. He arrived on the 23rd. Webb and Abercrombie
had preceded him on the 7th of June. [Can. Arch., vol. 83.1, p. II, A. & W. I.]
t [Vol. I., p. 219, Ed. 1S44.] "When in England I understood that Mr.
Pitt, afterwards lord Chatham, gave it as one reason for removing the general,
and sending generals Amherst and Wolfe, (/ia( the minister ticver heard of hint,
and could not kiicno 7vhat he 7vas doing^' ( sic). This statement is another proof
of the unreliability of Franklin's narrative. In this case he is doubly incorrect,
for Loudoun was replaced by Abercrombie, and not by Amherst. In his complaint
of his detention at New York when about sailing for England, he also misrepre-
sents the cause when attributing it to Loudoun's irresolution. There was a
general embargo on all vessels [London Magazine, 1757, p. 256] so that intelli-
gence of the proposeil expedition should not be carried to the enemy. No one
could have chafed more from tlie want of news of Ilolbourne's fleet than Loudoun
himself. It was the want of knowledge concerning the naval force, with which he
had to co-operate, which paralyzed him. The fact at the time Franklin, from his
political position, must have known. It is charitable to suppose that Franklin's
memory failed him when writing at the age of eighty-one. The embargo was
removed on the departure of Loudoun.'
X The letters of Loudoun are to be found in volumes Can. Arch., S2-S6,
A. & W. I., seven in number ; some of the years consisting of two parts.
1756] FILIUS GALIC.-E. 21
elastic moral courage which rebounds from " fortune's blows "
with renewed strength, and in no way possessed the states-
manship which discovers the means to an end. Consequently
he failed to form a just opinion of the condition of the British
provinces, and his whole career was one of failure. He was
conscientious in the performance of his duties, was painstaking
and industrious. There is no accusation against him of
corruption. Being surrounded by advisers of the same mental
calibre as himself, the defects of his character had full sway.
An event happened as Loudoun was leaving England which
to this day remains unexplained. It was not publicly made
known, consequently no allusion is found to it, even by modern
writers. At the time it caused serious anxiety in London, and
active efforts were quietly made to discover the writer. Early
in March, 1756, some letters received by vessels which had
sailed from New York, for some cause attracted the attention
of the authorities, and they were opened. They were found to
contain communications addressed to the due de Mirepoix,
signed " Filius Galicce," with a request that the answer was to
be left at a coffee-house in New York, directed to " Mr. Pierre
Fidel until asked for." The writer stated that he was French
by birth, and secretly a Roman catholic ; he offered his ser-
vices to aid in enlisting men to join the French, among the
Germans and the Irish catholics in Pennsylvania. He speaks
of himself as occupying a high position, and makes allusion to
his aide-de-camp, as if a general officer. In the first letters
he affirms that three officers were acting with him, subsequently
that ten had accepted his views. With great professions of
devotion to the interests of the king of France, he asked that
money should be sent him to carry out his plans. A small
sum was by no means embraced, for he undertook to assure to
the French the territor}- west of Virginia and Pennsylvania,
asserting that he was in a position of trust and importance,
and had the power to fulfil his engagements. He wrote* that
* This conespondence is contained in Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., vol. 81,
marked "Secret and Miscellaneous." The letter alluded to is dated the 1st of
March, 1756, and is to be found on pp. 4S-53.
22 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^756
he had levied 10,000 men, nominally for the service of the
British, on whom he could depend ; that at his bidding they
would all take the other side ; he trusted to raise the number
to 15,000. " I am not now," he continues, "under the least
concern in case any of my letters to yr. gr. [your grace] should
be inspected that it could be a prejudice to me, for I am from
my behaviour among ye English here, in that Vogue among
them that I should not in ye Least be suspected ... I
could deny them." He dwelt upon the fact that the Irish
Roman catholics were dissatisfied ; and many of the Germans
of the Roman catholic faith would by preference serve the
king of France ; as for the heretics he lived among, they
minded no other religion than that of getting money, and they
were indifferent as to the government they lived under if they
could retain their property.
What was of importance was the correct and even able
narrative given of public affairs ; it was plain that it could only
have been written by one well informed, and a keen observer.
Some steps taken by Shirley which had not been reported in
England were described ; on inquiry the statement was found
to be correct. Two of the letters were enclosed to a Mr.
Gamble, of Londonderry, by one signing himself "James
Allen," asking that they might be forwarded to France ; an
ordinary reason for writing them being assigned. Gamble's
suspicions must have been awakened for he opened the first
letter, and through his brother in Dublin, sent it to the duke
of Devonshire, then lord-lieutenant, and by the latter it was
submitted to lord Halifax.
Although the writer represented that he was of French
descent, there was no trace of any French idiom in his language,
and from some peculiarity of expression the belief was enter-
tained'that he was an Irishman. Even if the object was alone
to obtain money, and the power of fulfilling his disloyal
promises was limited, the offer of his service as a spy and a
partizan still remained, and the presence of a person possessing
ability exercising this infamous calling, in a position where
information could be obtained and where no suspicion was
1756] GEORGE CROGHAN. 23
felt, was fraught with danger. Inquiry must early have estab-
lished that the account given by the writer of his position and
influence was not only exaggerated but unwarrantable.
There was no such person as he claimed to be. On the other
hand he had misrepresented the sentiments of the population,
which for his own purpose he described as disloyal. As the
letters are read at this date it is not difficult to conclude that
they were written to obtain money for the writer's benefit :
a systematic fraud. At the time this opinion could not be so
easily formed. It was plain that no one could have communi-
cated the information, startling from its correctness, without
holding some prominent office. One curious circumstance is
that no attempt was made to send the letters through Canada.
It suggests that the writer knew no one he could trust, and that
he felt the danger of so acting. His cunning enabled him to
defy detection. In spite of the caution with which the inquiry
was made, no proof was obtained to establish his identity. No
person of the name of "James Allen" was known in
Philadelphia : but strong suspicions were entertained as to the
authorship. Fox wrote to the duke of Devonshire. " One
captain George Croghan, an intriguing, disaffected person and
Indian trader was very much suspected."* Thus the matter
ended. In 1756 Croghan was employed by the province of
Pennsylvania in raising men for the protection of the western
frontier. In July he threw up his commission ; the reason
has been given that he \\as dissatisfied with the treatment he
received. It is not improbable that the suspicions entertained
with regard to him were in some way made apparent. For
several months the intercepted communication caused per-
plexity in London, and to the officers charged in investigating
their character. Loudoun, Webb and sir Charles Hardy
received instructions on the subject ; and however cautiously
their inquiries were made it is probable that they could not
be kept entirely secret. It must, however, have been soon
apparent that no such disaffection existed, as described, and
* Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., Si, p. 54.
24 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/S^
that the writer, except in his individual character, was power-
less for evil.*
Loudoun ef.rly formed the conviction that it was not pos-
sible to resist the sudden inroads into British territory of
Canadian and Indian parties. In his view the true policy was
to assail Quebec with an irresistible force, as its loss would
paralyze the whole province. It was the course recommended
in his despatches, and it obtained support in London. In
consequence the troops were kept in readiness to be moved to
New York for embarkation on the arrival of the fleet. The
garrisons of forts Edward and William Henry were reduced in
strength, and there were no reinforcements in the field avail-
able to sustain them. The fort at lake George was therefore
at the mercy of a powerful expedition from Ticonderoga, and
the extent to which the frontier had been left was only too
well known in MontreaLf
Loudoun had succeeded Shirley in command, and in his
reports to the home government he cast the blame of the bad
condition of the province on his predecessor. Shirley is one
of those characters, concerning which there has been difference
of opinion ; but the fact is incontrovertible that he undertook
executive duties for which he was unfit, and disorder was the
consequence of his leadership. The success of the expedition
against Louisbourg has obtained for him great consideration ;
but in the narrative of that event the prominent part taken
by the British navy is generally put out of view, and success
always covers many faults. Fortunately on that occasion,
* Croghan, on aiiiving from Ireland, settled on the Susquehanna, and eventually
became an Indian trader in the neighlwrhood of the western part of lake Krie. I
have alluded to his presence in the Ohio, at the period of de Celeron's expedition.
[Vol. III., p. 447-] On leaving the service of Pennsylvania he joined sir William
Johnson on the Mohawk, and worked under his orders. Eventually he was
appointed by Johnson deputy agent in charge of the Ohio and Pennsylvania Indians.
Croghan lived until 17S2. In the revolutionary war he seems, in the first instance,
to have adhei ed to the royalist cause ; subsequently he appears as a supporter of
the revolutionary party.
t The P'rench minister as early as the 28th of Fel^ruary notified de Vaudreuil
of the proposed attack against Louisbourg. The letter was acknowledged from
Canada on the 12th of July. N.V. Doc, X., p. 5S4.
1756] WILLIAM SHIRLEY. 25
Shirley had the co-operation of a man of judgment and sense,
admiral Warren. The honours he gained, unhappily for
himself, led him to accept obligations which he imperfectly
comprehended, and therefore inefficiently fulfilled. What
preserves his name in respect, is the enlarged view he took of
the situation in which the provinces were placed, and the states-
manlike measures he proposed. In this respect he rose high
above most of his contemporaries. Had he confined himself
to the enunciation of a policy, and left to others all executive
responsibility, few names would be held in higher estimation.
To Shirley's moral fearlessness was added high physical
courage, and he was ambitious of possessing the reputation of
a military leader. The mishaps of Shirley in this respect are
attributable to his want of knowledge of the art of war ; the
absence of all prevision on his part ; his weakness of combi-
nation ; his neglect of ordinary precaution ; his ignorance in
letting things take their course, when the remedy was simple
and attainable. Although much is disclosed to shew the want
of honesty during Shirley's government, he cannot be accused
of being personally implicated : but from his political position
he was thrown under the influence of men by whom the public
interest was sacrificed. Loudoun's statements on this point are
plain ; but Shirley himself remained poor, and the inference
must be drawn that he recognized these combinations, more
with the view of sustaining his popularity and position than
from greed.
Shirley's first interview with Loudoun is recorded by the
latter with the depression of tone habitual to him. Shirley
told him while handing over " a few papers of very little use,"
that he had communicated everything to general Abercrombie,
and Loudoun had nothing to do " but pull laurels." * There
was not a shilling in the pa\'master's hands, and large sums
were owing. A few da)-s after his arrival, Loudoun reported
that Oswego was defenceless. The men had had no pay for
eight months, and Abercrombie had to pledge his personal
credit to obtain mone\- for supplies. There had been no
♦ Can. Arch., Series A. & \V. I., b3.i, p. II.
26 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [175^
provision for the wants of the service : neither camp equipage
nor magazines, nor waggons to send forward the food. The
vehicles required had to be pressed in the middle of the
harvest. Everything was in confusion. The returns set forth
that there were 6,900 provincial troops in the field ; but the
belief was that their number did not exceed 4,000 fit for duty.
Some of the officers commanding these regiments desired to
undertake expeditions, the magnitude and danger of which
they in no way understood. " I think," added Loudoun,,
"that I shall be able to prevent them doing anything very
rash, without their having it in their power to talk the language
of this country, that they could have taken all Canada if they
had not been prevented by the king's servants.'
The provincial officers entertained the belief that the troops
they commanded had been raised for the specific purpose of
an expedition against Crown Point, and that they could not
be diverted to any other purpose. That French post was as
much a threat to New England as against New York.
Abercrombie early reported to Loudoun that the Massachu-
setts troops had received instructions not to march southwest
of Albany, or west of Schenectady. There had also grown up
a feeling of disinclination to co-operate with the king's troops.
In an interview with Winslow, the latter objected to any
junction : his regiment desired to serve alone ; he, however,
asked to take the opinion of the principal officers. When
Shirley was spoken to on the subject, he had answered that
they would serve under him.f
A council of war had been held at Albany on the i6th of
July. Winslow showed his usual good sense, and expressed
himself personally desirous that the junction should be made,
but he apprehended, if attempted, that there would be almost
universal desertion. His own officers considered that they
were strong enough to reduce Crown Point. They looked for
reinforcements, which would not be sent if they acted with the
• Can. Arch., Series A. .^ W. I.,.S3.I, p. 26.
+ This word is written in Abercrombie's letter to Loudoun [3rd August, 1756.
A. & W. 1., S3. 1, p. 32] in capital letters, (sic) " HIM."
1 756] mercer's letter. 27
King's troops. It was agreed that a meeting of the field
officers should be convened. The debate lasted five days, when
it was determined that if the field officers would lose their
rank no junction should be made.
The same objections were entertained by the Rhode Island
troops. A notice was sent to the colonel that he was to serve
under Winslow ; indeed so strong was the feeling that the junc-
tion was not considered advisable, and the regulars remained
apart at fort Edward, Saratoga and Half Moon.
It is not possible to absolve Shirley from blame for his
neglect of Oswego. It is to him that the responsibility must
be affiliated, that the place w^as so ill supplied with provisions
during winter, that the troops suffered from sickness, and there
was in all quarters great discontent that no pay had been
given them. What was even more a matter of blame, the fort
was defenceless from its imperfect construction, and no efficient
steps had been taken to make it defensible. It was also of
paramount necessity that the British provinces should retain
naval supremacy on lake Ontario, for with this advantage no
landing could have been made by the P>ench. In common
with all that was required, this self-evident duty had been
neglected and one of the vessels had been taken almost in
sight of Oswego.
A letter is extant to Shirley, from Mercer, who was killed at
the siege, written a few days previous to the attack. With
some despondency it sets forth the neglect of every precaution.
Pepperell's regiment had had no pay for eight months. The
price of labour in completing the fortifications had been
injudiciously reduced. The allowance of rum to the soldiers
had been stopped, for there was none to give them. The PVench
had agents constantly tempting the men to desert by promise
of great rewards : he himself was receiving " anonymous
threatenings to desert if regard is not paid to what they (the
troops) call their just complaints." From want of money it was
thought impracticable to carry on the public works longer than
the 17th. There was no authority to draw bills, except by the
verbal orders of Shirley's secretary, Mr. Alexander, and Lewis,
28 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l756
the paymaster, was afraid to act upon such instructions from
the fear of future embarrassments. Eleven men had just
deserted from the 50th and fourteen from the 51st. An Indian
had brought notice that the French were numerous at
Cataraqui, and that they designed an attack at the next new
moon ; moreover, that a French camp had been formed four
days' march to the eastward.*
There could be no doubt in the minds of public men in
provincial life of the value of Oswego, if the future sovereignty
of the southern shores of lake Ontario was to be maintained
as British territory. If held of little account, why place a
garrison there? It was impossible not to have foreseen that
the establishment of this northern port would eventually lead
to hostilities, and that it could only be held by its strength
and the valour of its defenders : nevertheless, the place was
left imperfectly fortified, and during the winter insufficiently
provided, and with a garrison unpaid and discontented.
One of the charges against Shirley is, that a quantity of the
provisions sent to Oswego arrived in a valueless condition,
and that a portion became bad from exposure. The building,
in which the supplies should have been protected, was filled
with goods for trade with the Indians.-f- From want of proper
storage the provisions had been left exposed to the sun and
weather, and hence their deterioration to such an extent, that
a large quantity was left behind by the French, on their
departure, as unfit for use. The goods for the Indian trade,
according to Loudoun, were sent up by Shirley and his friends
at the king's expense. On three occasions fourteen, twelve
and eight bateaux were so employed, with smaller convoys at
other dates.
Whatever Loudoun's faults, he cannot be held responsible
for the loss of Oswego. Shortly after his arrival he gave
Webb the local rank of major general, so that he should be
supreme in his command. The attack on Oswego took
* Mercer to Shirley, Can. Arcli., A. ^: \V. I., S3, i, pp. 101-6, 2iid July, 22nd
July, 1756.
t Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., S3. 1, p. 246.
1756] FORT GRANVILLE. 29
place the eighteenth day after his arrival in New York. He
described the loss of Oswego as " this very fatal event," and
he instructed Webb not to quit his post if it could possibly be
held. In his letters to England he spoke of the disaster as
" a large Pill to swallow."
Accompanying the news of Oswego, came the intelh'gence
that a number of Indians under a French officer had attacked
fort Granville on the Junita in Pennsylvania, constructed at a
point commanding the navigation. A lieutenant and twenty-
four men were in the fort ; the remainder of the garrison had
been ordered out to assist the settlers in getting in their
harvest. The lieutenant and some of the men were killed ;
the rest were carried off prisoners. After demolishing the
fort the assailants set up a French flag, which they left there.
So great was the depression in this. district of Pennsylvania,
that the country was abandoned by the inhabitants who had
settled there, from the feeling that the government was unable
to protect them.
Judging that there was no chance of success, Loudoun
directed Winslow not to advance against Crown Point, and
this exercise of control does not appear to have caused dis-
satisfaction. De Levis records in his journal, how constantly
he sent out parties to occupy the attention of the William
Henry garrison, in order that a large force should be con-
sidered necessary to its defence, and that no reinforcements
should be sent to Oswego. He takes credit for the success of
his efforts, but a knowledge, of the condition of affairs at
Albany, shews that no such design was entertained.
After the news of the fall of Oswego was confirmed
Loudoun addressed a circular to all the provinces as far as
Georgia. He called for their assistance in completing their
quota of men, and asked that instructions should be given to
these levies to act in connection with the king's troops. In
July, New Hampshire had refused this request, or, as it was
euphemistically voted, " this Paragraph to Lye for the present
under consideration." He now told the legislatures " that the
colonies would have the whole Indian power on their back,"
30 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/S^
and he called upon them to put their frontier in safety, and
that all he could undertake was to defend the country. At this
date he looked forward to an invasion of the British territory
by lake Champlain, and his circular was not worded so as to
restore confidence, or awaken courag-e. In his letters to the
home government he dwelt on the difficulties of his position,
and he saw little in the attitude of the provinces which he could
satisfactorily report. It is not improbable, that the expression
of this opinion suggested to Chatham his unfitness for
command. By his own admission he could awaken no
enthusiasm, and could scarcely hope for even decent co-opera-
tion. To use his own words, he experienced not only " a
general backwardness in every colony, but even almost in
every individual on this continent to aid in carrying on the
public service, and every expense raised as high as possible to
the crown." *
It is evident from the frequent mention of the fact, that
food and provisions were exported to the French from the
British provinces. The provincial assemblies were called
upon to forbid this proceeding. Loudoun wrote to England
that he had strong reasons for belief that the trade was car-
ried on. One Wheelwright, of Boston, is named as actively
participating in it, and the Dutch of New York are particu-
larly mentioned as furnishing provisions : as the trade was
profitable many were engaged in it.
It is a strange record to make that the provinces in the
first instance declined to find quarters for the imperial troops,
sent by the mother-country to fight in their defence. Shirley
in his day had found for them the meanest of accommodation.
He placed the troops with double rows of beds in such
buildings as he could obtain ; an arrangement carried out at
the expense of the comfort and health of the soldier. Officers
were allowed what was called " slaaf gelt," a small sum as
lodging money, utterly insufficient to meet the expense.
Loudoun was at this time engaged in recruiting for the four
* Loudoun to Fox, 3rd Oct., 1756. [Can. Arch., Series A .&. \V. I., S3. i,
p. 24]
1756] QUARTERS FOR TROOPS. 3 1
battalions of the "Royal Americans."* He heard that the
intention was to estabh'sh the troops in some block-houses
and temporary barracks, insufficient in themselves, and that
no preparations were to be made for the recruits he was
enlisting. No provision was to be made for the reception
of officers. He strongly protested against these arrangements,
pointing out the difference between peace and war ; he con-
tended that it was incumbent upon the citizens to furnish fit
quarters for the troops. He was the more firm in his demands
as the remaining provinces were waiting to see the result of
the pretensions of New York. Should the province succeed
in avoiding the obligation. Loudoun might expect on all sides
the same refusal to receive the regiments, without some
special payment. Loudoun prevailed, but not without diffi-
culty; the troops were found quarters and the officers decently
provided for.
Loudoun's representations of the policy of attacking Quebec
so far obtained support in London that he was informed that
a force of 8,000 men was to be embarked, with a strong fleet
to co-operate. He was ordered, with the troops he could
dispose of. in the British provinces, to rendezvous at Halifax.
As late as the 25th of April no plan of operations had been
communicated to him. The troops were assembled at New
York for the purpose of being embarked. The arrival at
Louisbourg of a French fleet was known, and it was feared
that, without a convoy sufficiently strong to encounter it, the
transports would run the risk of being attacked by a superior
force. An embargo was placed upon the shipping to prevent '
the intelligence of the sailing of the expedition being carried
to the enemy. It was this order which caused the delay of
which Franklin complains in his autobiography, and which
he misrepresents as being attributable to the irresolution of
Loudoun.
A fleet had been manned in England under admiral
Holbourne, consisting of fifteen ships of the line and some
frigates, with fifty transports containing 6,200 troops, com-
* The present imperial regiment, the 60th, "The King's Royal Rifle Corps."
32 THE HISTORY OF _CANADA. [^7S7
manded by general Hopson, who constituted the land force
taking part in the expedition. Owing to want of proper effort,
and several delays having arisen, the ships did not leave
England until the 5th of May. Sir Charles Hardy was in
command of the vessels at New York, having lately resigned
the o-overnorship of that province to return to his naval duties.
Early in May Loudoun received orders to embark, and to
sail for Halifax, where the object of the expedition would be
made known. There had been many desertions from the ships
of war in order to join privateers, owing to the large amount of
money made by following that career. Several vessels were
therefore wanting in strength. Loudoun caused the town to
be surrounded by his troops, and as the cordon advanced the
deserters were arrested, and placed on shipboard. The fear,
however, remained of sailing with an insufficient convoy.
Loudoun reported the danger of his position at the end of
May,* adding, in his gloomy way : " If they meet us there is
an end of the troops that go from thence." Nothing was to
be heard of Holbourne's ships, and he was paralyzed by their
non-appearance.
After some hesitation Loudoun determined to sail, and
run the risk of the attack "by which he felt that he was
threatened. The troops were embarked on the 5th of
June, and were to be escorted by the few vessels of sir Charles
Hardy. Had the French" but known of the departure of the
transports and their weakness against attack by vessels in
force, they might have annihilated the expedition, or have
made prisoners of the whole. All the precaution that was
possible was taken ; vessels were sent out to cruise to learn if
there was any sign of the French fleet, and on the report 'that
no enemy's flag was visible the vessels sailed on the 20th to
cross to Halifax.
Webb was left in command. On leaving New York
Loudoun had written that he hoped Crown Point and
Ticonderoga might be taken : a view of the situation which
shows how Loudoun failed lo comprehend the extent of the
Loudoun to Pitt, 30th May, 1757. Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 85.2, p. 2S0.
1757] CABBAGE PLANTING EXPEDITIQN. 33
French force which Webb would have had opposed to him,
and how ignorant he was of the consummate abiHty of the
generals at their head. One matter justly caused him vexation :
Loudoun was governor of Virginia, the executive duties of the
office being performed by Dinwiddle, as lieutenant-governor.
The latter, without authority, raised the embargo which had
been enforced along the sea-board, while it was being continued
at New York. The step was mortifying to Loudoun, as it
placed him in a false position, for it appeared as if he was
favouring his own government at the expense of the remaining
provinces. The jealousy of the provincial was always easily
excited, and men were never wanting, who, for purposes of
their own, were ready to appeal to this sensitiveness. It does
not appear that any unpleasant consequences resulted.
Indeed, the events of the succeeding fortnight were all power-
ful to command attention,. for on the 8th of July Montcalm
commenced his advance on fort William Henry.
The French fleet, not knowing the prize which was escaping
them, remained quietly at anchor at Louisbourg, themselves
looking for the attack which spies in London had positively
reported would be made. Loudoun arrived safely in Halifax
on the 30th of June. On the 9th of July Holbourne with his
ships were in front of Halifax, but so thick and continuous was
the fog, that it took five days to enter port, although sir
Charles Hardy sent out thirteen sloops of war with pilots to
assist the incoming ships.
Much historical ridicule has been thrown upon Loudoun
for the " impotent conclusion " of the year's operations.
Writers speak of these operations as the " cabbage-planting
expedition;" but really this lampoon has preserved the
recollection of the prudence and foresight shown by Loudoun.
It must be remembered that he only remained in Halifax
forty-seven days, for he sailed away on the 1 6th of August.
In this time, in order to obtain fresh vegetables for the troops
as a preventive to the scourge of scurvy so often experienced,
and to keep the troops in health, he employed them in plant-
ing pot herbs and cabbages. It was, at least, a healthy
D
34
THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^7S7
employment of the time of the troops, and it was hoped would
be a set-off against the tendency to drinking then so common
with soldiers on service. The men's health, indeed, suffered
from the bad rum they obtained by means of the peddling,
unlicensed rabble which follow every corps d'arim'e, pests
against which it is scarcely possible to guard. Owing to the
sickness \yhich affected the troops from this cause, an order
was given to secure all the liquor in the place, and to lock it up
in the king's stores. This occupation of planting vegetables,
with field days and drilling, occupied the time of the men.
It was during this period that the episode in which lord
Charles Hay figured took place. Hay had seen some service,
and chafing under the inactivity, he made himself promi-
nent by his insubordination, publicly attacking Loudoun's
generalship, stating that the public money was wasted in
cabbage planting and sham fights.* Loudoun, in reporting
the fact, asked that Hay might be instructed to remain at
New York until further orders. On a second occasion he
stated that "he had been forced to rougher measures."
Finally, on Forbes, the adjutant-general, reporting that Hay,
on being refused leave, had stated he would take it, Loudoun
placed him under arrestf
* Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 85.2, Loudoun to Holdeniess, 5th and 6th
August, pp. 341, 343. a"*^ Fforbes, p. 344.
t Lord Charles ILiy was the third son of the marquis of Tweeddale, and was
present with the guards at Fontenoy, in 1745. He is generally accredited as
being the utterer of the speech calling upon the French guards to fire first. When
placed under arrest for his contumacy he was third in command to Loudoun and
Hopson. He was sent to England to be brought before a court-martial. The
court did not assemble until February, 1760, lord Charles died the first of May
following, before the sentence was promulgated. Eoswell quotes Johnson as
saying, " I wrote something for lord Charles, and I thought that he had nothing
to fear from a court-martial. I sufTered a great loss when he died, he was a
mighty pleasing man in conversation, and a reading man. [Croker's Boswell,
in., p. 375.] Croker adds that he consulted the minutes of the court-martial, but
he could find nothing he could attribute to Johnson. Langton gives the more
probable account. Owing to Langton's frequent praise of Johnson, Hay requested
to be introduced to him. They met several times ; on one occasion lord Charles
read the MS. he had prepared, upon which Johnson said, "it was a good soldierly
defence." Johnson, however, pointed out that it was in vain to contend with
1811039
1757] ADMIRAL HOLBOURNE. ' 35
Intelligence had reached Halifax of the presence of a large
force at Louisbourg. In the first instance its strength had
been understated ; but the capture of a vessel disclosed the
fact that fifteen ships of the line and three frigates were in the
harbour, and that 6,ooo troops, 3,000 militia and 1,300 Indians
were present. A council of war was held on the 5th of
August, and it was resolved " to lay aside all thoughts of
attacking Louisbourg." Loudoun accordingly embarked a
portion of his troops for New York on the i6th of August,
leaving the ist battalion Royal Americans, the 27th, 28th, 43rd
and 46th regiments to defend Nova Scotia, the force of which
had previously consisted of three regiments. He proceeded
to New York with the 17th, 22nd, 42nd, 44th, 48th and 55th
regiments, and the 2nd and 4th battalions of the Royal
Americans, with the rangers.
Holbourne sailed the same day as Loudoun, and parted
company with him to arrive off Louisbourg. Learning that
the French fleet had received an accession of strength, he
deemed it unwise to risk a battle, and returned to Halifax.
Having been joined by two ships of the line, one of 70 and
one of 60 guns, on the nth of Septem.ber he again sailed to
Louisbourg, in the hope that the French would come out to
attack him. The challenge was not accepted, the duty of the
French admiral being to protect the fortress. While cruising
in the neighbourhood, about ten leagues to the south of the
fort, the fleet was caught in a hurricane of great violence,
which lasted for several hours. The vessels were carried
towards the coast, and had the wind continued in the same
direction the whole fleet must have been driven on the rocky
shore of Cape Breton. Eleven ships lost their masts ; many
had to throw their cannon overboard. The " Tilbury," with a
crew of 280 men, was wrecked, and many perished. On the
4th of October eight ships, greatly damaged, reached Halifax,
those who were in possession of power ; if they would offer him the ranl< of
lieutenant-general and a government it would ba better to desist from urging his
complaints." [lb., IV., p. 355.] It accordingly may be inferred that Hay himself
had demanded the inquiry.
36 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
while others found refuge at New York. Some ships of war
were left for the protection of Nova Scotia, and the remainder
sailed for England. The French fleet remained at Louis-
bourg until the end of October, when it sailed homeward ;
leaving two ships of the line and one frigate for the defence
of the harbour.
The disastrous close of the expedition from which so much
had been expected caused general dissatisfaction and dis-
appointment. Contemporary writers in the mother country
did not fail to attribute the failure to the dreary government
under which England groaned.* The one theory of the
ministers in power was the advancement of their own political
fortunes, and the assurance of support from the obsequious
followers who unfalteringly sustained them. In a country
possessing free institutions, men obtain the government they
deserve. It is on the constituencies that the choice of their
rulers depends ; it is they who, for good or for evil confer the
executive authority, and it is their prerogative to banish an
incompetent minister into obscurity. If through corruption,
or motives of interest, or indifference, or indolence, they fail
to act wisely in exercising this privilege, they must pay the
penalty of their neglect of public duty, by suffering the
calamities of misrule. The truth nevertheless remains that
when the government falls into bad hands, there always lies
the remedy in the expression of opinion by honest men to
* " In this manner ended the expedition to Louisbourg, more unfortunate to
the nation than the preceding designs on Rochefort ; less disgraceful to the
commanders, but equally the occasion of ridicule and triumph to our enemies ;
indeed, the unhappy consequences of the political disputes at home, the instability
of the administration, and the frequent revolutions in our councils, were strongly
manifested by that languor infused into all our military operations, and general
unsteadiness in our pursuits : faction in the mother-country produced divisions
and misconduct in the colonies ; no ambition to signalize themselves appeared
among the officers, from the uncertainty whether their services were to be
rewarded or condemned ; their attachment to particular persons weakened the
love they ought to have entertained for their country in general, and destroyed
that spirit of enterprise, that firmness and resolution, which constitutes the com-
mander, and without which, the best capacity, joined to the most uncorruptible
integrity, can effect nothing." Smollett, chap. XXVII., 20.
1/57] REPORT OF CAPTURE. 37
confer power on those from whom a faithful execution of the
public trust may be anticipated.
It was on his way to New York, on the i8th of August, by
a despatch boat, that Loudoun heard of the capture of fort
William Henry, accompanied by a demand that he should
take steps for the protection of Albany.
38 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^757
CHAPTER III.
On the evening of the 5th of January, 1757, an event took
place at Versailles which indirectly influenced the war in
Canada, for it led to the removal of de Machault, the minister
of marine, and of d'Argenson, secretary of state for war : the
ministers hitherto charged with conducting the operations of
the campaign. Their replacement at this time by inferior
men injuriously interfered with the despatch to Canada of the
reinforcements and the material of war so urgently required.
De Machault had originally owed his favour to the influence
of Madame de Pompadour. The Jesuit party were now again
supreme, including as supporters the new archbishop of Paris
de Beaumont, and bishop Boyer, whose duties included the
recommendation to benefices ; an office giving him great
power. Both were strong supporters of the doctrines laid
down by the bull Unigcnitiis, and were firm advocates of the
supremacy of the church above the state. This party had
obtained thorough control of the mind of the dauphin :* they
looked upon his future accession as a certain assurance of its
unlimited ascendancy. Regarding ]\Iadame de Pompadour as
unfriendly to them, the higher clergy had attacked her by
refusing the sacraments equally to herself and the king.
The crisis was one of threatened national bankruptcy ; it
was in this emergency they determined to affirm the power of
the church that as a divine institution it should be freed from
the general taxation. De IMachault, as minister of finance,
* Owing to the jealousy of the king, the dauphin was denied all participation
in state affairs ; his naturally melancholy mind, unappealed to by duty and
occupation, found resource in the acceptance of the extreme ultramontane doctrines.
He is reported to have said, " Si je suis appele au trune, et que I'eglise me com-
mande d'en descendre j'en descendrai." He died the 20th nf Decemi)er, 1765.
Three of his sons sat upon the throne of France, tlie unfortunate Louis X\'I., the
second son, Louis XVIH., and Charles X.
1757] CLERICAL CLAIM TO EXEMPTIONS. 39
opposed all such exemption, he was unfriendly to the political
pretensions of the clergy. D'Argenson, on the other hand,
was an antagonist of the self-assertion of parliaments, and in
the disputes with the clergy he took the ecclesiastical side.
De Machault had shewn considerable ability in finding funds
to carry on the war ; after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle he saw
plainly that the condition of France would not admit any
reduction of her marine, and that a large expenditure was in-
dispensable for the repayment of the debt and the equipment
of the navy. Accordingly, he undertook the task of reforming
the system of taxation, by which the debt could be gradually
extinguished and provision made for the national necessities.
In 1749, he proposed the continuance of the dixibne, which had
been established in 1741, with the understanding that it was
to be suppressed at the peace. He desired to retain the tax
in the modified form of the twentieth part of all revenues,
without power of immunity by gifts or redemption, extending
over the whole population, including the incomes of the clergy.
An outcry was at once raised against the so-called sacrilege ;
the clergy determined to resist the tax, on the ground that it
was their duty to obey God rather than man, and as a corol-
lary avoid all obligation to the state.
A revival of the assertion of the power oi the church
followed : one form it took was the rigid enforcement of the
edict of Nantes, so that every, opposing influence should be
strangled in its cradle. The direct consequence was the
persecution of the Protestants. The old infamous t\Tanny
was renewed wherever the provincial governors could be led
to take part in it. Children christened out of the church
were taken from their parents ; Protestants assembled for
worship were shot down or taken prisoners. In 1752,
Benezet, a Pi'otestant minister, was hanged at Montpellier for
performing the ceremonies of his church. In 1754, Lafage, a
preacher, was seized in Lower Languedoc, and in twent>'-four
hours hanged by authority of the intendant. The bishops
were called upon to instruct their clergy to refuse the
sacraments of the church to all who could not produce billets
40 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
de confession* In modern times we cannot appreciate the
consequence of this assumption of power. In our generation
a airi xn any civilized country refusing to perform the burial
service over a corpse, it would be carried to the first protestant
burial ground and be decently interred. At that date the
denial of the customary ceremony at the grave, was in itself
typical of disgrace,, and shocked every social and religious
feeling. The proceeding gave immense power to the priest-
hood, for ecclesiastics of moderate views were forced by their
superiors to act with severity. The more capable of the laity
indignantly condemned the arrogance of the clergy, whether
the dictate of a calculated prudence or springing from belief
in the policy of persecution, and eventually France became
awakened to its mischief: public feeling became so strong
that restraint was placed upon it. In 1755 Boyer died, de
Beaumont was exiled from Paris, and Pope Benoit XIV.
intervened to obtain peace. A compromise was made : the
billets- de coyifession were withdrawn, and the right of taxation
of the clergy was waved.-}- De Machault, however, was not
sacrificed, but he was removed from the finance to the marine,
in which office he shewed great ability and energy, his efforts
being successfully given to the creation of the French navy.
As the continental complications attained force the French
ministry became divided into two parties : one desirous
of forming a confederacy with Prussia, Sweden and Poland,
thus forming a . powerful coalition against any union
* A certificate that confession has been made.
+ Numerous pamphlets appeared on both sides of the controversy, in which the
privileges and morals of the upper clergy were vigorously attacked. Voltaire
published anonymously " Voix die sn^c et du paipleP He contended that there
were not two powers in the state ; that the prince was absolute master of all regula-
tions affecting ecclesiastics in relation to public order. lie advised the king to give
back to the "laws of nature the imprudent men and the imprudent women who
have made vows hurtful to society nt an age when it is not permitted of any one to
dispose of property," and boasted of the services of philosophy in destroying
superstition, always the enemy of princes. [Henry Martin, XV., p. 410.] Q\\
one occasion complaint w.is made against a book, and its suppression obtained.
In the published notice of its condemnation the book was described as making the
clergy appear as the body the least useful to society.
1757] DAMIENS. 41
between Russia and Austria. Such had been the 'ancient
policy of Richelieu, which constantly had opposed all increase
of the power of Austria. In opposition to these views there
were those who favoured an abandonment of the ancient
alliances in order to accept the offer of Maria Theresa and to
follow a policy in common with the empress. The latter had
really in view the partition of Prussia ; the inducement offered
to France to co-operate, being a cession of a portion of
Flanders, to widen the French eastern frontier, while Maria
Theresa would herself regain Silesia.
It was impossible not to foresee that the latter alliance
would lead to war on the European continent, which would
■embrace a wide area: while with Prussia on the side of France
the hostilities could be kept within narrow limits, and the efforts
of France could then be directed principally against the naval
supremacy of England. De Machault and d'Argenson were
alike in favour of the former. I must content myself in
stating that .the conclusion of these negotiations was the
acceptance of the offer of Maria Theresa, based on the policy
of threatening the Hanoverian dominions of George II., and
by awakening his fears of losing his electorate, deter him from
active opposition to the designs of France.
It was in the ferment of this dispute between the state and
the church that Damiens' attempt took place. The night was
dark ; imperfectly lighted by a few lanterns, the king was
about entering a carriage to proceed with the dauphin to the
Trianon. As he approached the doorstep he felt a blow in
the breast, and on raising his hand to the place found it cov-
ered with blood. Owing to Damiens being the only person
having his head covered, he was recognized as the assailant.
He was seized and searched. All that was found on him was
a prayer-book, thirty pieces of gold, and a two-bladed knife:
it was with the small blade that the wound had been inflicted.*
* It will ever remain a problem difficult to determine under what influence
Damiens acted. Writers of authority have described him as a man of weak
intellect carried away by monomania. His own explanation was that he only
<lesired to give a warning to the king, and lead him to punish the archbishop, the
42 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
The injury was slight : Voltaire called it a ''pique iVcpiiigky
The king, however, caused himself to be carried to bed, as if
dying ; it was subsequently explained that he believed the
knife was poisoned. He caused absolution to be given to him
five or six times ; summoned the dauphin, directed him to
preside at the councils, and acted as if he had but a few hours
to live. As always happens in such cases, the favourite was
deserted, while the whole court crowded round the supposed
newly-ascended king. The clergy saw their opportunity, and
cause of all the trouble. Other writers trace the attempt to the inspiration of the
Jesuits. In 1761 Mr. Hans Stanley was sent to France to carry on negotiations
for peace. When there he wrote confidential letters as to the condition of the
country. On the 9th of June, 1761, he wrote to Pitt: "Since the nffair of
Damiens the king has never been easy in his mind. If, when he is hunting, or on
any occasion he meets a person whom he is not used to see, he starts and is
extremely agitated. The Jesuits are charged by the vulgar as promoters of that
attempt. The Dauphin is esteemed much attached to that society, which does not
make him beloved, as they are generally hated." [Lord Mahon's History of
England, vol. IV., p. 221.]
Damiens was twenty-two years of age, the son of a farmer in the north of
France, near Arras. He had received but little education owing to his father
having been unfortunate. He commenced life at the jesuit college at Arras as
cook ; he left that position to take a situation as a servant, and he is accused of
having been guilty of theft. He again obtained a situation as cook in the Jesuit
college at Paris. A few weeks before the attempt he had again obtained a place
as servant.
Damiens was subjected to cruel torture to obtain a confession from him. An
instrument which had been invented by the pontifical inquisitors at Avignon was-
specially obtained to increase his sufferings. Damiens went through this horrible
ordeal with great fortitude. To the last he denied that he had any accomplices
of any kind. He admitted, however, that he had confessed his intention eight
days previously to a Jesuit father, and had received absolution.
At his trial, presided over by Maupeou, it was laid down that it was not
necessary to enter into minor details. Damiens was simply found guilty. He
suffered death on the 2Sth of March on the Place de Greve, under conditions of
infamous and revolting cruelty. What was additionally disgraceful, women of the
haute noblesse and the wealthy bourgeoisie at great cost hired the windows from
which they could look on the butchery. Damiens, stripped naked, was bountl
with iron chains to a stake ; his right hand, bound in sulphur, was held over a fire
until it was consumed to charcoal ; pieces from his body were pulled forth with
red-hot tongs, and boiling oil and melted pitch and lead poured into his wounds.
Finally four horses were yoked to his arms and legs, and he was torn asunder :
horrible sulVering which he endured for three hours.
1757] machault's dismissal. 45
obtained an order that Madame de Pompadour should be
exiled from the court. It was conveyed to her by de
Machault. Madame de Pompadour contrived to delay her
departure. After some days passed in bed, the king rose, and,
as was his custom, found his way to the house of his mistress.
She saw herself re-established in power; favour she had never
lost* One of her first efforts was to obtain the dismissal of
de Machault, who, she felt, had abandoned her in the hour of
peril. D'Argenson fell into disgrace, owing to a letter being
intercepted, in which he had made disrespectful allusions to
the king, and he had been prominent in his homage to the
dauphin. Advances of friendship were made to him on the
part of Madame de Pompadour ; they were repelled by him.
On the 2nd of February, 1757, he was exiled and replaced by
his nephew, the marquis de Paulmy. The removal of these
ministers at this particular period exercised an unfortunate
influence on the conduct of the war in America. Their
successors were without ability, and have long been forgotten.
The news of the change reached Canada in June, when de
Levis at once wrote to the new minister, M. de Paulmy, con-
gratulating him on his appointment.f
The proposed attack of fort William Henry was now
resolved upon : the hinderance had hitherto been the want of
provisions. The supplies sent from France for the colony
had failed to furnish what was required ; for even with
this assistance there were scarcely provisions for two months.
The imperfectly defended frontier of New York was known to
the French. The preparations for the expedition by Loudoun
could not be concealed, and on the arrival of the ships in spring,
at Quebec, its destination against Louisbourg became known
from the information obtained by spies in London.
* Mde. de Pompadour died I5lh of April, 1764 : her relations with the king
had lasted nineteen years. Her death in no way affected his callous nature.
t De Levis' last letter to d'Argenson was dated the 15th of April : his first
letter to de Paulmy the 20th of June. The latter was the nephew of d'Argenson,
to whom de Levis e.xpressetl his regret at the exile of his uncle. "Je ne peux
qu'etre tres fache de sa disgrace." At the same time he enclosed a letter for
d'Argenson. [Lettres du Chevalier de Levis, p. 112.]
44 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^7S7
The British commander could in no way have foreseen the
consequences of the withdrawal of the regular troops from the
upper Hudson, leaving behind as the only force the garrisons
of forts Edward and William Henry, with the few troops to
maintain communication with Albany. There' were about
2,600 men at fort Edward, mostly provincials, called out for
service, without discipline, including 200 of the Royal
Americans, lately enlisted recruits. William Henry was
garrisoned by six companies of the 35th, under lieut.-coloncl
Monroe. The preparations which were being made by the
French did not augur quiet times for the British garrisons.
Early in July intelligence had been brought that troops were
being massed at Ticonderoga. It was indeed impossible to
conceal the movements on either side, the operations were
carried on in so narrow a limit, that the scouts could scarcely err
in obtaining tidings of what was doing. The advanced French
lines of Ticonderoga were only thirty miles distant by the lake
from the British fort. The lake was enclosed by a high range
of mountains on both sides to make attack impracticable by
any route but by water. The French, however, were con-
stantly sending parties up the narrow part of lake Champlain,
called by them the river Chicot, to threaten fort Edward.
They landed at the head of the small bay, and made their way
across to the road between the two forts ; there being but
twenty-four miles or so from their canoes to the Hudson. The
fact is important in judging the subsequent conduct of Webb.
Webb appears to have fully understood the difficulties of
his position. The French were always able in a few hours to
become masters of lake George, by means of the short portage
from lake Champlain, although a work of labour from its
height. There had been little attempt to replace the British
vessels destroyed by de Rigaud in March, although some (ew
barges had been constructed. One of the first conditions of
the defence of the fort was that an attack by water could be
resisted. But the whole strength of the country had been
diverted to the naval expedition proceeding to Halifax.
There was every facility to complete a flotilla on lake George.
1757] COLONEL MESERVE. 45
Loudoun mentions colonel Meserve, of the New Hampshire
troops, a ship-builder of great ability and energy,* who could,
if properly sustained, have furnished vessels in sufficient force
even to have been aggressive. But the opportunity was neg-
lected amid the preparations for what was considered the more
important enterprise.
As it was evident some movement was designed by the
French, Webb proceeded to fort William Henry to examine
into its defences. The troops which the fort could not accom-
modate had been established on the north-western side, in an
imperfectly protected camp, as the situation was considered
too exposed, they were removed to a rocky eminence on the
southeastern side, and the place was well intrenched. Colonel
Young was sent with a reinforcement of 200 of the Royal
Americans and 800 provincials, with two brass 12 prs. and two
6-prs. The detachment of artillery was under the command
of captain McCloud. The reinforcement left Webb with 1,600
provincial troops to defend fort Edward and the entire frontier.f
* Loudoun speaks highly of Meserve. [Can. Arch., Series A. &; \V. L, 85.1,
pp. 7-8.] "The most useful person I have found among the provincials is a
colonel Meserve, who commands the regiment from New Hampshire. He is a
shipbuilder and is an active, sensible man, that has no scruples, but is ready to do
whatever you desire of him. He has built us a bridge from fort Edward to the
island ; he has built us large flat bottom'd boats for passing rivers, and carrying
great loads ; he has greatly assisted in carrying on the fortifications ; and now at
last has got his people to engage by the piece, to finish some of the barracks and
to raise one whole face of the fort five feet much cheaper than we could have
done it. And by him I have got a large quantity of timber cut to be floated
down here, for making carriages for the cannon, which almost all I have seen in
this country, stand much in need of; and there is very little to be got and that
very dear ; by this means I shall have a very large stock provided at no other
expense but the cutting and floating down, and in a little time have seasoned
wood, which is a thing not to be found in this country at present. As he has
received nothing for his labours and pains (for the colonel does not scruple to
work with an axe, when he sees other people do not do it to his liking) I propose
to make him a present of a piece of plate of the value of twenty-five or thirty
pounds, which will make him happy, and, I hope, raise an emulation among the
others. This is the only gratuity I have proposed to give."
Meserve rendered equally good service at Louisbourg : during the siege he
unhappily fell a victim to the small-pox.
t Webb to Loudoun, Fort Edward, 5th of August, 1 757, [Can. Arch.,
Series A. & W. L, S5.2, p. 389.]
46 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [WS7
In addition to the weakness of the force opposed to the
French, their own narrow stock of provisions enforced upon
them the necessity of at once taking the field. De Rigaud's
■expedition in March had consumed a great quantity of the
suppHes collected in early winter. What additional food
•could be purchased from the Jiabitants had been obtained ;
but even with what had been received from France the total
quantity would barely furnish subsistence to the troops to the
end of August ; * thus no time could be lost if the campaign
was to be undertaken.
The relations between Montcalm and de Vaudreuil were
greatly strained. In a letter to the minister of marinef
Montcalm described de Vaudreuil as one who had no character
of his own, and was surrounded by men who praised Montcalm
to him in order to excite his jealousy and foster Canadian
prejudice. There had been some feeling, owing to a serious
illness of the governor-general during the winter, when his
■death appeared probable, and it had been a matter of doubt
whether Montcalm or de Rigaud would be called upon to
assume the government. Bigot desired that Montcalm should
•obtain precedence.
Independently of his lower rank M. de Rigaud, from his
"incapacity" commanded little public respect. Montcalm
■described him as " this short sighted man, always led by the
first comer, and as one who would have embarrassed matters."
From the absence of any defined regulation Montcalm asked
that a sealed letter should be sent to Canada, so that in the
event of the governor's death he would assume authority.
Even when engaged in organizing the expedition against
William Henry, Montcalm asked for his recall at the earliest
possible moment. He was wasting his health, he wrote, to no
purpose, where he could not act in the King's service as he
■desired, and where the governor was occupied in depreciating
* N.Y. Doc, X., p. 631.
t inh July, 1757. N.V. Doc, X., p. 576.
1757] MONTCALM. 47
the service performed by him and the land troops * at the same
time making them responsible for any failure that might
happen.f
* De Vaudreuil belonged to the marine force ; [Vide Ante. III., 552-3.] there
was occasionally jealousy between these two branches of the service.
+ The heavy expenses to which Montcalm was subjected as general in com-
mand, with the inadequacy of the allowance to meet them, were a source of such
dissatisfaction that he wrote complaints on the subject to France. It will be seen
when the career of Wolfe has to be narrated, that although the general in com-
mand of the expedition at Quebec, he received no allowances commensurate with
his obligations : another of the strange coincidences in the career of the two
men. We cannot read without pain the representations made by Montcalm of
the necessity to which he was subjected of expending his private fortune, to meet
his official expenses. It will be my duty to shew how the unworthy treatment of
Wolfe was continued after his death. There is no ground to suppose that the
children of Montcalm received greater consideration. Whatever may be dreaded
by those who oppose the extension of liberal institutions, it is certain that no such
meanness and wrong can be anticipated : it may be looked for that any indis-
cretion would lie on the side of excessive liberality. Montcalm thus explains his
position as commander of the forces : *' My pay is only twenty-five thousand livres.
I have none of the perquisites of the governors or intendants of Canada ; I must
support a staff ; I do nothing beyond, neither do I anything beneath, my station.
I am obliged to give myself importance, single handed ; no person seeks to
give me any here. They would fain try to deprive me of it, but they will not
succeed. M. de Machault admitted that I was not adequately paid ; he promised
to make it up to' me and to attend to it. I did not come here to carry home
money, but should be sorry to make a hole here in the little patrimony of six
children.
I have, nevertheless, expended ten thousand francs beyond my allowance, and
shall continue, since the expense I incur is necessary. I flatter myself you will
assist me to pay my debts." [As translated, N.Y. Doc, X., p. 578.]
48 THE HISTORV OF CANADA. [l757
CHAPTER IV.
On the arrival of supplies by the ships from France de
Bourlamaque was despatched to Carillon with the regiments,
Royal-Rousillon and Beam, to commence the work necessary
to complete the portage. On the 3rd of July de Levis left
Montreal for St. John's, on the Richelieu, where the troops
were assembled. On the 7th he arrived at Carillon, with four
battalions, and took command of the frontier. The troops
were encamped near the falls; de Bourlamaque remained at the
fort to perfect the arrangement for the passage of the artillery
and ammunition. De Levis' first duty was to complete the
road from lake Champlain over the portage so that the boats
and artillery could be moved up from lake Champlain to lake
George. The road was rapidly completed. The boats which
contained the troops, as they arrived, were carried across by
night ; the day time was given to the passage of the artillery
and stores, so no time should be lost.*
Detachments were sent up the lake to examine the northern
side f to observe the character of the ground, whether feasible
for an advance by land. One of these parties, under de Langy,
consisting of 100 Canadians with some Indians, came upon
a small party of scouts from the British fort, of which eighteen
were killed and eight taken prisoners ; four only escaped.
On the 1 2th of July Marin arrived with 400 Indians, gath-
ered from the tribes west of Detroit ; they were to play a
prominent part after the capitulation, and it was their excesses
• On the 19th of July de Levis wrote to de Vaudreuil : " .Sans une pluie de
trois jours qui a arrete notre portage, il [Montcalm] I'aurait trouve presque fini.
Nous avons cent cinquante bateaux et quinze pieces de canon passes au lac Saint-
Sacrement." (Lettresde de Levis, p. 125.) At that date de Levis had only been
twelve days at the camp.
+ " Suivant la cote du nord." The proper description would be the western
side.
1757] MARIN. 49
and cruelty which were the cause of the one stain on Mont-
calm's good fame. They were men who knew civilization
only by their antagonism to it, and by no means could safely
be kept in idleness about encampments. On the third day
after their arrival Marin started with 300 Indians and 150
Canadians to ascend the narrows of lake Champlain, the river
Chicot ; the design was to harass parties from fort Edward.
There was a double object in these expeditions : that of con-
cealing the design against fort William Henry and assuming
a threatening attitude against fort Edward. Marin reported
that he had arrived close to the fort, where he met a detach-
ment of one hundred men, which he defeated and put to flight,
killing several and bringing away four prisoners. He returned
to his canoes unmolested.
On the 1 8th Montcalm arrived at Ticonderoga with de
Rigaud : he found that \.\\(t portage of the guns and boats was
nearly complete. There remained only some stores and
ammunition to pass to lake George. Parties were continually
sent out to harass the British garrisons, to create uncertainty
which of the two would be the first attacked. Webb, fully
sensible of his difficult position, applied to the governors of
the different provinces for reinforcements. There was not time
to obtain them before the attack would be made, and could
they have been sent, the raw troops, placed in the field with-
out discipline, would have been of little value in the crisis.
On the 23rd of the month a party penetrated as far as fort
Edward. On this occasion they met a strong force which was
scouting. Webb, in his account to Loudoun, states that the
covering party when attacked, as usual, gave way. They lost
fourteen men and six or seven wounded, provincial troops ;
among the killed were a sergeant and a corporal of the 35th.
The dead were scalped.* On the British side a party of scouts
and Indians surprised a patrol of fifteen grenadiers near the
falls, of whom two were killed, two were wounded, the rest fled.
The noise of the firing attracted the attention of de Levis,
* Webb to Loudoun, fort Edward, 1st August, 1757, Can. Arch., Series
A. & W. I., vol. 85.2, p. 38 1.
50 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/S/
who started parties in pursuit, but the assailants made f^ood
their retreat. De Rigaud, who was in command at the head
of the portage, with several Indians, sent out two strong
parties : one under de Villiers on the path leading to the
Mohawk country, with orders to place himself in ambush : the
second under de Corbierc, of the colonial force, who followed
the west side of lake George. His instructions were to conceal
himself, and, if possible, cut oft the retreat of any parties
descending the lake.
As night came on the scouts reported that there were several
boats on the water. De Corbiere immediately despatched
some of the swiftest of the Indians to de Rigaud, at the portage
camp, for assistance. From four- to five hundred Indians
immediately answered the appeal. The canoes were drawn up
and concealed, and the men remained in the bush so that the
British boats should be allowed to pass and then be taken in
reverse.
The party which was thus falling into almost certain
destruction was a force of 300 men, principally of the New
Hampshire and New Jersey regiments, which, on the evening
of the 23rd, had left fort Edward in twenty-seven whale
boats. . Webb, in relating the misadventure, gives this date,
and speaks of the impossibility of understanding on what
principle the expedition was undertaken. De Levis explains
that it was with the intention of seizing prisoners, in order to
learn the movements of the French. On the afternoon of the
25th they proceeded some distance up the lake, where they
established themselves for the night. It was at this time they
were seen by de Corbiere's scouts. At daybreak, without send-
ing out parties to feel their way, the boats again started.
The orders given by de Corbiere were to allow them to pass
Sabbath day point,* about twenty-six miles from the fort by
water, where the French Indians lay in ambush. The
impatience of the Indians precipitated the attack ; they issued
* Some writers state that this term took its rise at the time of Amherst, who
refreshed his troops there. It is used by Webb two years previously. [Can.
Arch., Series A. & W. I., 85.2, p. 3S1.]
1757] PARKER'S DEFEAT. 51
from their concealment before the boats had passed, advancing
rapidly from the shore in their canoes upon the unfortunate
detachment.* The British force, moving forward without
order, taken by surprise, outnumbered more than two to one,
confused by the Indian war-whoop and cries, thus suddenly
attacked by an army of canoes, made but little resistance.
The Indians attempted to board and capsize the boats. The
only effort on the part of the British force was to escape. Of
the three hundred men, colonel Parker, with four whale boats
only, containing fifty men, re-ascended the lake. About fifty
escaped by land, and regained the fort : -f- two hundred
men were killed, drowned or taken prisoners. Montcalm
reported that he had i6o prisoners, five of whom were officers. ;J:
Added to the hundred which found their way back to the
fort, forty only could have been killed or drowned, a loss
severe in itself, being that of every eighth man. De Levis
informs us that these Indians were composed of twenty-two
different nations from the most distant countries, accustomed
to carry on war with the greatest cruelty, and in spite of
every effort of the generals, it was not possible to prevent the
perpetration of much brutality during the campaign.
On the 28th of July, the preparations being complete, an
Indian council was held, in order that the consent of the chiefs
could be obtained to the day appointed for the march of the
troops. There was a deficiency of boats ; it had accordingly
been resolved that a detachment should advance along the
western side of the lake, and cover the landing when it took
place. This force was placed under the command of de Levis,
with de Senerzergue as his lieutenant ; the latter commanding
* De Levis' Journal des Campagnes, p. 86.
+ At least such 'is the meaning; I attach to Webb's words in his report to
Loudoun [Can. Arch., Series A. & W. L, 85. 2, p. 382] : " Fifty others escaped,
getting; to land." The fact is likewise corroborated by de Levis.
J N. Y. Documents, X., p. 591. He estimated that 160 had been killed or
drowned. Of the number of his prisoners there could be no mistake. De Levis
relates [Journal, p. 87] that among the prisoners was a New England colonel.
In spite of every attempt to obtain his ransom, the Indians carried him away as a
slave.
52 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
the regiment de la Sarre. The column consisted of 570 land
troops, 100 troops of the marine, 1,200 militia, 300 volunteers
and 800 Indians, amounting to 2,970 men. On the evening of
the 29th de Levis proceeded, without tents, kettles or equipage,
to camp Brule, half a league from the portage, where he
bivouacked. On the following day the column started, the
Indians and volunteers forming the advance guard. The
march over the greater part of the ground was one of severity,
on account of the roughness of the country, the heights to be
overcome, and the quantity of fallen timber lying in all
directions.
On the 31st, Montcalm, with the force to be embarked,
moved up to the camp Brule ; the troops awaited, with
impatience, the order to start. There was neither wine nor
emi de vie in the camp, and they felt all the weariness of
indolence, against which they had no resource. The Indians,
who nominally were Roman catholic, occupied the time in
confession. The three priests could scarcely satisfy the
ardour of the penitents. The Indians of the upper country
were led by different impulses, as Christianity, in any form,
was to them unknown. They looked upon any delay as a
disastrous augury, threatening misfortune. They accordingly
performed a sacrifice to their manitou, and left hanging up to
him a full equipment, as Indian worship suggests, to propitiate
the ill-favour which they dreaded.*
The embarkation took place at two o'clock in the after-
noon of the ist of August, in 250 boats. The western shore
was followed. On reaching Ile-a-la Barque, the Indians
formed the advance guard in 150 canoes, and continued to
ascend the lake to the bay of Ganaouske, about eight rhiles
from the fort.
On the evening of the ist, de Levis arrived at this bay, the
point of meeting agreed upon. At ten at night he gave the
signal of his presence by lighting three separate fires. From
the spot where he was encamped he could observe the whole
lake. The advance guard arrived at half-past twelve.
• De BouRainville au ministrede la guerre, iQlh Avril, 1757. [Dessieux, p. 296.]
1757] COMMENCEMENT OF SIEGE. 53
Montcalm landed at three o'clock. The remainder of the
force rapidly followed.
Owing to de Levis having sent out parties to discover a
spot offering conveniences for landing, and the necessity of
obtaining rations, he did not start on the following morning
until eleven. The country was flat and intersected with
several small morasses ; at five o'clock he was within two
miles of the fort, and he there encamped. He describes
himself as plainly in view of the garrison. Montcalm arrived
during the evening, and at eleven at night gave orders for the
landing to be made. About midnight the scouts became
aware of the approach of two barges of the enemy, sent to
obtain information. On approaching the shore they saw the
danger into which they had fallen, and endeavoured to
retreat ; one did escape. A crowd of Indians in their canoes
darted out to intercept them, and opened fire. The fire was
returned, when a Nipissing chief was killed and two of the
crew wounded. The second barge was taken, and from the
crew, which were made prisoners, Montcalm learned that his
projected .attack was known ; he therefore determined to
hasten his operations.
The provincial troops had hitherto occupied a position west
of the fort ; on the arrival of the French they took possession
of the intrenchment which had been commenced as Webb had
directed. De Levis, with his force, passed round the fort and
established himself south of it, near the road to fort Edward,
to prevent reinforcements arriving. De la Corne, with some
Indians, occupied the road itself In their march the Indians
found one hundred and fifty oxen, which, as de Levis relates,
were of great use, for the P'rench obtained fresh meat while the
siege lasted. As the advance guard of de Levis was on the
march they came upon a detachment sent out to bring in the
cattle, which were at pasture. Opposed to so large a force the
British could only retreat. The fact shows that the defenders
of the fort were taken by surprise, and that they entirely
failed to conceive their true situation.
On taking up this position de Levis was joined by Montcalm,
54 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
and together they examined the fort and entrenchments.
They formed the opinion that the place could not be stormed,
but must be besieged in ordinary form, and the troops received
orders to commence the work of the approaches.
At four o'clock on the 3rd, Montcalm sent a summons to
surrender. The text of the letter has been preserved,* and the
purport is corroborated both by de Levis and de Bougainville.-h
Montcalm stated that he had a strong force with artillery, " and
all the Savages from the higher parts of the country, the cruelty
of which a detachment of your garrison have lately too much
experienced. . . I have it yet in my power to restrain the
Savages and oblige them to observe a capitulation as hitherto
none of them are killed, which will not be in my power in other
circumstances." He pointed out that the defence could only
delay the surrender for a few days, and that no succour could
be given.
With this statement of Montcalm before us, it is impossible
to absolve him from responsibility in the Indian massacres
and brutality which succeeded the capitulation. If he could
force the Indians to observe the conditions of a capitulation
under one character of circumstances, he could have done so
under all circumstances. He was perfectly familiar with the
promises made to the Indians in order to lead them to take
the field. He knew that they were enticed by the hope of
plunder and slaughter to take part in the expedition. He
had been reproached by de Vaudreuil for the restraint which
he had exercised over them at Oswego,^ and he had been
made to understand, if the Indians were to remain faithful to
the cause, they were to have their promised reward. It cannot
be pretended that Montcalm could have been taken by sur-
prise at the attitude of his Indian allies on the morning of the
lOth of August. Before he fired a shot he knew the elements
of which his force was composed, and, in event of his success,
the consequences against which he had to guard. It will be
* Que. Doc, IV., p. 123.
t Journal de de Lc-vis, p. 98. Dessieux, p, 299.
X Ante vol. III., p. 570.
1757] FORT WILLIAM HENRY. 55
seen what precautions were taken by the victors, when the
hour arrived for them to observe the terms of the capitulation
they had granted. The neglect of their obligations to exer-
cise restraint over the Indians can only be remembered to the
discredit of Montcalm and the entire force he commanded.
This want of good faith was bitterly felt throughout the
British provinces : when the hour came for the surrender of
Montreal, the memory of it was sternly acted upon.
Monroe answered to the demand for surrender like a
gallant soldier, that it was his duty to defend his post, and
that he would do so while he had life. On the morning of
the 3rd he had sent a messenger to Webb, to say that the
enemy was in sight ; at nine he asked to be reinforced ; at
six in the evening he reported that he had been summoned to
capitulate, and Montcalm was present with a numerous army
and a superior artillery ; that his own men were in good
spirits.* On the 4th of August, at six o'clock, he wrote that
he was harassed by Indians, that the regulars w^ere construct-
ing batteries, and " that the enemy is between you and us."
In a sortie a prisoner had been made, Jaques Vaudrie de la
Chesnay : froih him he had learned that the enemy had 36
cannon and 4 mortars.
William Henry was a square fort with four bastions. It was
not far from the water's edge, and occupied the ground in
modern times laid out as a garden to the large hotel now
erected there ; the west side being about 250 yards from the
left shore of the lake. It was surrounded by a ditch in the
centre of which was a line of pallisades. The sides consisted
of framed timber filled with gravel and stone, in the present
day known as crib work. It was massively constructed, being
thirty feet in thickness, but it did not possess the strength to
resist heavy artillery in a regular siege. The troops which
could not be included in the fort were entrenched on a rocky
eminence to the east,i- and there was a daily relief of the
* Can. Arch., Series A. l\; W. I., 85.2, p. 393.
t These intrenchmeiits yet remain, to some extent, and are preserved to satisfy
the curiosity of tiie tourist. It was from this spot the garrison started on the loth
to proceed to fort Edward wlien the attack was made upon them by the Indians.
$6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. U7S7
defenders of the fort obtained from the force established at
this spot. The total number of defenders, including all
present, was about 2,450.*
As there was little prospect of aid from Webb in any
attempt to drive the French from their trenches, the one hope
of Monroe was, that he would be able to defend himself until
the provisions of the French were exhausted, and they would
be compelled to raise the siege. The force of Webb at fort
Edward had been reduced to 1,600 men ; six hundred of
those under his command being distributed in the small gar-
risons on the Hudson, keeping up the communication between
Albany and fort Edward.
United States writers blame Webb for not immediately
marching to Munroe's relief, had he so acted no greater
blunder could have been committed. Webb was without the
strength to act with any success against de Levis, and the
Indians of de la Corne. He had no means of increasing his
force : the garrisons could only be partially withdrawn from
the forts on the Hudson, for they had been reduced to
the lowest limit. It was equally impossible for him to have
marched out of fort Edward with every man under his
command. If relief had been attempted he must have left
a strong garrison behind him to guard against the surprise
by which he had been constantly threatened. He was
without means of communication with Monroe, so that a
According to a leturn in the Defartejne^it de la gtierrczX Paris, the following
is a state of the force on the 9th of August, the day of surrender : —
Royal 35th regiment, all ranks 607
Independent companies 113
Massachusetts regiment 812
New Jersey " 301
New York " 57
Royal Americans " 122
Mounted Rangers 95
Royal Artillery, etc 30
New Hampshire regiment 230
Commissaries 5
Total 2,372
N.Y. Doc, X., p. 625.
1757] WILLIAM HENRY REINFORCED. 57
sortie from the fort could be attempted on an appointed day
when firing was heard to the south, establishing that he
himself was in the field. The large force under de Levis,
in his front, cut off every means of communication. More-
over, as was subsequently shewn, any attack on de Levis
would have brought the whole French army upon him. Webb
defeated in the field, fort Edward must have fallen and there
would have been nothing to oppose the advance of the French
to Albany. Supplies, to a large extent, were found at William
Henry, and more provisions would have been obtained at fort
Edward. The false position in which Webb was placed was
attributable to the tactics of Loudoun, in denuding the frontier
of troops for the Halifax expedition, thus making defence
against any powerful force impossible. Webb has himself
described the position in which he was placed, and he shews
the injustice of the blame which has been cast upon him.*
After relating Parker's unfortunate expedition on the 23rd
and 24th of July, when he was attacked 26 miles down the
lake, and 200 men were lost ; 50 only escaping by boats and
50 through the woods ; he states that he immediately wrote
pressing letters to put the militia under arms. On the 2nd of
August he reinforced fort William Henry to the full extent he
was able : lieut. colonel Young being sent with 200 of the
Royal Americans, 800 provincials, 6 pieces of cannon and a
detachment of artillery. He had only 1,600 troops remaining,
exclusive of artificers. Accordingly he called in his several
outposts to fort Edward, and on the 6th of August he had
2,500 men, including all who were in the garrison capable of
bearing arms. On the day of the surrender there were 2,300
militia under arms at fort Edward, and he did not feel himself
warranted in attempting with this number any relief of the
garrison.
Much of the unfavourable criticism upon W^ebb in these
circumstances may be attributed to his precipitate destruction
of the forts at the carrying-place of the Mohawk when
* Can. Arch., vol. military despatches, 1756-1763, pp. 324, 331, col. Webb
to lord Barrington, fort Edward, 17th of August, 1757.
58 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1757
news arrived of the fall of Oswego. It has. given rise to a
predisposition to judge him unfavourably. Webb, however,
whatever his shortcomings on that occasion, appears to have
been a good and efficient soldier.
It was an emergency in which higher qualities were called
for than mere courage. Montcalm was not a general, in whose
presence a blunder in the field would pass unnoticed and
unpunished. With his Indian scouts he was kept thoroughly
acquainted with the movements of the enemy. Webb has
also been judged by the earnestness of Monroe's appeal to
him. No standard of criticism can be more unjust. It is the
power which Webb possessed to aid Monroe which must be
considered : not the critical position in which the fort stood.
In that respect Webb was hopelessly weak and could render
no assistance, even having fears for his own safety.
De Levis relates that his especial duty was to see to the
communication with the Hudson, and his scouts were inces-
santly on the watch. The remaining force was formed with
its left on the lake and the right against the mountain. De
Bourlamaque was placed in charge of the siege. On the
night of the 4th the trenches were commenced with 800 men
and a covering party of 400 grenadiers. The batteries, com-
menced at 2,100 feet distance, were pushed forward with great
energy. The troops had been camped in the rear, to act
immediately in case of a sortie : in this position a portion of
them was exposed to the fire from the fort, and loss was
experienced, so they were removed out of range.
Webb had applied to the provincial governors for reinforce-
ments, and they had been promised ; but the arrival of any
troops did not take place until after the surrender. Had they
been present, it is difficult to recognize that an undisciplined
body of men, newly enlisted, could have rendered any
effective service. Webb on the 4th had written plainly to
Monroe, that with his present force he could not march to his
assistance or send him reinforcements until the arrival of the
provincial militia, which had been called out. If they failed
to appear in time, he advised ]Monroe to make the best terms
1757] FRENCH INDIANS. 59
he was able. The scout carrying the despatch was killed,
and although adroitly concealed within the body of the
messenger, the paper was found and given to Montcalm at
midnight.*
Montcalm thus saw that his chance of success lay in urging
on the construction of the batteries, and in bringing the siege
to a close. Accordingly he doubled his working parties and
by every encouragement he hurried forward the completion of
the works. Except for the purposes of scouting, and by
their presence causing a dread of savage warfare, the Indians
were of no positive use during the siege. According to the
statement of de Levis, they were 1,796 in number, and were
commanded by de la Corne Saint-Luc, under the orders of de
Rigaud. Of this number 800 had marched with de Levis.
They formed less than a fourth of the troops present, who
numbered 7,3o6.-f
The Indians embraced many of the nations which a few
years previously had been the most troublesome enemies of
the French : the Sauteurs, the Renards, the Sakis, the Puants,
and other tribes with whom the customs and habits of thought
remained unchanged by civilization. The Ottawas, of Detroit,
* " II [Webb] remit cette lettre a un Sauvage qui fut pris par d'autres et
comme ils le tuerent pour en faire festin, suivant leur usage lis la lui trouverent
dans le fondement envelopce dans une feuille de plomb et la porterent a M. de
Montcalm." Memoires [1749- 1760], p. 97.
+ Dessieux [p. 292] gives the following detail of the troops present, extracted,
as he explains, from long documents : —
Regular troops, 3 brigades 3,o8l
Militia, 7 " 2,946
Artillery 188
Indians of 33 nations —
The Christianized Indians 820
From the upper country 9S6
1,806
Total 8,021
He adds : Deducting the men non effective, and tlie garrisons left at Carillon,
the falls and the head of tlie carrying-place, the number of fighting men was 5,500,
which, with the Indians, would raise the number to 7,306." See also despatch of
de Bougainville to M. de Paulmy, igih August, 1757. [N.Y. Doc.,X., p. 607.]
6o THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
were also present in force, with a few of the Illinois. There
were also a small number of the Hurons of Quebec, with 339
of the christian Iroquois of the Sault and of the TwoMountains.
There were 301 Abenakis, from Becancour and Saint Francis.
This large force had been called into the field by de Vaudrcuil,
and the various tribes, however differing in character and
unconnected by relationship, had alike answered to the com-
mon expectation of reward by plunder and the possession of
prisoners.* There cannot be a doubt that the instructions
received by Montcalm with regard to this mass of savage
life, were embarrassing to him. Their value in regular warfare
was their activity as scouts, which was very great, but other-
wise during the siege they were a constant source of trouble.
Previous to starting from Carillon, Montcalm had called a
council, and, while informing them of his intention to advance,
did so under the semblance of asking their opinion. He pro-
duced a belt of wampum, typical of the union of these several
races with the French. It was accepted by the Iroquois, who
answered for the fidelity of the remaining nations. They
agreed unanimously that the advance should be made also
by land.
After the siege had commenced the Indians were desirous
that the operations should be carried on as they held expedient.
They regarded their duty to consist in firing at the fort, in
seizing the chance of shooting-down any one exposed. Mont-
calm consequently called them to a council. He was able to
exercise the great influence which he had acquired to obtain a
promise to preserve better discipline, if one can hazard the
word. He complained that they were neglecting the more
useful duty of scouting in order to fire upon the fort, and that
* In deVaudreuil's instructions [Que. Doc, IV., p. 102] these tribes are specially
mentioned as having given their word not to separate until the campaign was
finished. De Vaudreuil's ex]iectation was that the surrender of fort Edward would
follow that of fort William Henry. " Nous n'en devons pas douter que . . .
le fort Lydius n'en soit intimidc au point qu'il ne lui opposera qu'iine faible resis-
tance." This success attained, the Indians were to be sent out to ravage and devas-
tate the English settlements at Schenectady and Albany. It was M. de Vaudreuil's
theory of the perfection of war.
1757] PROGRESS OF SIEGE. 6l
the majority remained idle by their canoes. He called upon
them to establish themselves by the camp of de Levis, as they
had consented to do, and where they would be useful.
The Indians had a grievance on their side. They complained
that they had not been consulted as to the mode in which the
siege should be conducted. They had been ordered to march
without consultation with their chiefs. They were quieted by
Montcalm's e.xplanations, and received from him additional
belts of wampum ; he obtaining their promise that they would
join the camp of de Levis. He read the intercepted letter of
Webb to Monroe, and foretold the rapid surrender of the fort,
adding that on the morrow the big guns should be heard by
them ; an exhibition of power they looked forward to with
delight.
During the night of the 5th and 6th the left parallel was
pushed forward, and its communication with the right battery
established. ' At six in the morning of the 6th the left battery
opened fire with three i8-prs., five 12-prs. and a 9 in. mortar.
On the 7th the right battery was advanced 900 feet and
unmasked at day break. It consisted of eight guns, two of
which were i8-prs., two howitzers, likewise one 6 in. mortar.
At six o'clock there was a general discharge from both
batteries amid the cries of the Indians. The firing had been
continued for three hours when de Bougainville was despatched
to the fort as the bearer of Webb's intercepted letter, with the
hope that it would determine Monroe's surrender. Montcalm
had the tact previously to submit his intention to the Indians,
and made them believe that he had taken this step by their
recommendation. The letter was courteously acknowledged,
but no immediate step followed.
On this day Montcalm received the red ribbon of a com-
mander of the order of Saint Louis. The news of the
honour was com.municatcd to the Indians, with the informa-
tion that it had been obtained by the help of their service.
On the right, the works were being pushed forward from their
oblique position, so the guns could bear directly on the fort.
A swampy piece of ground extending over about 300ft. led to
62 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^7S7
some temporary impediment, and the work was carried on
under exposure to fire from the fort ; but the difficulty was
overcome.
At four o'clock of this day there was a false alarm of an
attack from fort Edward. The French troops were rapidly
massed in position. The event is worthy of notice to shew,
how impossible it would have been for Webb with his small
force, to have effected any movement in the field by the single
line of communication. He would have been overnumbered
four to one, his own column being imperfectly disciplined,
and never having been under fire. The movement was the
false intelligence of an Indian scout. The result, however,
had the effect of establishing with the Indians greater con-
fidence in the French.
On the morning of the 9th the sap had been carried within
233 yards of the western side. For the previous three days
the artillery had continued the attack. The cannon of the
fort had been diligently worked, but the feeling must have
been irresistible, that without the presence of a large force to
drive the French from their position, there was no hope for its
defenders. They were in a deplorable condition : several men
had been killed and more wounded.''' Disease had broken
out, many of the heavy guns had buVst, their two brass
mortars were in a useless condition. There were but 17 shells
left. Their strength was insufficient to make a sortie to have
any effect on the besiegers. On the other hand, the comple-
tion of the battery in the last approach opened out the
prospect of a heavy cannonade from the enemies' lines, now
closely advanced upon them.
A council of war was called, and it was resolved to
capitulate. At eight o'clock on the morning of the 9th a
white flag was held out, and colonel Young, commanding the
detachment of Royal Americans, was sent to arrange the
terms of surrender.
* The number of killed was 41, the wounded 71. N.Y. Doc, X., p. 625.
The French killed and wounded were 53. Montcalm to the minister of war, 15th
of August, 1757. Que. Doc, IV., p. iif.
1757] ARTICLES OF SURRENDER. 63
The articles granted were that the troops should march out
with their arms and the honours of war, with the baggage of
the officers and men only. One piece of artillery, a 6-pr.,
was allowed to be taken from the fort in recognition of the
valour with which it had been defended ; the place immediately
to be given over with the stores, guns and ammunition ; the
troops to proceed to fort Edward, on parole not to serve for
eighteen months. All prisoners made since the commence-
ment of the war, officers, soldiers, Canadians, women and
savages, to be delivered at Carillon within three months, as
they were delivered an equal number of the garrison on parole
to be allowed to serve. The sick and wounded w^ere placed
under the protection of ^Montcalm.
De Bougainville, in his narrative of the siege, states that
Montcalm, after having agreed to the terms of capitulation,
warned colonel Young that he could not pledge his word for
the observance of the conditions, unless accepted by the
Indians.* In consequence, he submitted to the leading chiefs
the terms he had granted, and the conditions were accepted
at a council. De Bougainville was the officer selected to
draw up the articles of surrender.
Had the circumstances of Canada permitted, it would
have been the fate of the garrison to be marched as prisoners
to Montreal. Their surrender was complete, and in their situa-
tion there w^as only open to them the desperate alternative of
refusing to give or take quarter, to exact better terms. It was
however, simply impossible to find food for them. There is
a letter from Bigotf which sets forth that it was the wisest
resolution not to make the garrison prisoners of war : " we
could not feed them." He adds that the same want of provi-
sions justified the non attack of fort Edward ; for the longer
detention of the Canadian Jiabitants would have led to the
loss of the harvest, and he could not have found subsistence
for the troops after August. At that date the inhabitants of
Quebec were limited to a ration of a quarter of a pound of
• Dcssieux, p. 305.
+ N.Y. Doc, X., p. 631.
64 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1757
bread a day, and there was general scarcity throughout the
colony.
Hitherto the Indians had been restrained from the use of
liquor ; indeed neither wine nor spirits had been served out to
any part of the force. De Bougainville tells us that previously
to returning to the trenches he exercised great care in the
destruction of all the strong drink in the fort,before the garrison
marched out. The evacuation took place at noon of the 9th,
the British troops proceeding to the entrenched camp. A
French detachment was likewise present as a protection against
interference on the part of the Indians. De Bourlamaque,
with the force from the trenches, took possession of the fort.
He placed sentries at the magazines and the provision stores ;
the fort was otherwise given over to pillage.
The scene which followed on the succeeding day is one of
the best remembered in the history of the continent. The
event was early placed on record. * It has frequently been
related, and often with exaggeration : the facts, however, in
their plain truth, can in no way be gainsaid. Some French
writers endeavour to explain them away, and bring forward as
an argument the folly of the British soldiery in giving rum from
their canteens to the Indians in the hope of appeasing them.
They also dwell upon the cowardice of the troops in submitting
patiently to the Indian attack, affirming that they were seized
with a panic to be incapable of offering resistance. The British
amounted to 2,260 of all ranks, with several women and
children. They were without ammunition. The king's regi-
ment, the 35th, was alone armed with bayonets. The records
of the siege show the self-assertion with which the Indians
forced themselves upon the attention of Montcalm. There
were present under his command 3,000 regular troops and 2,500
Canadian militia. There were 1,800 Indians. These figures
show what power Montcalm had at his disposal to restrain the
Indians in any attempt at aggressiveness, of which he
disapproved.
I would gladly, if I could, acquit Montcalm of blame on
* Smollett has described it, Chap. XXVH., 19. (1763-1765.)
1757] THE MASSACRE. 65
this occasion ; it appears to me impossible to do so. De
L^vis, de Bourlamaque, de Bougainville, de Senezergue and
men of this calibre could have but one feeling of what was
incumbent upon a French officer under such circumstances.
The Canadians had been bred, with the tradition of allowing
at the hour of victory full sway to the bloody instincts of the
Indian. Those who read in these volumes the narrative when
inroads were made upon the settlements of New England by
the Abenakis, will have difficulty in adducing many instances
when, through the intervention of the partizan leaders, the
fury of their Indian allies was stayed, or mercy shewn. The
chief motive of the savage in joining an expedition, even when
his passions were excited by the appeals made to them, lay in
the hope of plunder. De Rigaud, who was in command of
the Indian .force, had complained of the restriction against
this license which had been exercised at Oswego. Men of the
stamp of de la Corne Saint- Luc, Marin, Langlade, de
Longueuil, de Niverville and de Langy knew no other policy,
than that the savage had to be conciliated by the reward he
claimed. He could only be kept true to French interests by
the gratification of his instincts for blood, plunder and
prisoners. It had been the law and practice for nearly a
century, and the emergency which sanctioned it in their view
was as strong as ever.
The fort had been plundered, but the intrenched camp was
as yet untouched. Early on the morning of the loth of
August, when the days are longest, the motley tribes of sav-
ages crowded round the eminence on which the fortifications
had been thrown up. They found the British, in accordance
with the capitulation, preparing to march to fort Edward.
They feared the booty, which they looked upon as their right,
would escape them. There were seventeen wounded men in
the hospital, belonging to the Massachusetts regiment. They
had been placed under the protection of a French surgeon,
who had then left them, and his place had been taken by the
surgeon of the regiment. The French sentries which had
been posted had been removed. The Indians forced their
66 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
way into the sick ward, drai^ged the men from their beds,
killed and scalped them.* The French troops, drawn up in
line, were not forty rods distant, and there was no attempt to
protect or save the unfortunate men thus murdered. It was
the commencement of a general plundering of the troops
drawn up to march out of the intrenchment. Some of the
French officers counselled tiiat the demands of the Indians
should be met, and the articles they asked for should be given
up in order to appease them. The advice in some instances
was acted upon. Nevertheless, the uproar continued, and
the unsatisfied rapacity of the savages led them to be more
clamorous. The duty of the French officers was exceedingly
plain, to have marched a body of men of sufficient strength
to prevent interference with the troops of the captured garrison
by the savages, whose instincts they knew. The British
troops were unarmed, and if in their desperation there had
been an attempt at resistance the Canadian force would have
come to the rescue of the Indian ; all opposition would
have been overpowered, and the probability is that a fearful
massacre would have followed. The numbers against the
British would have been in the proportion of two to one : an
armed body of men against disarmed troops. The taunt of
cowardice made by some French writers is unpardonable, and
may be taken as the fullest proof of the weakness of their
case. We have only the statements of the French that rum
was given to the Indian by the soldiers. It is not so stated by
any British authority. It is not impossible that a great
quantity of spirits was found at the plunder of the fort. The
seizure of much of the baggage doubtless included the posses-
sion of the canteens, and as the Indian drinks, drunkenness
would be the immediate consequence.
The column left the intrenchment. As it marched out the
Indians rushed upon the rear ranks, took from officers and men
all they could lay their hands on, stripping them of their dress
and accoutrements. The women and children were seized
Affulavit of Miles While worth, surgeon of the Massachusetts regiment, 17th
of October, 1757.
1757] INDIAN FEROCITY. 6^
before the faces of the French escort. Many were killed.
Those of the troops who in any way resisted were tomahawked :
it is not possible to mention the exact number ; but de
Levis speaks of some fifty as being so slain.* Webb, while
relating that there was an escort of three hundred men, deliber-
ately expressed the opinion that the attack was connived at
by the French.-|- The rear of the column thus assaulted, broke
and ran in upon the front; and the whole became affected by the
panic and took refuge in flight. In the midst of the confusion
a war-whoop was heard from the Abenakis from Penobscot.
It was afterwards pretended that they were smarting from a
wrong lately committed on their tribe, and they only retaliated
the injury they had suffered. Even if this were the case, it
was not the time, nor the occasion when revenge could be taken.
The New Hampshire men in rear of the column were the first
to sustain the onslaught, during which the escort made no
effort at repression. There was no attempt to check the
atrocities. The interpreters are accused by a French writer of
inciting:*: the Indians to acts of violence, and to seize the pro-
perty of the disarmed garrison. The Indians acted with great
ferocity against the negroes, mulattoes and Indians in the
British ranks and immediately killed and scalped them. §
They stripped and robbed the white men ; where they
experienced resistance their victim was struck down. At the
commencement of the commotion a report of the proceedings
of the Indians was carried to Montcalm by colonel Monroe,
• "II y eut une cinquantaine de cheveluies levees." De Levis' Journal, p. 102.
t They were stripped by the Indians of everything they had, both Officers
and Men, the Women and Children drag'd from among them, and most inhumanly
butchered before their faces : the party of about three hundred men which was
given them as an escort were during the time quietly looking on. From this and
other circumstances we are too well convinced these barbarities must have been
connived at by the French. After having destroyed the women and children they
fell upon the rear of our men, who, running in upon the front, soon put the whole
to a most precipitate flight, in which confusion most of them came into this camp
about two o'clock yesterday morning, in a most distressing situation, and have
continued dropping in ever since. Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I, vol. S5.2, p. 401.
X Pouchot, II., p. 89.
§ Que. Doc, IV., p. 120.
68 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
and complained of as a breach of the capitulation. Do Levis
had already come upon the ground with some troops and with
his officers endeavoured to check the outrage. Appealed to
by Monroe, Montcalm appeared upon the scene, and threats,
entreaties and force were made use of by him in his effort to
quiet the tumult. The Indians had by this time seized
many prisoners as their prey. Montcalm unhesitatingly
intervened and demanded their release. It only proves
the difficulties of his position that he felt himself forced
to offer to pay a ransom in money for them. The whole
number of such prisoners within his influence were after-
wards redeemed and sent to fort Edward with a proper
escort. They amounted to 400 in number ; about 200,
however, were carried by the Indians to Montreal as prisoners,
and were similarly obtained by de Vaudreuil ; these were also
ransomed, and were eventually sent to Halifax. De Vaudreuil
was, nevertheless, an apologist of what took place, and in his
letter to France contended that the terms of the capitulation
had been fully observed. He explained that the excesses of the
Indians, could be attributed to their having got drunk the pre-
ceding night from the rum furnished by the English. While
throwing the blame upon the Abenakis, he explained the
uncontrollable rage which they had felt, as a natural conse-
quence of the bad treatment they had lately experienced, De
Vaudreuil even advanced the doctrine that the prisoners taken
at the time of Parker's defeat on lake George were the legiti-
mate spoil of the savage by the laws of war, and he claimed
credit for obtaining their release, as he acted with regard
to those seized after the capitulation.
The broken fugitives reached fort Edward, in the majority*
of cases stripped of all they wore. As the alarm was given
by the arrival of those who first reached the fort, Webb
ordered out 500 men as a covering party to protect them as
they arrived.
Montcalm, as the general in command, could not but see
how the terms granted by him had been infringed, and the
possibility of the repudiation by the British authorities of the
1757] DE BELLAITRE. 69
obligations on which the surrender had been accepted. When
awoke to the gravity of the situation, he acted with courage,
decision and humanity. He cannot, however, be absolved
from the gravity of the charge of not preventing the possi-
bility of such a wanton outrage, not only of the laws of war, but
of the dictates of humanity. The facts suggest the predeter-
mination that a certain latitude should be allowed the Indians
in the seizure of booty. It was not foreseen that their pursuit
of plunder would degenerate into personal violence, murder,
and the seizure of prisoners as slaves. It was then that the true
instincts of Montcalm suggested all the future complications
which would arise, and the whole strength of his character was
exerted to stamp out the disorder.
After their onslaught on the troops, the Indians left for their
homes. The French remained behind to raze the fort to the
ground, and to burn all they could not otherwise destroy.
The guns, stores and provisions were carried to Montreal.
Montcalm described the provisions captured as sufficient to
subsist 6,000 men for six weeks. Thus fort William Henry
for ever ceased to be a threat to French Canada.
Before the close of the year a further gleam of success was
reflected upon the French army, obtained in the war of sur-
prise which so long desolated the outlying settlements of New
England. On the 20th of October de Vaudrcuil gathered a
force at Lachine, consisting of 100 Canadians with 10 officers,
and 200 Sault and Mountain Indians, under the orders of de
Bellaitre, of the marine force.* They ascended the Saint
Lawrence to La Presentation,"!- where de Bellaitre increased
his force from the Indians of the mission. He continued the
ascent of the river to " la Famine " ^ on lake Ontario, a few
miles east of Oswego. As we read the details of the enter-
prise, we seem to be speaking of the events seventy years
* De Levis in his journal [p. 106] is careful in relating that the expedition was
organized by the governor-general. He alludes to the event in the coldest
language, as if to shew his disapproval of the enterprise.
+ Ogdensburgh.
X Salmon River.
70 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
earlier, in the days of de la Barre or de Denonville. De
Bellaitre ascended Salmon river as far as was expedient, some
ten miles. Leaving his canoes under a guard, he crossed to the
portage between the Mohawk and lake Oneida ; by the route
he followed some seventy miles. On reaching the site of fort
Williams, destroyed the previous year by Webb, he sent
messages to the Six Nations in the neighbourhood, and
was joined by some Oneidas. It was then resolved to attack
the settlement of the Palatines on the Mohawk, some thirty
miles lower down. It had been established under the
authority of Burnet when governor in 1720,* and consisted of
30 houses with 300 inhabitants.f De Bellaitre arrived there
at the break of day on the nth of November, and attacked
the village from three different points. The surprise was
complete. There was little resistance, and those making any
attempt to repel the French were overpowered by numbers
and killed.:): The houses and barns were burned, and the
cattle of all descriptions killed ; 102 prisoners, mostly women
and children, were carried to Montreal, among them the mayor
of the place. The men who escaped made their way to fort
Herkimer, about three miles distant on the right bank of the
Mohawk. There was a garrison here of 200 men, under
captain Townshend. On the alarm being given a detachment
of fifty men was despatched to the scene of action, insufficient
in strength to attack the Canadian force, which outnumbered
them six-fold. The contest was accordingly confined to a
fusillade, and at the end of twenty-four hours de Bellaitre
• N.Y. Doc, v., p. 634.
+ De Levis' Journal, p. loS.
* De Vaudreuil made an exaggerated report of the " damage inflicted upon the
enemy." More grain, he said, had been destroyed than the island of .Montreal
produced in years of abundance, with 3,000 horned cattle and 3,000 sheep. At
the same time, he describes the settlement as consisting of sixty houses. He
speaks of the attack of tive forts, which surrendered at discretion. The number
killed and drowned he named at forty. We also learn from him that the strength
of the detachment sent from fort Herkimer was fifty men. Before the houses
were burned they were pillaged by the Indians, who "acquired as rich a booty as
they could carry off." N.Y. Doc, X., 673.
1757] PROVINCIAL DEPRESSION, 7I
returned to his canoes, his force enriched with booty. He
arrived at Montreal on the 20th of November.
The news reached Schenectady on the 12th, where lord
Howe was stationed. He immediately advanced with the
42nd Highlanders to fort Herkimer. The enemy, however,
had disappeared, having retreated several hours previously,
leaving the trace of their presence in the burned houses, the
slaughtered cattle, with the other evidences of the desolation
they had committed, the most painful of which were the dead
bodies of those killed in the onslaught.
Lord Howe left 100 men at Conajoharie and 100 men at
fort Hunter * and returned to Schenectady.-f-
The year 1757 closed in gloom and dissatisfaction ; it was
the nadir of British failure in these years of contest. The
provincial had lost faith in the power of the mother country,
and cheaply held the prowess of the imperial troops. Politic-
ally he was jealous of interference, and the spirit of independ-
ence 'suggested the belief and confidence that the strength of
the provinces, unaided, was capable of effecting the conquest of
Canada. J The refusal to provide quarters for the troops at
* At the junction of Schoharie creek with the Mohawk, 31 miles from
Schenectady.
t Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., vol. 86.1, p. 3.
:J: The discontented feeling in the British provinces was known in Canada. De
L^vis wrote to the king of Poland [23rd October, 1757, letters, p. 179.] that the
failure to attack Louisbourg had caused great dissatisfaction in the colonies. The
colonists were tired of the war and unwillingly submitted to the taxation which it
had made necessary. " This," he added, " caused a ferment in their minds. For
some time all the colonies have not been satisfied with the English parliament ;
they desire one which would be independent." De Levis did not express a high
opinion of the provincial troops. On the 4th of September he wrote to marshal
de Mirepoix from the camp at Carillon : "if we had not to do with weak and timid
troops we would be unable to congratulate ourselves on the success we have met.
[Letters, p. 136.] " Chouaguen was taken by the intervention of the Holy Ghost,
as we have just taken fort George, and heaven grant that our good fortune does not
abandon us if the war continue." [p. 142.] Again he writes [p. 165] " we have
been fortunate in having to do with timid troops, and unskilful generals." On
the 24th of September he wrote from Montreal : " the English behave very badly
in this country ; it is much to be wished that they would do the same in Europe,"
[p. 170] and this was written within less than two years of the capitulation of
Quebec.
72 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
New York and Boston furnishes testimony of the indifference
felt as to the presence of the British soldier. A low standard
had penetrated into the legislatures. In nearly all directions
the spirit of gain was dominant to overpower the call of
patriotism and duty. Braddock's disaster had destroyed faith
in British generalship. The destruction of Oswego, whether
caused or not caused by want of prudence and prevision, was
in reality only attributable to the action of the provinces. The
50th and 51st regiments, although on the imperial roster, had
been raised in America, and were officered by colonists. In
spite of these facts, Abercrombie and Webb, in the public view,
had been held responsible for the calamity, and although
Loudoun only landed in New York a few days before the
capture, he was equally held responsible for it. The provinces
refused their quota of men, or furnished them under theories
of limited service, which made the troops difficult of control
in the field. Whatever professions were made of the desire to
help the cause, the jealousy of the legislatures paralysed the
support nominally given. One serious cause for dissatisfaction
was the supplies sold to the enemy. Canada was in dire con-
dition for want of provisions, and the trade was one highly
profitable. In vain the legislatures made enactments to
repress the traffic, but the frequent allusion to its prevalence
shows how ineffectually they were enforced.
The raid of Bellaitre in October was the last success of the
French. From that date one series of reverses was experi-
enced in Canada. The failure of Abercrombie at Ticonderoga
cannot be called an exception. From the British standing-
point it must always be looked upon as deplorable, from the
bad generalship which was the cause of the failure, but it
brought with it no disgrace. The French, as they drew their
breath at nightfall of that terrible day, must have seen that
their safety had depended on an error of their antagonist, not
to be repeated ; the want of knowledge of the strength of
abatis, fortifications of massive fallen trees against an attack
at the bayonet's point. It was- this miscalculation of power
which had saved them from destruction. The attack had
1757] WHAT HAS BEEN FORGOTTEN. 73
been intrepid and fearless, as the corpses of the hundreds of
dead proved, and, although repelled, there was no loss of
honour on the side of the assailants. The French soldier had
been made to feel the presence of the race against which his
ancestors had contended from the days of Cregy and Poictiers ;
he had once more experienced the ancient disdain of hardship,
with the calm, determined, undemonstrative courage, and the
self-reliance under disaster which for so many centuries have
never been wanting in the national character. The repulse of
the British force could have appeared only as a temporary
relief Such indeed it proved. Step by step the French were
driven from every stronghold they possessed, until further
effort on their part became impossible. It was then that the
American provincial learned truly to know and appreciate all
that he owed to the mother country. It is a painful record in
the history of the American continent that the service and
the aid were soon to be forgotten by those who most profited
by them.
74 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1757
CHAPTER V.
The winter of 1757-58 was one of much privation in
Canada ; there was so great a scarcity of provisions that
positive want was felt. The ration of bread was h'mited, and
horse-flesh had to be eaten. As the season for active operations
closed, the troops went into winter quarters at Boucherville,
He Jesus, Montreal, Point aux Trembles and Quebec. Garri-
sons were left at Carillon, Crown Point, Saint John's and
Chamhjy. The two last years had been signally fortunate for
the French : the British forts, Oswego and William Henry,
which had threatened their power and their commerce on lake
Ontario and lake Champlain, had been destroyed ; the attack
on Louisbourg, which had appeared to be imminent, had not
been attempted ; the possession of the Ohio by France was
to all appearance firmly established ; Indians, led by Canadian
officers, had continually devastated the outlying villages of
Pennsylvania and Virginia and had driven back settlement in
these provinces. The whole of the western Indians had
accepted Canadian authority, while the province had so far
impressed her ancient enemies, the Iroquois, that a strong
feeling had arisen in the Six Nations of the advisability of
remaining neutral in any contest with the British, while many
professed readiness to embrace the cause of the French. In
the middle of October * some of their chiefs arrived at
Montreal to congratulate de Vaudreuil on his success at
William Henry, to give assurance of neutrality, and without
entering into any engagements, to suggest the possibility that
hereafter they might range themselves on the side of the
French. De Vaudreuil was then at Quebec, engaged, as presi-
dent of the court, examining into the conduct of de Vergor
• Journal de Levis, p. no.
1757] REFUSAL OF RATIONS. 75
at Beausejoiir ; they were received by Duplessis, and no effort
was spared to conciliate them.*
In November the pressure arising- from the want of provi-
sions exacted a reduction of the rations of the troops, f
The regiment of Beam made no complaint. On the other
hand, the marine regiment refused to accept the rations on
the new basis, and when called together to receive them,
separated without taking them away. De Levis heard from
Duplessis of the proceeding, with the intimation that the
troops had been ordered to parade in the intendant's court-
yard. When they had assembled they re-commenced the
expression of their dissatisfaction. Accompanied by some
officers, de Levis went to the spot. He found the troops dis-
orderly in groups, and violent in their language. He imposed
silence, and caused them to form in rank, when he stated the
necessity of submitting to the conditions imposed. He
pointed out that the land troops had accepted the ration, and
he told them he would hang the first man who demurred to
receiving it. He ordered the first company to take their
allotted portion. The men acted in compliance without a
murmur. The remaining companies similarly obeyed. They
even strove to explain away their conduct by stating that
proper representations on the subject had not been made to
them. De Levis accepted their excuses, but threatened
mercilessly to punish any future contumaciousness.
Shortly afterwards the marine troops with some habitants
endeavoured to incite the regiment of Beam to revolt. De
Levis ordered four of the grenadiers of that regiment to
* The writer of the " Mivioire sur le Canada " [p. 97] unfavourably notices
the partiality of de Vaudreuil for the Indians, and the license he granted them :
"il leur permettoit tout, — qualite qu'il avoit heritee de son pere, comme de les
croire absolument nocessaires ; on les voyoit courir dans Montreal, le couteau a la
main, menacer un chacun et souvent faire des insultes ; lorsqu'on s'en plaii^noit il
n'en disoit rien ; bien loin aprcs ce coup [the affair at William Henry], au lieu de
leur avoir fait des reproches, et de leur en avoir fait sentir les inconvcniens il les
accabla de prcsens dans la persuasion qu'il etoit que [si] leur crualite seroit
ralentie les desseins des ennemies [i;agneroit ile la force]."
t Half a lb. of bread ; three-quarters of a lb. of beef; a quarter of a lb. of
codfish ; a quarter of a lb. of peas with J^ a lb. of bread payable in money.
7^ THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [,757
appear before him, when he pointed out the .eeessity of
compliance, and the trouble passed a«ay
As the winter advanced the quarter of a pound of bread
served da.Iy to the people as a ration was stopped. It was
proposed to give in its place half beef and half horse-flesh at
Zr,i "T"- ^'"" "-^^ ^^^^' °^i-"°" '° 'he l^orst
flesh, the people refusing to take it. A number of women
assembled, and tumultuously proceeded to the house of de
Vaudreu.1, demanding to see him. Four of the number were
that he had none to g,ve them : he had been obliged to reduce
he rations o the troops. It was not the kings duty to
furnish bread for the people: they were bound to^rovid^it
themselves^ But n, their want the king had assi ted them
w,th bread and horse-flesh. The women expressed grea"
repugnance to such food. The horse was the friend of man
and their religion forbade them to kill him; they would
ra her die than feed upon him. De Vaudreuil' replied to
this was all imagination. From bygone time the horse had
been eaten, and it was the only assistance he could give He
revoll hV^Tn" '"T "■'* *'= '^"'''' *^' '^ '^ey made any
revolt he w-ould put them in prison and hang the half of them *
iul/of r rT""'°"" °f "^rine.de Martel, and the
judge of police, de Monrepos, to take them to the slaughter-
house, and to see that the. food was of good quality. The
women consented to go They said. l,owever' that neither
they nor anybody else, not even the troops, should eat the
horse-flesh As they were separating they used the most
vio ent and seditious language. De Levis, in recording the
to.^says several ought to have been arrested, which was n6t
Early in December orders M^ere given for rations of horse-
flesh to be served out to the troops ; the>. refused to receive
them and left the place of distribution. De Levis reproved
the officers for allowing the men to disperse ; the latter excused
'-!l!:^l!!!lf_!!Li!ll_S::^l!]]^L^^ "-eathcr, and further,
• "Qu'il e„ f„oit p.„dre la n.oiti,;." Joun,all7Iiv.s, p. , ,^ '
1757] FIRMNESS OF DE LEVIS. JJ
that the meat had not been prepared for distribution. De
Levis ordered a parade, and on the assembly of the regiment
he caused a ration of the horse-flesh to be cut for himself,
which he directed his servant to carry to his quarters. The
grenadiers were then ordered to advance to take their mess.
They desired to make some representation ; De Levis firmly
answered, that the first man who hesitated to obey in receiving
the food prescribed, he would arrest and hang. When the
distribution had been made, he would listen to all that they
had to say. The grenadiers in silence received the horse-flesh ;
their example was followed by the other companies.
De Levis then advanced and told the men he would listen
to any expression of their grievances. The men accordingly
stated that they had complained of having to eat horse-flesh,
as the people had refused it, and they could not believe
that the colony was reduced to this necessity, when they saw
the number of cattle brought to market. Moreover, they were
billeted singly upon the inhabitants, and were not permitted to
form themselves into messes of seven, and the ration cooked
singly was not enough for a man. The regiment of la Sarre,
at Quebec, being in barracks, was differently situated ; the
habitants themselves lived as well as ever, even their negroes
and pains* did the same. It was now the duty of de Levis
to reply to what had been said, and on no occasion of his life
were his judgment and ability more apparent. It was a critical
hour, when it was necessary to extinguish the spirit which had
been called forth, without leaving behind any rancour to
re-awaken it. His personal character gave weight to all he
would say ; but while exercising his authority he had to appeal
to that spirit of camaraderie which is the true basis of the con-
fidence of the soldier in his general. No one could have done
so more effectively, as the result proved, and on all sides de
Levis obtained the highest praise for his conduct.f
* Slaves of the Indian tribes taken and sold in Montreal.
+ It will generally be fouiul, both in the army and navy, in casesof widely spread
dissatisfaction, which finds its vent in desertion, that the fault lies in the unsympa-
thetic, hard character of tlie commander, who, from a mistaken sense of duty,
exacts from the soldier or sailor what is unnecessary and unreasonable ; in itself
78 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
On the point of the Jiahitant refusing the horse-flesh, de
Levis attributed his conduct to prejudice and weakness. The
French garrison had eaten it in Prague : it was a similar case
of necessity in Canada, as most of the provisions sent from
France had been seized by English cruisers. They were in
error as to the condition of the colony, for there was great
distress everywhere. The people of Quebec had no bread ;
there were 2,000 Acadians who had nothing to eat but horse-
flesh and codfish ; the officers of the garrison at Montreal
and Quebec had only a quarter of a pound of bread a day ;
the cattle which the soldiers had seen slaughtered had been
brought to market, in accordance with the custom of the
country at that period of the year, when the inhabitants
killed the cattle; the meat was kept frozen and was so sold
during winter. The soldiers had equal opportunity of pur-
chasing it, and he would give instructions for money to be
advanced of their pay, to be used for this purpose. He would
do his best, so that they would be able to form themselves into
messes. He added some words, that the soldier ought to
believe that the general would do his best for them ; and he
looked to the regiment to shew an example of good conduct.
The men were touched by this kindly and straightforward
admonition ; and while they expressed themselves satisfied,
they assured their general, that they would so act that no
reproach should be made against them ; they had full confi-
dence that everything possible would be done for them, now
that de Levis knew their wants. As the land troops took the
horse-flesh, the marine troops also received it, and no more
trouble was experienced.
repugnant to the feelings of the men. To what is necessary and essential, however
trying, men will cheerfully submit. There is always to be found in a ship or a
regiment a sufficient number possessing right feeling, who will uncomplainingly
bear unavoidable privations, and they have the moral strength to control the con-
tumacious. When we read of a common insensibility to the obligations of duty,
and of men abandoning their colours as opportunity offers, as a rule we may con-
clude that the whole blame does not lie entirely with them, and a stern explanation
should be exacted from the commanding officer. De Levis' behaviour on this
occasion, as it received the full recognition of his contemporaries, should find a
place in every modern military manual.
1758] DE MONTCALM. 79
De Levis further met the desires of the regiment by orders
being issued so that the men could be formed into messes of
eight, and an additional allowance of eight livrcs a month was
given to the habitant at whose house the mess was held. On
the day " les rozs," * 1758, eight grenadiers of the regiment
of Beam waited upon de Levis with a dish of horse-flesh as
they cooked it at their mess. De Levis received it, and in
return invited them to breakfast, to shew them how his cook
prepared the meat. Wine was furnished, and the />lat dis-
cussed : it was generally pronounced inferior to the cooking
of the soldiers. De Levis presented the company with four
louis to drink his health and pleasantly to pass " les rois."
The condition of Canada was reported to France in a
despatch sent overland to Louisbourg. -f* The bearer had
previously arrived with letters from that fortress, and had
probably made his way by the Saint John. The letter of de
Vaudreuil does not appear ; that of Montcalm to M. de Moras
of the 19th of February is in all respects worthy of remark.*
He protests against the misrepresentations made with
regard to his own conduct and that of the French officers in
Canada, informing the minister that he had not communicated
his letter to them owing to the great pain it would cause.
The statement had been made by persons as bad-intentioned
as they were ill-informed. He appealed to de Vaudreuil, it
was he who had made the accusation, and to Bigot in testimony
* The English twelfth-night.
+ De Levis' Journal, p. 127.
X It is given by Dessieux, p. 321, and is translated in N. Y. Doc, X., p. 686.
Montcalm shews how deeply he was hurt by the unfriendly statements made
regarding him in France. He says, " vous m'exaltez la valeur des Canadiens,
vous m'y donnez des lecons sur la conduite a tenir vis-a-vis d'eux et des sauvages."
I append the original text of some of the passages which I have translated.
. " une nation accoutumee a se vanteraura beau s'exalter elle-meme, je n'aurai
jamais la malheureuse confiance de M. Dieskau ; je ne les emploierai que dans leur
genre, et je chercherai a ctayer leur bravoure de I'avantage des bois et de celle
des troupes reglces ; . . Je ne puis vous rien annoncer encore sur la campagne
prochaine ; les operations dependront de la prompte arrivee des vivres et du bien
ou mal joue de Tenncmi, L'article des vivres me fait fremir. Malgre les reduc-
tions faites sur la ration, la disette est plus grande que nous ne I'aurions cru,"
80 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
of his conduct, He thought that he had seized the genius
and the moral quaHties of the Indians ; but they looked upon
a commander-in-chief as they regard the chief of a wigwam.
No one rendered more justice to Canadian valour than he and
the French ; but a nation accustomed to self-praise would in
vain magnify itself " I will never," adds Montcalm, " possess
the unfortunate confidence of M. Dicskau. I will employ
them as they are best fitted, and I will strive to sustain their
courage by making use of the woods and the regular troops."
Montcalm could not conceal his misgivings of the next
campaign. He could announce he said nothing concerning
it. "The operations will depend on the prompt arrival of
food, and on the good or bad conduct of the enemy. The
question of food causes me to shudder. In spite of the
reduced rations, our want is greater than we could believe."
He pays a high compliment to Bigot. He described the
officers as greatly suffering, receiving only paper currency.
Their pay was decreasing, while everything was becoming
dearer. The lieutenants could not live on their allowances.
They were unlike the troops of the country, the officers of the
latter being permitted to trade, and who made money in their
expeditions with the Indians. He pointed out that the
expenses incurred in the performance of 'his duty were involv-
ing him in debt. Bigot had allowed him to obtain 12,000
livres to meet his obligations, and the further he should go
the more he would owe.* He had no illusions with regard to
la petite guerre. Although it was the fashion of the country
always to speak of having carried forts sword in hand, the
intrinsic value was the surprise, the burning, the pillage of
a large village exposed on all sides. In spite of the bright
view which Montcalm endeavoured to take, it is plain that
he was impressed with a sense of the danger with which
the province was threatened, and that more depended on the
ability with which the attack against Canada would be
directed, than on its power of resistance.
The war indeed had disastrously affected the province in all
• *' Et plus j'irai, plus je lui devrai."
1758] INCREASE IN PRICES. 81
directions. Its commerce had been almost destroyed. We
learn from a writer of a few years subsequently,* that it was
usual to insure a cargo in time of peace. Those who took this
precaution paid from three to four per cent. ; the freight cost
from fifty to eighty /zVrt'i- the ton. In war time the assurance
rose to twenty-five per cent. ; the freight to two hundred livrcs
the ton, and eventually reached the price of one thousand
livres. Consequently all merchandise became immensely
advanced in cost ; and the price of provisions, independently
of any scarcity, rose in proportion. From the circumstances
.that a large number of the male population was called out to
serve in the army, the cultivation of the land was much reduced.
Even in the matter of a cord of wood, which in quiet times cost
50 soh^ or three or four livres, it now rose to ten livres.^
One cause of difficulty was traceable to the specie sent out
from France in 1755 for the pay of the land troops. When
purchases were made by the latter in the market, silver was
tendered, and owing to the depreciation of the card money the
men refused to take it in change. The effect was a greater
decrease in its current value, reaching half the face amount.
Thus, a pair of chickens which cost from 1 5 to 20 sols in silver
fetched from 30 to 35 in paper : a pair of shoes worth 4 livres,
10 sols in silver cost 10 livres in paper. What added to the
cost was the constant capture of the vessels by the English
cruisers. It is said that three-fourths of them were taken. ;J
It was calculated that a cask of wine worth ^o livres in France
cost in Canada 277 livres, and would be sold at Montreal in
silver for 300 livres. The velte of eau-de-vie fetched 200 livres,
being at the rate of 25 livrcs, a pound sterling, the pint: a
hat w^orth 2 livres in France was sold in Canada from 40 to 50
livres, and everything in proportion. Subsequently the troops
were paid rn paper, an arrangement by which they suffered
great loss.
* " Reflexions sommaires sur le commerce qui s'est fait en Canada." Lit. and
Hist. Soc, Quebec, 1840-.
t The cord is a superficies of piled wood 4 feet in length, of 32 square feet ; in
other words, 8 feet long, 4 feet high, French measure.
♦ *' Les trois quarts de navires qui etaient partis de differents ports furent pris."
G
82 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
One of the events of the autumn was that de Verger and
de Villerai were placed under arrest to answer for the sur-
render of the two forts, Beausejour and Gasperau. De
Vaudreuil had been ordered the preceding year to take this
course, but the influence of Bigot had stayed proceedings.
The instructions having been reiterated, a court of inquiry
was appointed, and both were submitted to interrogatories. De
Vergor answered with httle abiHty, but there was no desire in
Canada to push matters to extremity. Witnesses favourable
to him were only called, and he was privately counselled as
to the tone of his defence. De Villerai, on his examination,
gave in a memoir. As it was considered to reflect on de
Vergor, it was pointed out to de Villerai that his own position
depended on that of de Vergor, and he was counselled to
modify his statement.* When before the court de Vergor
threw the blame of his surrender on the Acadians. Montcalm,
in reporting the proceedings to France, represented that the
Acadians had forced the commander to capitulate to save
their Hves, having taken the oath of allegiance to the English,
who had threatened to hang them for violating it
On his return to Quebec after the surrender, de Vergor had
spoken of the gallantry of his own defence, and had used
deprecatory language with regard to the conduct of de
Villerai. De Villerai, in his statement, had instituted a com-
parison between the two forts. Gasperau was merely an
enclosure flanked by four half- rotten blockhouses with
twenty men, and had he obtained better terms than de
Vergor, he would have gained a reputation by which the
latter would have suffered.-f- The military wits of the day
called the attack of Beausejour " k siege de velours." % The
defenders slept peaceably by night, and the enemy were not
even at watch in the morning. So few shots were fired, that
the English were considered not to be in earnest, and de
• Memoire sur le Canada, p. loo.
+ N.Y. Doc, X., p. 671.
X What gives point to the French cakvibour is the double meaning of the
expression, that it is lii^ewise "a seat of velvet : " a position only of comfort.
1758] DEPARTURES FOR FRANCE. 83
Vergor's care of the provisions was explained by the fact that
he had sold them to the enemy. No sorties were made ; the
place, in short, was badly defended. Dc Vergor was, at the
same time, accused of carrying away a large sum of money ;
it was said he even became rich.
The court exonerated both officers and they were declared
not guilty of any breach of duty. So far as de Vergor was con-
cerned the decision did not command the assent of contempo-
rary writers ; it was however reported to France sustained by
the governor and intendant and there accepted.
Whether or not the privations which were afflicting Canada,
led the speculators who were becoming rich in the distress of
the province, to think seriously of their own position, it was at
this date that several of them resigned their offices and left
the colony. Estebe, who had been in charge of the king's
magazine at Quebec, and was, moreover, a member of the
Conseil Supcrieiir, resigned both offices, and with a large
fortune returned to France. His place was given to Clavery,*
who had been the manager of " la friponne ;" he died within
eight months of his promotion. Varin, who had for some
time applied for leave to retire, finally obtained it, and left the
province.
When Breard ceased to be controller of marine no successor
was appointed. The duties were performed by the brother of
Martel, who had been assigned the position of Varin. One de
Villiers.was named to act as controller. He is represented as
being insatiable in the pursuit of money, false, and of bad faith.
No one was ready with more specious explanations. His con-
duct and morals were equally as objectionable as his perverted
ability ; he deceived both the intendant and the public, and he
boldly carried on his frauds in all directions.
Bigot himself was anxious to leave the sinking ship with
the immense sums of money he had accumulated, and he
appears to have been desirous that all who had similarly
obtained wealth should not remain behind. Pean was the
first to leave the colony, on the plea of ill health. He did not
* Ante, vol. III., p. 545.
84 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^75^
entirely abandon his connection with Canada, being appointed
to the duty of despatching in spring the ships charged with
merchandise and provisions : a position which enabled him to
include, free of freight, much of the private ventures sent out.
Bigot, however, could not accomplish his purpose ; the crisis
through which the province was passing made his presence
indispensable, and he was forced to remain in Canada to give
his help in the emergency.
At the western posts, where merchandise was furnished to
the tribes, a convenient explanation for much additional
expense was found in the necessity of retaining the Indians
as allies. ~ Their services were greatly e.xtolled in France, and
it was argued that unless they were in all respects satisfied,
they would cease to take the field. The commandants were
not slow in taking advantage of the difficulties attendant on
this relationship to advance their own interests. De Bellaitre
at Detroit, de Vergor at fort Machault,* and le Verrier at
Michillimackinac were distinguished by their rapacity. The
last was the step-son of de Vaudreuil, v/ho had married his
mother. He was without courage or conduct, and he had
been' sent there to make his fortune. It is said of him, that
on one occasion,-f- that he gave a certificate for 10,000 /iz'res
in the place of 10 livres, and on its being paid he became
more energetic in pursuit of the wealth of which he was in
search.
The war of outposts continued. On the part of the French
de Langy-Montegron, with a strong force, hovered about fort
Edward. On one occasion he surprised some woodcutters
attended by a guard. From time to time he repeated his
incursions. On the British side, Rogers with his rangers was
an active assailant in the hope of obtaining prisoners, from
whom information could be obtained. On one occasion he
was despatched on an expedition which proved disastrous.
He was detached from fort Edward by Haviland, he com-
• At the mouth of French creek and the river Alleghany,
t Memoire sur le Canada, p. 105.
1758] ROGERS' SKIRMISH. 85
plains in his journal, with too weak a force. It consisted of 9
officers and 162 men. He was joined by two officers of the
27th as volunteers, captain Pringle and lieutenant Roche.
They started on the 12th of March, and descended lake
George to within a short distance of Carillon, when, as was
the custom, the detachment left the lake to make a circuit
round the French fort. The mark of the snow-shoes on their
trail was seen by some Indians, who immediately communi-
cated the fact to the commandant. There were two hundred
Canadians and Indians at Carillon, under the command of de
Langy and de le Durantaye. To this number was joined
some volunteers from the regiments la Sarre and Languedoc,
and this constituted the force immediately started to intercept
the British rangers. The advance guard of Indians unex-
pectedl}' came upon Rogers' party. They were received by a
heavy fire, killing three Indians. The remainder were driven
back, and being hotly pursued by the British, retreated upon
the main body. Warned by the firing in front, the force was
prepared for an attack, and as the rangers came up they were
met by a general discharge of musketry from the French, by
which fifty of Rogers' men were killed and placed Jiors de
combat. Rogers rapidly saw the odds against him, and he
retreated, taking his position upon ascending ground. There
he fought desperately until dusk, his numbers greatly reduced,
when those that remained fled. Rogers records his loss at
128 killed, wounded and prisoners. De Levis names the
French loss at 12 Indians killed and 18 wounded. The
French bivouacked on the ground, in the morning taking to
Carillon the prisoners and wounded. Rogers estimated the
French as 700 in number, evidently an exaggeration. There
were certainly between 300 and 400, so that Rogers was out-
numbered by more than two to one. Pringle and Roche, in
the retreat, got separated from Rogers' men, and owing to
the want of knowledge of the guide who undertook to lead
them, lost their way. They wandered about in a state of
starvation for several days. On the sixth day they found
themselves within si<^ht of the French fort in Carillon, where
86 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
they surrendered themselves to the French officers, who
treated them with great kindness.*
The letters of de Levis -f- establish that it was known in
Canada that an attack upon. Louisbourg would take place
early in the spring. Judging from the success of the two
previous years, the French anticipated that the troops would
again be removed from northern New York, and that in con-
sequence they would be able to direct an important expedition
against Albany. They possessed undisputed mastery over
lake Champlain and lake George ; with reinforcements from
France, and a sufficient supply of provisions, for the latter
could not be furnished by the colony, there was every
prospect of France being able to seize Albany and to hold
the valley of the Mohawk, a policy which, if successfully
cafried out, would have cut off all connection with the
western lakes, and thus have opened direct communication
between lake Champlain and the Ohio, and have given to the
French the entire western portion of the continent beyond the
Alleghanies. The plan of the French campaign was that de
Levis should ascend the Saint Lawrence to Frontenac, and
there organize his force. It was to consist of 3,000 men com-
posed of 600 troops of the land and marine force in equal
proportions, the remainder Canadians and Indians. Thence
he was to cross the lake to Chouaguen.* One of the main
objects of the expedition was to induce or force the Six
Nations to declare themselves allies of the French. If any
British settlement had been re-established at Oswego, it was
to be destroyed, together with the forts in the carrying-place
on the Mohawk. De Levis was then to descend the Mohawk,
and from the side of Schenectady effect a juncture with
* A rock on lake George still bears the name of "Rogers' rock," from the
tradition that, being closely pressed in a retreat, he descended a ravine half-way,
when he reached a precipice of 200 feet high, down which he slid on his snow-shoes
to the ice of the lake. The event did not take place on this occasion, nor is it
recorded by Rogers himself. Had such a hair-breadih escape happened, it is not
likely that he would have failed to mention it.
t Letters, p. 1S3.
X Oswego.
1758] EXPEDITION ABANDONED. - 87
Montcalm. The latter was to leave Carillon with a strong
force. On being joined by de Levis the two would attack
fort Edward and act against Albany.
De Levis saw the^fuU difficulty of the duty assigned him ;
he had only two months' provisions of biscuits and pork ; he
was without tents ; and he anticipated formidable opposition
from those Indians of the Six Nations who remained attached
to the British side. The expedition was theoretically possible,
but attended by obstacles almost insuperable, and was indeed
finally abandoned.
88 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1/54
CHAPTER VI.
A new impulse had, however, been given to the power of
Great Britain which was to exercise an almost superhuman
influence on her fortunes and prosperity, to which few paral-
lels in any page of history can be found. The duration of
Pitt's ministry to the death of George II., and the subsequent
years, furnish a sufficient contradiction to the theorists who
can see, even in the most revolutionary events, nothing beyond
a compound of inevitable consequence, and the natural
sequence of circumstance. It is rarely possible, in the same
degree, to trace the working of a commanding mind upon a
people, to elevate its patriotism, its sense of duty, and its
better nature, permanently to leave its impress upon the
national character. The triumphs of Great Britain have
never been attained through court or parliamentary intrigue :
indeed, it is often to the blight of their pernicious interference
that our misfortunes and failures may be traced. Whatever
the form of government we may live under, it is imperfect in
the degree, that we fail to avail ourselves of worth and ability
in what rank soever they may be found. It was the recogni-
tion of this principle which, when evoked by Chatham, awoke
the spirit of the nation, and drew forth the noblest inspiration
of manhood out of the torpidit>»of self-interest and corruption.
We may learn from Chatham's career, that the institutions the
most secure and capable of developing human happiness, arc
those under which education and capacity play the first part.
In an oligarchy with a show of refinement, as the character of the
ruler may determine, the worst passions are restrained or find
their outlet, but the tendency of the system is that, by favour-
itism, men are assigned duties to the performance of which they
are unequal. In democratic communities political partisanship
1754] DEATH OF PELHAM. 89
appeals chiefly to the passions, by which party success can be
attained, with Httlc regard to the consequences involved.
The problem of government is still far from its solution. Two
principles, however, rise in prorninenpe to claim acceptance:
the necessity of giving ;the means of education to all who can
indirectly influence the national deliberations, and so legislat-
ing as to bring within the working of the constitution every
person who can justly claim the right to frame and mould it.
But where practically establish a limit ? By what means
constitute a governing class, however broad the basis on which
it is selected ?
The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle exercised so tranquilizing
an influence on English politics that Mr. Pelham remained at
the head of the ministry until his death in 1754. Ten years
earlier, in 1744, he possessed sufficient power to force George
II. reluctantly to dismiss lord Carteret ; and the ministry, in
order to strengthen its position, had then included several of
the opposition within its ranks. They were mostly Pitt's
friends ; he was himself unprovided for. In Pitt's attacks of
lord Carteret he had inveighed against the partiality shewn by
the king to his Hanoverian dominions, and the subsidies paid
to the German troops. The ability which he had shewn in this
parliamentary warfare had raised him to the first rank in the
house of commons, and he had become formidable from the
reputation he had gained, and his personal influence in debate.
From these causes the king entertained an insurmountable
personal objection against Pitt's admission to office. The
matter was brought to a crisis in 1745, at the time of the last
attempt of the pretender : the Pelhams resigned. Lord
Carteret, now the earl of Granville, attempted to form a
government, but it was impossible to overcome the parliament-
ary resistance he experienced. The Pelhams returned to
power with an understanding that their recommendations
should be accepted. One concession they made to the king,
that Pitt should be placed in a position, by which he would not
be often brought in direct contact with him. Pitt, therefore,
instead of being named secretary of war, as was intended, was
go THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l754
appointed vice-treasurer of Ireland, and was shortly afterwards
made treasurer of the forces.
The office was one of great profit, not from the salary-
attached . to it, but owing to the large sums placed at the
disposal of the incumbent, on which a considerable payment
for interest was obtainable. U had always been the custom
for the paymaster to make use of the money in this way, and
it was well known that such was the case. Pitt disdained to
follow the practice ; he resolved only to receive his salary.
He likewise declined to accept the percentages paid by
foreign princes on the subsidies voted by parliament. This
disinterestedness, joined to his -remarkable ability, established
his character in the public estimation. It was unassailable,
and the favour he gained was the commencement of the
extraordinary popularity he so long enjoyed. In 1750, a proof
was given of his political strength, which was likewise a
presage of the future position he was to assume. Pelham
proposed a reduction of the numbers of seamen from 10,000
to 8,000 ; the motion was advocated by Pelham himself, by
Fox (the first lord Holland), as secretary of war, and by lord
Harrington, as one of the board of admiralty. Pitt, then
paymaster of the forces, arose and powerfully opposed the
motion of his own colleagues. He based his objection to the
measure on the fears he entertained, of some unexpected
attempt on the part of the adherents of the pretender : fears
certainly not without justification. The unpopularity of
Frederick prince of Wales and of the duke of Cumberland
was extreme. It became the fashion in many circles to praise
the pretender, and for young ladies to sing those sentimental
Jacobite ditties, which, without their political significance, still
retain their place amongst us. At that time it was, however,
a different matter. The duke of Cumberland, with honesty of
character, was imprudent in many of his utterances, and there
had been an endeavour to magnify the' severity of his
conduct after Culloden, which even now has not passed away.
Pitt's view was that the country should be prepared against
any fresh attempt by the pretender's partizans. The motion
1754] THE REGENCY BILL. 9I
was carried. In spite of this mark of independence Pitt
remained in his official position. In the upper house, Pitt was
sustained, by the duke of Bedford.
The death of the prince of Wales took place in 175 1. He
had been suffering from pleurisy.' An abscess had formed on
his breast, from a blow by a» ball received at a game. He
died suddenly in the arms of Desnoyers, a popular dancing
master of the day, who was playing on the violin for his
amusement. The princess was left with seven children and
in advanced pregnancy ; prince George, afterwards George
III., was a boy of twelve. Until this date there had been a
prince's party, which had mainly constituted the opposition ;
it was now entirely dissolved. The princess discouraged all
attempts to restore the former political antagonism : her
first desire was to satisfy the king. The regency bill, which
as a consequence was introduced, received much opposition.
The princess was appointed guardian of the prince's person
until the age of eighteen, and regent of the kingdom, with the
advice of a council composed of the duke of Cumberland and
nine of the principal officers of state. The friends of the
princess opposed these restrictions, which they considered
were in favour of the duke's influence. Pitt justified the bill
on the ground that in the event of the death of the princess
it would be dangerous to give extreme power to the duke.
Fox, on the other hand, warmly defended him, and an alter-
cation arose between them on this point, although rriembers
of the same* government; so little control had Pelham of these
his two leading subordinates.
On Pelham's death, in 1754, and the duke of Newcastle
becoming first lord of the treasury, the question arose who
was to lead in the house of commons. There will be always
found men of the stamp of Newcastle in imperial politics.
Even in the outer provinces of the empire .-in which constitu-
tional government is being dev^eloped, in accordance with the
conditions to which it must be adapted, such men are not
rare. Their own success is the first consideration, and their
entire policy is directed to the means by which political power
92 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l754
can be attained and kept. The least recommendation in their
eyes is merit. They look for pliant tools to do their bidding,
willing to receive with patience the kicks and rebuffs incident
to the servility of sycophancy.
It was a personage of this character that Newcastle desired
to represent him in the house* of commons. Pitt was at Bath
drinking the waters for the gout ; he was not in the cabinet,
and his character made him the last man in England fitted for
the duty. Fox was appealed to : he was offered to be made
secretary of state, with the lead in the house of commons ; the
condition, however, was annexed that Newcastle was to keep
in his control the purchase of> the votes of members of par-
liament, in accordance with the system followed at that date,
and to some extent for nearly the succeeding half century.
The euphemism was used in the public accounts as " secret
service money " ; there can, however, be no doubt of the
application of the large sums named.* Fox had not many
scruples at any time of his life, but he was a man of ability
and with an acknowledged reputation, and he had every right
* A record remains of the corruption of parliament in Pelham's time. Wraxall
relates the fact [IV. p. 667-670] "on the authority of a man of rank and high
character whom I do not name," but for whose veracity Wraxall vouched. This
personage was acquainted with Roberts, Pelham's secretary. The latter died in
1776, and his medallion is yet to be seen in poets' corner, Westminster abbey.
Roberts, in 1767, stated that while he remained at the treasury, several members
of parliament regularly received a stipend in bank notes, the payment varied from
five to eight hundred pounds. "This largess I distributed," added Itoberts, " in
the court of requests on the day of the prorogation of parliament. I took ray stand
there, and as the gentlemen passed me, in going to or returning from the house,
I conveyed the money in a squeeze of the hand. Whatever person received the
ministerial bounty in the manner thus related, I entei-ed his name in a book,,
which was preserved in the deepest secrecy, it being never inspected by any
human being except the king and Mr. I'dhani."'
On the death of Pelham, in 1754, Newcastle desired to see the book, and
asked for its surrender. Roberts declined to give it up except to the king. His
narrative is too graphic for abbreviation. "In consequence of my refusal they
acquainted the king with the circumstances, who sent for me to St. James', where
I was iniroduced into the closet, more than one of the above-mentioned Ministers
being present. George the Second ordered me to return him the Book in question,
with which Injunction I immediately complied. At the same time taking the
Poker in.his Hand, he put it in the Fire, made it red hot, and then while we
1754] SIR THOMAS ROBINSON. 93
to aspire to a higher position than that offered him. Even if
the material advantages impressed him, his intellect recoiled
before the impossibility of taking the first part in the house of
commons under such humiliating conditions. Newcastle at
the same time claimed to retain the direction of all patronage,
and while controlling the secret service money, in no way to
make known what took place ; he was likewise to have at his
disposal the gift of all places and the management of the
government boroughs. Fox refused to act on such conditions
and one sir Thomas Robinson was selected ; now only
remembered by the importance of some of the despatches
addressed to him. The appointment reconciled Pitt and Fox,
and the re-establishment of cordiality of feeling soon made
itself felt.
The elections took place in 1754; the administration
obtained a majority, and Robinson entered upon his new duties
as leader of the house of Commons. Both Fox and Pitt
retained their places in the ministry: nevertheless they treated
the man to whom, as a theory, they should defer, with the
most contemptuous insolence. Newcastle dared not dismiss
them, but as Robinson day by day showed his greater dis-
qualification for the office, Newcastle consequently entered
into negotiations with Fox, and offered him a seat in the
cabinet if he would support Robinson. It is a blot on Fox's
memory that the temptation was stronger than his judgment
and sense of honour.
The session passed over without injury to the ministerial
position. The complications into which the kingdom was
drifting were increased, and Newcastle was looked upon more
'than ever, as incapable of government in a period of danger
^nd emergency. In the previous volume I have recorded the
commencement of troubles on the Ohio,* and the determined
stood round him he thrust the Book into the Flames, vvliere it was immediately
reduced to ashes. He considered it in Fact as too sacred and confidential a
Register to be thus transferred over to the new Ministers, and as having become
extinct with the administration of Mr. Pelham."
• Vol. III., pp. 445-461.
94 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/S^
attempt of the French to seize the territory. One of the last
proceedings of the house of commons, on a message from the
sovereign that he felt it necessary to prepare for war, was an
address of thanks and a vote of credit.
The unfortunate failure of Braddock's expedition was a
serious blow to Newcastle's administration. Although it can-
not now be remembered to his discredit, at the time it told
against him in the disappointment which it caused, more with
the people than the court. He had been careful to gratify the
king by furnishing subsidies to the German princes, on con-
dition of their taking part in the contest which appeared to be
imminent. But the embarrassment was not removed, for
Legge, as chancellor of the exchequer, refused to sign the
warrants for payment. With the view of strengthening his
administration Pitt was appealed to and offered a seat in the
cabinet with the promise that the royal favour should no longer
be withheld : but he declined to sustain the subsidies. Fox,
more ductile, made no such objections and was appointed
secretary of state, with full powers as leader of the house of
commons. Pitt and Legge, who had opposed the subsidies,
were dismissed.
In May, .1756, the episode took place of admiral Byng's
conduct before Minorca, when he allowed the French fleet
under de la Galissonniere to sail away without bringing on a
general action. The extreme severity of the sentence of the
court-m.artial, by which he was sentenced to be shot, and the
calmness with which he met his fate, have honourably
preserved his memory, and he is looked upon as a martyr to
political expediency.* His whole conduct, however, was
* The caricatures of the time shew that Byng affected the fop and man of
fashion. He was an imitation of the French pLtit ma'itre. in his manners and,
dress, a collector of rare china, and in society was known as a great boaster. Jle
is represented in the prints of the time in silk stockings and a dress sword, with a
wig a la mode, his hat under his arm, and his left hand in a muff; but whatever
his errors, he was sacrificed to the unpopularity of the ministry. Among his most
active opponents was Anson, whose passion for gaming is expressed on the prints
of the time, by his being attached to an E.O.. table [then a game much played], as
if his movements were affected by his habits. Anson was then at the admiralty,
and it was under his advice that the expedition had been constituted. There was
1756] ADMIRAL BYNG. 95
marked by weakness and irresolution. The fleet of de la
Galissonniere was of the same strength as his own, and his
duty was at all cost to have engaged it. He neglected to do
so: the French ships were allowed to sail away, for the French
to boast of Byng's defeat. Even if he had hastened to relieve
Minorca, he might have redeemed his want of action, but
he returned to Gibraltar and left the garrison to capitulate.
Twenty thousand French troops were before the citrdel, and
bom.barded it day and night. After an assault by the French
on the 27th of June, when the two officers who had principally
conducted the siege were wounded and taken prisoners, the
fortress surrendered, the garrison marching out with the
honours of war. There is scarcely a more painful passage in
history than the neglect of Newcastle's ministry to fit out a
properly constituted expedition, in connection with Byng's
conduct before Minorca, whatever attempt may be made
in modern times to explain it away.
Braddock's defeat, the surrender of Minorca, followed by
the news from America of the capture of Oswego, the
purchased support of the German princes, and the defiant
character of France created general depression. An outcry of
rage and disappointment passed through the country. The
effort of the ministry was to turn the feeling towards Byng,
to attach to him the blame of the failure, and to make him
the sufferer for it. No cunning, however, could stifle the
much in his conduct which exposed him to censure, and by magnifying the mis-
conduct of Byng he hoped that his want of prevision and judgment woukl be lost
sight of in the outcry wliich he encouraged. Newcastle, especially the object of
popular indignation from his incapacity, laboured in every way to transfer the
blame to Byng. Every artifice was indulged in to excite prejudice against him.
It is the knowledge of these facts that has caused the rebound in Byng's favour,
and the extreme punishment he suffered can only be recorded as a disgrace to
those who urged it on. On tiie other hand, it is impossible to refuse acceptance
of the impression that Byng behaved very badly, and deserved punishment. Had
he been cashiered, he would find few defenders. In spite of the injustice which
caused Byng's condemnation, his unfortunate fate awoke a better feeling in the
services and greatly aided Chatham in his appeal to the national spirit.
Byng was shot on the quarterdeck of the " Monarque" at Spithead on the 14th
of March, 1757.
96 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/S^
demand for inquiry into the causes of the late disasters.
Fox saw the coming storm ; knowing how Newcastle would
cast the blame upon other shoulders, he was the first to resign.
Newcastle endeavoured by every effort to reconstitute his
ministry, but he quailed before the exasperation of public
opinion, and dreading the consequences in the excited
condition of the general indignation, himself resigned.
Fox endeavoured to form a ministry. Pitt refused to act
with him.* Pitt was now approached by lord Hardwicke ;
the only condition on which he agreed to take office was the
exclusion of Newcastle. In this emergency the duke of
Devonshire was applied to, and he formed an administration
in which Pitt became secretary of state, with the lead in the
house of commons. It was during this administration that
the trial of Byng took place. Pitt shewed his courage at the
risk of his popularity and his newly acquired royal favour, by
endeavouring to protect Byng from the extreme conseque'nce
of the trial, and by earnestly striving to obtain the king's
clemency ; but the king was inexorable, and Byng suffered
the full penalty of his sentence.
Pitt had married the sister of Richard eari Temple, and
Temple had been included in the ministry. His name will
appear again in this history in connection with a passage of
Wolfe's life. He was pomposity personified ; he had great
• A name is met in the political struggles of this date, in the future to be
identified with the history of Canada under a different aspect to that which it then
presented. In 1759, owing to the death of Wolfe, and Monckton being seriously
wounded, the hon. George Townshend was the signer of the conditions granted
m the capitulation of Quebec. Townshend of the earlier date was a man of
fashion; to use the words of Horace Walpole, "His genius for likenesses in
caricature is astonishing." In 1757 he produced a caricature, "The Recruiting
Sergeant," in which he ridiculed the abortive attempt of Fox to form a ministry
On an altar was placed the duke of Cumberland, whose corpulence made him
amenable to ridicule, and the followers of Fox were being led towards it in every
attitude of grotesqueness. It is worthy of remark that two of the figures, that of
the fat Bubb Doddington and the lean earl of Winchester, were found am'ong the
pencil drawings of Hogarth, published in Ireland's supplement, suggesting that
Townshend obtained the assistance of Hpgarth in his work : to what extent it is
of course impossible to say. ( Vid, Wright's Caricatures of the Georges, pp 201-2 )
1756] GEORGE II. 97
wealth, and the full sense of its possession. He was un-
scrupulous, practised in the lowest tricks of politics, with a
restless ambition ; with very ordinary talents for administration
and debate, and in his intercourse with the king he managed
to make himself most objectionable.*
One of the characteristics of George II. was that in his
transactions with his ministers he desired their communications
to be brief and the matter succinctly submitted. Pitt did not
follow this rule ; his address was formal and affected ; he was
stilted and oratorical and his language not easily understood
owing to the king's imperfect knowledge of English. Temple's
manner is best described by George II. himself: "he is so
disagreeable a fellow that there is no bearing him ; when he
attempts to argue he is pert and sometimes insolent ; when he
means to be civil he is extremely troublesome, and in the
business of his office he is totally ignorant." -f- It is not to be
wondered at that the king thought of the placid complaisance
of Newcastle and negotiations were opened with him for his
resumption of office ; but the duke would take no decided
action. He feared the consequences of assuming power under
such trying conditions. In this hesitation, the impetuosity of
the duke of Cumberland intervened and created the crisis.
He had been appointed to the command of the German troops
gathered together in Hanover, and having a strong prejudice
against Pitt on account of the opposition he had shewn to the
Hanoverian subsidies, he was unwilling to leave England in
order to assume his duties with Pitt as secretary of state, to
exercise control over his movements. The duke had no great
difficulty in acting upon the king's dissatisfaction, and in
persuading him to deal summarily with members of the
ministry whose manners were distasteful to him, and in whom,
personally, he placed little confidence. Temple was dismissed
* Richard Grenville, eldest son of Mr. Richard Grenville, of Wotton, and
Esther Temple, countess Temple and viscountess Cobham in her own right. lie
was the first Richard Grenville earl Temple, succeeding to the title on the decease
of his mother in 1752.
t Lord Waldergrave's Memoirs, p. 90.
98 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1757
on the 5th of April, in the expectation that Pitt would accept
the act as a personal affront and resign. Pitt saw clearly
what was intended ; he remained passive and the court
accordingly had to complete the contemplated change. He,
himself, was dismissed on the 9th : other removals followed,
and the ministry, as it had been reconstituted, ceased to exist.
The duke of Cumberland having attained his purpose, was so
little affected by the crisis which he had created, that he even
failed to see its existence. He believed a few weeks would
sufifice to affirm the position of a new ministry when all would
again run on smoothly, and he left for his command on the
continent.
The appointment of Pitt to office had to some extent
quieted public feeling, and had revived the hopes of the
nation. Nevertheless, little had been done to change the
policy of the country. There was the same want of energy
and effort, for the public service had been paralyzed, owing to
the control exercised by Newcastle and his supporters. As
we read of his influence, he appears as the evil genius in the
tale, whose glance could wither to nothingness everything it
fell upon. The dismissal of the ministry, as it removed all
hope of better government, awoke the old feeling of discontent
with increased bitterness ; on all sides loudly expressed com-
plaint and dissatisfaction were heard. The whole country
was in a fever of anxiety and anger at the removal of Pitt ;
such was the public confidence in his character. The city of
London, ever foremost in the career of civil and religious
liberty, and in its support of honest government, voted him
the freedom of the city. It was a significant political
demonstration, followed by the other large cities. The king-
dom throughout was convulsed to the core, and on all sides
Pitt was the recipient of honours. Eleven weeks passed
without a ministry being formed. Finally, the exigencies of
the situation exacted on all sides some abatement of the
pretensions which had led to the dead-lock. The king accepted
the appointment of Pitt as secretary of state to act as first
minister in the house of commons, having full control of the
1757] PITT FIRST MINISTER. 99
direction of the war, and the foreign policy of the country.
Fox became paymaster of the forces, accepting an office of
great emolument, but without influence ; being content to
vote as the minister prescribed. Newcastle brought to the
support of the administration his wide parliamentary interest,
and undertook the control of the votes of the house of com-
mons given in support of the ministry ; the department of
corruption for which he was competent. The great affairs of
the nation were left to the genius and energy of Pitt.
It was the commencement of the most powerful adminis-
tration which England has ever seen. We have not only to
consider the triumphs which were accomplished, but the
condition in which the country was languishing when Pitt
obtained power. There was a dead level of selfishness and
meanness, joined to an utter indifference of everything which
affected the public interest. There was no recognition of
merit, no reward for devotion to duty : it was a period when
influential incompetence revelled in its paradise. The one
object of men in power had been the preservation of their
parliamentary majority, in order that they could retain the
dignity and profits of office. Every embarrassing question
was avoided or glossed over : every useful measure was aban-
doned as the noisy outcry of an interested opposition : every
abuse was maintained ; all responsibility by executive officers
avoided. Political partisans were pushed into offices of con
sequence and extravagantly paid, and pensions and position
given to any prominent personage capable of proving trouble-
some. It was inaction raised to a science, the English version
of the saying attributed to Mde. de Pompadour, ''Aprcs inoi
le deluge."
Pitt's administration lasted until the death of the king in
1760, when it was broken up by George III. to place the
favourite of his mother, the incompetent lord Bute, in power ;
and, owing to the doctrines inculcated from his youth upward
in the mind of the young king, from the desire to establish
the royal will as autocratically and as arbitrarily as that of a
Roman Caesar.
100 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^757
CHAPTER VII.
Pitt's new ministry was completed on the 29th of June,
1757. He selected lord Holdernesse as joint secretary of war,
doubtless with the view of avoiding all interference with his
energetic policy. Newcastle accepted the duties of the treas-
ury ; Legge was named chancellor of the exchequer. Pratt,
afterwards lord Camden, became attorney-general ; Temple,
lord privy seal. Anson was continued in his office in the
admiralty. In placing Anson in this position, Pitt determined
to retain undisputed control over the navy : he even insisted
that the correspondence of naval officers should be referred to
him, and that without comment the naval board should accept
despatches sent for their signature. Anson's position was so
weak, that little opposition could be looked for from him.
Pitt was thus supreme ; but the season was far advanced,
and with every desire for action, his power was limited to the
operations which the period of the year would permit. The
early months of his administration presented only the record
of disaster ; they can be adduced as an example, that fre-
quently the events of the present imperfectly forebode the
conclusion hoped or feared. A series of misfortunes were
announced, each case in itself a serious reverse. The first
news received was the destruction of William Henry in the
early days of August, which I have narrated in a previous
chapter. It was followed in September by the defeat of the
duke of Cumberland at Hastenberg, and the convention of
Clostern Severn, which for the time threatened the loss of the
king's Hanoverian dominions.
The duke was in Hanover in command of about 60,000
subsidized Hessians, Brunswickers and soldiers from Gotha,
his object being the defence of -the electorate against the
French. Marshal d'Estrees, at the head of 80,000 men, was
1757] CLOSTERN SEVERN. lOI
in the field against him. The French unopposed overran
Hesse and seized the capital, Cassel. The duke, believing the
passage of the Weser to.be so difficult, as in itself to form a line
of defence, took ground on the eastern bank, and gave direc-
tions for fortifying the two places Munden and Hamelin. But
the French without difficulty crossed the river, upon which the
duke called in his detachments and established himself at
Hastenbach, not far from Hamelin. He was here vigorously
attacked on the 27th of July and defeated. The duke hastily
retreated, and made no attempt to retrieve the loss of the day.
The day after the victory, as if a censure for his success,
d'Estrees was replaced by the due de Richelieu ; the result of
court intrigue. The French rigorously raised contributions in
the electorate, and took possession of the whole country to
Bremen. The duke continued his retreat towards Stade, at
the mouth of the Elbe. Four English men-of-war were
stationed here, from which he looked for support, but his
communication with the stream was cut off. A treaty was
negotiated at Clostcrn Severn on the 8th of September,
through the intervention of count Lynar, minister to the king
of Denmark. It was stipulated that hostilities should cease ;
that the subsidized Germans should return to their homes ;
and that the Hanoverian troops should remain in a district
assigned them east of the Elbe, in the neighbourhood of Stade.
When the treaty was reported to England, the duke was
immediately recalled.'"
The duke was received in great anger by his father George
n., who, when they met, would not speak to him. The high
* The treaty caused Frederick of Prussia the greatest dissatisfaction. Nearly
twenty years afterwards, in October, 1715, he wrote an ode satirizing the duke.
Tel parut Cumberland, cet invincible due,
Qui sentant ses guerriers mal-adroits h la nage,
Par ce fameux traite leur sauva le naufrage.
Evitant avec soin surtout de se noyer ;
Dans le tumulte militaire
Toujours doux, clement, debonnaire ;
Homicide ne fut, quoiqu'excellent guerrier.
Je pourrais encore publier,
I02 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^7S7
spirit of the duke was so affected by this treatment, that he
immediately resij]^ned every military appointment he held. He
was then in his forty-fourth year. In spite of the want of
fortune which attended his career, William duke of Cumber-
land must retain a respectable place in history for his ability,
truthfulness, and honesty. It is perhaps not now generally
recollected that, owing to his popularity, the flower called
" Sweet William " was named after him. There are many
fables of his atrocities after Culloden, in one of which he is
represented as calling upon Wolfe to shoot a wounded high-
land soldier, when Wolfe replied he was not an executioner.
However stern the treatment of those engaged in the rebellion,
it was the consequence of the positive orders from London.*
Pitt's conduct on this occasion showed the magnanimity of
Qu'il nous vit tous ronger des Fran9ais comme un chancre.
Aiment mieux, du haut faite ou I'elevait son rang,
Repandre en beaux traites tout un deluge d'encre.
Que de verser pour nous une goutte de sang.
— CEuvres Posthumes de Frederic II., XV., p. 213.
The convention was subsequently set aside. It was received with the same
disfavour in Prussia as in London, and on all sides the retreat of the duke was
blamed. On his part he complained that he had been restricted by the regency in
Hanover. The treaty was likewise objected to in France, the prevailing opinion
being that too favourable terms had been granted to a force, driven into such a
position that no alternative presented itself but unconditional surrender. The
French endeavoured to provoke the Hanoverians to a line of conduct which would
warrant them in declaring that the conditions had been violated. They seized the
country, took possession of the government, and exacted the sternest and most
exorbitant contributions for the support of the army. Indeed, they refused to
acknowledge the conditions unless the Hanoverians and their allies would
stipulate not to serve during the war. Urged by the king of Prussia, George II.
finally published a declaration justifying the course of renouncing the agreement.'
The command of the army was conferred on Ferdinand, brother of the duke of
Brunswick, the subsequent conqueror of Minden. 'l"he due de Richelieu, on
hearing of the .ictivity of the Hanoverians, addressed a letter to prince Ferdinand,
in which he oftered to fulfil the convention, as it was considered by Prussia and
England ; otherwise he would feel warranted in burning every building in
Hanover from a palace to a cottage, to sack all the towns and villages, and
devastate the country. To this threat the prince replied that he would give an
answer to the due de Richelieu at the head of his army.
* Those who may desire to form a fi^ir view of ihe duke of Cumberland's
character will do well to refer to sir Walter Scott's introduction to Waveiley.
1757] " FEARS OF INVASION. IO3
his character. It may be recollected that the duke had been
the principal cause of Pitt's removal from the ministry early
in the year. When George II. was exclaiming against his
son that he had no authority to make such a treaty, Pitt, in
opposition to the king, pointed out that full power had been
granted to the duke, which in this respect must be considered
his justification.
Pitt's nature was not one to be dismayed by reverses, how-
ever painful, and although the season was late he took steps to
equip a fleet, the destintition of which \/as kept secret. There
was, at this period, in England an extraordinary dread of
invasion from France.* There will ever be found a class of
alarmists who can see only the dark side of life ; the antece-
dent events of 1745 were so recent that they furnished an
argument with men of gloomy natures for the probability of
their recurrence. The dread of this movement had been the
cause of the limit imposed to Byng's fleet. Pitt's nature was
not one to be impressed by the feeling, especially when he
held the power by which the danger could be met. He must
have seen these fears to be illusory and groundless, and that
his first imperative duty was to re-establish public confi-
* Frequent allusion to tliis probability may be found in the letters of the time.
On the 24th of October, 1755, Wolfe wrote to his mother : " in case of an invasion
I imagine my father will think it his duty to be at the head of his regiment.''
In November he writes from Canterbury : " General Hawiey is expected in a few
days to keep us ail in order. If there is an invasion they could not make use of
a more unfit person, for the troops dread his severity, hate the man and hold his
military knowledge in contempt." In February, 1756, "I believe the French
would be pleased to invade us if they knew how to get over;" and in Tuly:
"\\hat makes me laugh, is our extravagant fears of an invasion, at a time when
it is absolutely absurd and almost impossible." [Wright, pp. 329: 333-4: 341-]
Mrs. Delaney relates in her autobiograjjhy [III., 401] alluding to this panic, owing
to a wedding procession passing rapidly through some villnges, the inhabitants
rushed to their houses, barricaded ihem, armed themselves with pitchforks and
exclaimed that the invasion had come. In his letters to sir Horace Mann, Horace
Walpole laughs at these fears. In March, 1755, he wrote [III. p. 140] the French
"shall be in Southwark before I pack up a single miniature." In February, 175b,
he wrote [III., p. 176], "The reigning fashion is expectation of an invasion ; I can't
say I am fashionable ; nor do I expect the earthquake thougii they say it is land<d
at Dover."
104 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
dence. The country had lost its ancient self-reliance ; the
future seemed dark with additional disaster. The debt was
increasing, amid the common feeling that no counterbalancing
advantage was obtained. Faith in the public spirit had fled.
Incapacity, irresolution, with the care for private and family
interest, were apparent on all sides. The nation had no longer
any confidence in its good fortune, and while the highest hope
was an avoidance of serious failure, the common belief had
arisen that national ruin and disgrace impended over the land.
An expedition had been suggested by the probability of its
success, the design being to destroy the vessels of war in the
harbours on the eastern coast of France. The seaboard had
been stripped of its defenders to send troops to Germany, and
there was the expectation that the possibility of attack would
lead to the withdrawal of a large force from the army operat-
ing against Frederick of Prussia. The expedition was ready
to sail in September ; the period taken for its organization
was remarkably short, two months only having elapsed from
the day when Pitt assumed office. Sixteen ships of the line
and several frigates and transports sailed from Spithead, the
fleet being under the command of sir Edward Hawke. Sir
John Mordaunt was the senior general : a man well known
in society, with an assured position as the nephew of the earl
of Peterborough, he was personally most estimable. He had
thirty-seven years service, having entered the army in 1721,
and was now lieutenant-general. He had commanded a
brigade at Culloden, and was present in Lauffeld in 1747.
The command was, in the first instance, offered to lord George
Sackville, better known as lord George Germaine, but it was
declined. The second in command was Conway, whose name
appears in the imperial history for the succeeding quarter of
a century. Cornwallis was the third superior officer. His
fame rests on his conduct in the foundation of Halifax, where
he shewed uncommon ability and judgment.
The expedition is of importance in the history of Canada,
inasmuch as it is the occasion when Wolfe's name first
appears in prominence. Although Wolfe had attracted atten-
1757] ROCHEFORT. I05
tion in the service by his abihty and conduct, he was otherwise
unknown. With the commanders of regiments he had ob-
tained reputation from the excellent condition to which he
had brought the men under him, and the " intelligence of the
discipline he enforced." He was appointed quartermaster-
general to the expedition.
There was no delay in the departure of the fleet : it left
St. Helen's on the 8th of September. After being a week at
sea, the information was made known that the objective point
was Rochefort, on the right bank of the Charente. The fleet
arrived on the 21st of September, but owing to the high wind
no attempt was made to land until the 23rd, when the He
d'Aix was taken by captain, afterwards lord, Howe. During
the inaction of the preceding days, Wolfe applied for per-
mission to make a reconnaissance, when he saw that a fort on a
sandy promontory had first to be silenced before Rochefort
could be attacked. He formed the opinion that a single man-
of-war could approach sufficiently near for the place to be can-
nonaded, and that under protection of the fire, troops could be
landed for an attack on the reverse side. The pilot considered
that there was water sufficient. The admiral ordered a careful
reconnaissance to be made, upon which the opinion was
formed that the landing might be effected. At the council of
war the discussion turned upon the possibility of re-embarking
the troops. The general was desirous of receiving a positive
assurance from the admiral that he would undertake at any
time to embark the troops. Hawke replied that the operation
must depend on the wind and weather. The council was not
of opinion that the attempt should be made. Two days'
deliberation ensued, when the opinion was reversed, and the
men were put on board the ships' boats. After lying on the
water for three hours, the troops were ordered to return on
shipboard. Again there was a misconception between the
general and admiral. On the 29th, Hawke by letter informed
Mordaunt that if no further military operations were to be
proposed, the fleet must return to -England. Mordaunt ac-
cordinsjlv called a third council, at which the admiral refused
I06 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
to attend, as seamen were not judges of the operations of
troops on land. During this hesitation, Wolfe offered, if 500
men were given him and three ships of war, he would make
the attempt on Rochefort. The offer was refused. On a
third council of war, it was resolved to demolish the fortifica-
tions of Aix and to return to England.
The national disappointment on this failure was generally
and strongly felt. A court of inquiry was held upon the
conduct of Mordaunt ; the report, though equivocal, amounted
to censure of his conduct. Consequently Mordaunt was
tri.ed by court-martial. The verdict in this case was that of
acquittal.
Few ministers entering upon office during a war, carried on
with activity and determination by a powerful enemy, have
had to encounter the influence of such depressing reverses.
An ordinary mind would have been dismayed and have cowed
before the future. The gloomy news from the continent and
from America were only re-echoed by the failure of the efforts
he had himself originated. With nations, when true self-reliant
courage is the basis of the popular character, as with indivi-
duals who, with great qualities, have suffered wrong and
adversity, misfortune brings forth the nobler, higher and better
instincts which circumstances have caused to lie dormant.
The immediate consequence is the exercise of the spirit of
determination, by which the best results are achieved. How
many private histories, if they were written, could trace to
what at the time appeared an overwhelming disaster, the
awakening of that mental discipline and labour which opened
the path to distinction and fortune. Mere complacent
satisfaction in the happier chronicles of a nation is a widely
different sentiment to that re-awakened patriotism, called into
life by the sense of the peril in which the country is placed,
to teach us, that on all sides individual effort is demanded, to
restore peace and happiness to the nation, when threatened by
danger and disaster. As Pitt looked around him in the higher
ranks of the services, the sign most predominant was indolent
and selfish caution, antagonistic to all display of vigour.
1757] PITT'S INFLUENCE. lO/
There was little fondness for the duties of military life ; its
attraction consisted in the distinction it conferred and the
means of livelihood it furnished. As Pitt cast his eyes over
the list of general officers, not one name suggested itself as
a fit commander of an important enterprise. On all sides there
was the same indifference to duty. Army contractors and
purveyors were intent on gain ; unenterprising and ignorant,
their greatest knowledge was that of falsifying accounts.
Pitt sought out and detected many such abuses ; further, he
remedied them. He brought to the discharge of his own
obligations, attention, care and devotion. His unceasing
labour, his punctual observance of every minor detail, his
indefatigable examination of all that came under his notice,
awoke a spirit through ^public life to recall the glorious days
of Marlborough. No man met Pitt and received his instruc-
tions, but was carried away by the extraordinary influence he
could impart. Thoughts which men had not known to be
theirs, came upon natures capable of entertaining them, as they
heard his plainly-given orders, and listened to his elevated
views. He imparted, as it were, that sense of determination
and courage, that chivalrous disregard of self, the true
prompting spirit of great and noble actions. He brought
England back to her true nature, and the re-establishment of
the national spirit may be traced to his inspiration.
The line of policy, which Pitt determined vigorously to
carry out, was the attempt to drive the French from America,
and to establish over the whole continent undisputed British
rule. The operations to effect this result could be narrowed
to three objective points : the fortress of Louisbourg ; the city
of Quebec ; in each case to be attacked by a united naval
and land expedition ; third, by an advance of a land force by
lake Champlain, to attack the French posts on the lake, and
to advance upon Montreal. Quebec and Montreal wrested
from the French, the outer posts of Frontenac, Niagara, and
Detroit, with the forts on the Ohio, including fort Duquc^ne,
would be cut off from all assistance, and from want of supplies
would have no alternative but to surrender.
I08 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^75^
The fortress of Louisbourg was alike a threat to Massa-
chusetts and to Nova Scotia, from the privateers which found
refuge in its harbour and stole out to prey upon the commerce
of Boston and the other towns ; while the large force stationed
there threatened the very existence of Halifax. Its destruc-
tion accordingly assumed importance in the imperial as in the
provincial point of view. In November, 1757, brigadier Waldo,
who had been third in command of the land forces at the
siege of 1745, addressed a memorial to Pitt, with maps and
plans, detailing a mode of attack. One miscalculation of this
paper was the supposed ease with which the troops could be
landed : it was the dut)- in which the greatest difficulty was
experienced. Waldo estimated that the place could not hold
out fourteen days. One point he dwelt upon, the necessity of
a superiority of force, and that it was essential the expedition
should arrive before Louisbourg at the latter end of April.*
The failure of the expedition of Loudoun had to a great
extent been attributed to the late period when it left England.
So soon as the campaign was resolved upon, great activity
was shewn in completing the organization. It was far ad-
vanced in January : we have a letter from Wolfe of the 7th,
that he hurried from Exeter to London to receive his instruc-
tions. He was appointed brigadier-general, his commission,
however, only giving him rank in America.-f- Even Pitt could
not break through the spirit of routine which was weighing
down the service in order to give full promotion to merit.
There stood between him and his desires the adamantine
social barrier, the claim of seniority ; a difficulty ever to recur,
only to be met in individual cases, b}- the unmistakeable
expression of public opinion.
There was less difficulty in finding a leader in the naval
than in the 'land service. The discipline of the navy exacts
from the least attentive a close observance of daily duty ; and
it is not possible on shipboard for the time wholly to be passed
in frivolity. The ordinary every day life therefore cannot fail
* Archive Report, 1SS6, cli.
t 23rd of J.-inuary, 175S.
1758] ADMIRAL BOSCAWEN. IO9
to bring with it some experience and knowledge, and a kw
years' service as a naval officer must leave its distinct impress.
In those days many of this class were rough in their manner,
and had not sought to improve the slight education they had
received ; they were, however, perfectly at home afloat ; they
were excellent seamen, ready to fight their ship, and resolute
in the hour of danger. The selection of the admiral proved
fortunate in the extreme. He cordially co-operated with the
general in command ; was not restrained by ill-considered
professional doubts and scruples, and was ready to take his
share of the risk and responsibility in trying times. Towards
the end of the siege full proof was given of his enterprise and
dash ; during its continuance his judgment and forethought
were unfailingly apparent.
Admiral Edward Boscawen was the third son of the first
viscount Falmouth. His grandmother was Arabella Churchill,
who, after the termination of her connection with James II.,
married Mr. Charles Godfrey. Boscawen, born in 171 1, had
entered the navy at fifteen ; he was now forty-seven years
old. He had sailed with the unfortunate admiral Hozier, and
was present at Porto Bello as a volunteer under Vernon. In
1742 he had been appointed to the "Dreadnought." As his
qualities were considered to accord with the ship's name, he
was known by the men as " Old Dreadnought," but, from
carrying his head on one side, he was christened by the sailors
"Wry-necked Dick." He had served in the East Indies with
no good fortune. In 1755 he was in command of the fleet
sent to the North American station, and it was the ships of his
squadron which fell in with and captured '' I'Acide " and " le
Lys." In 1757 he had been appointed in command with
Hawke. With this record, he was named admiral of the fleet
directed against Louisbourg.
The commander-in-chief was general Amherst. He
belonged to a family of respectability of Rivershead, near
Seven Oaks, in Kent. He was born in 1717. He owed his
first position to the favour of the dulce of Dorset, who was a
neighbour of his father. When the duke was lord lieutenant
110 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/S^
of Ireland Amherst acted as page, and in this position he
became known to lord George Sackville, afterwards lord George
Germaine, by whose interest he was much advanced in the
service. As most of the young men of that day, at the age of
fourteen he received his first commission in the guards. He
early obtained the position of aide-de-camp to lord Ligonier,
and was present at Roucoux, Dettingen and Fontenoy. He
was at the battle of Lauffeld, in 1747, on the staff of the duke
of Curnberland. In 1756 he became colonel of the 15th. He
was present, in 1757, at Hastenback, and afterwards served
with the British co7'ps d'arince acting under prince Ferdinand.
He had attracted the attention of his superiors, by his talents
and his self-control, thoroughly to obtain their confidence. It
was in this position, when serving in Germany as a colonel,
that he was selected by Pitt to take command of the forces in
North America, with the rank of major-general. He was
then forty-two years of age. He owed much to the Dorset
family, and it appears probable that it was the same influence
which led to his selection. Pitt had offered the command to
lord George Sackville, in the expedition against Rochefort.
Lord George's desire was to serve on the continent, and he
had declined it. This position he subsequently obtained,
unfortunately for his good fame, having succeeded to the chief
command through the death of the duke of Marlborough. It
is not improbable that he brought Amherst to Pitt's notice.
It was a bold and unusual proceeding on the part of the
minister to pass over the general officers on the roster, to
select a colonel of a few years' standing to be placed in high
command. There must have been powerful assurances of
Amherst's ability to lead to this course. Fortunately for
himself, he was favourably known both to lord Ligonier and
the duke of Somerset.
He is described by a later writer* as being tall and thin,
with an aquiline nose, an intelligent countenance, and a dried-
up complexion. Ilis manners were grave, formal, and cold.
His judgment and his understanding were considered to be
* Wra.\all, II., 192.
1758] JAMES WOLFE. Ill
good ; neither was cultivated by education or expanded by
knowledge. He was exceedingly taciturn : when in after
years he attended the cabinet dinners, he rarely expressed an
opinion on any political question. He gave his vote in the
negative or affirmative in few words, often in monosyllables,
and never could be induced to give his reasons. He is
accused by contemporary writers of being grasping, and of
endeavouring to enrich himself It will be seen hereafter that
he endeavoured to obtain a grant of the Jesuits' estates after
the conquest. So many difficulties intervened, that the matter
remained unsettled at his death, and in lieu of the grant an
annuity was given to the second lord. Amherst, on reaching
America, had twenty-eight years' service ; he had long been
a friend of Wolfe, who, on hearing of his promotion to the
colonelc}- of the 15th, wrote that "no one deserves the king's
favour better than that man."
The three junior brigadiers were Lawrence, Wentworth, and
Wolfe.
James Wolfe was born in Westcrham, in Kent, near London,
on the 2nd of January, 1727. At that date his father was
fort}'-three years old, a lieutenant-colonel in the army, having
served with distinction under Marlborough. His mother was
Henrietta Thompson, of a distinguished Yorkshire famih- ;
she was then twenty-four, being nineteen years her husband's
junior. The Wolfes were originally Anglo- Irish. The great-
grandfather of Wolfe settled in the north of England, and this
branch of the family left Ireland. Wolfe was the eldest of
two sons : his brother Edward, a year younger, also in the
army, died at Ghent in October, 1744, in his seventeenth year;
his weak frame at that age being unable to sustain the hard-
ships of the campaign.
Wolfe's first commission was in his father's regiment of
marines ; he was not then fifteen. He was soon afterwards
transferred to the 12th, colonel Duroure's regiment. In the
same year he was at Ghent. Even at this early date he
suffered from bad health ; he wrote,* " I never come into
* 14th of February, 1743,
112 THE HISTORY OF CAN^ADA. [l758
quarters without aching hips and knees." Throughout his
life, from the weakness of his constitution, he suffered from
occasional severe sickness. Wolfe's education only lasted a
few years, and he left school at the age when boys are being
transferred to the higher forms : he had no illusions as to his
deficiencies in this respect, and his constant effort was to
remedy them. He was, indeed, what most men must be, more
or less, self-educated ; doubtless, his mind received in his first
years those good impulses by which his character was formed.
When at Glasgow, and he was then a major, in his twenty-
second year, with every inducement to pass his time in
amusement, he relates that in the morning, " I have a man to
instruct me in mathematics, and in the afternoon another comes
to assist me in regaining my almost lost Latin." Of French
he obtained a knowledge to speak it fluently. He learned to
dance and to fence ; indeed, he endeavoured to perfect him-
self in every social duty. He was a diligent student of his
own profession. It is related of him at Louisbourg, that
when some surprise was expressed as to the drill he had
introduced into the movements of the light infantry * of
passing rapidly from point to point, availing themselves of
cover, and. gaining the advantage of height in an attack,
Wolfe asked an officer of some reading what he thought of
it. " I think," was the reply, " I see something here of the
history of the Carduchi who harassed Xenophon, and hung
• Entick thus describes the light infantry which rendered essential service
during the siege. The course pursued on this occasion may appear worthy the
attention of a general in the held. "Our light infantry, Highlanders and
Rangers, the French termed the English savages, perhaps in contradistinction to
their own native Indians, Canadians, &c., the true French savages. These light
infantry were a corps of 550 volunteers, chosen as marksmen out of the most
active, resolute men, from all the battalions of regulars, dressed, some in blue, some
in green jackets and drawers, for the easier brushing through the woods, with ruffs
of black bear's skin round their necks, the beards of their upper lips some grown
into whiskers, others not so, but all well smutted on that part, with little round
hats like several of our seamen. Their arms were a fusil cartouche, box of balls
and flints, and a powder horn flung over the shoulders." " The rangers are a
body of irregulars, who have a more cut-throat savage appearance, which carries
in it something of natural savages ; the appearance of the light infantry has in it
more of artiflcial savages." Vol, III., p. 227.
1758] MISS LAWSON. 113
upon his rear in the retreat over the mountains." " You arc
right," said Wolfe, " I had it there, but our friends are
astonished at what I have shewn them, because they have
read nothing." *
We have here the explanation of Wolfe's professional
knowledge. It was unceasingly sought after by him wherever
he thought that it could be obtained. Even in his seventeenth
year he acted as adjutant to his regiment, in which capacity
he was present at Dcttingcn. At the close of the campaign
he returned to England, when he was appointed captain in
Barren's, the 4th regiment. He was not at Fontenoy. In
1745 his regiment was a part of the force of marshal Wade
sent to oppose the pretender. He was at Falkirk and at
Culloden, under the duke of Cumberland, and he has left an
account of the battle. The rebellion having been subdued,
he remained in the highlands, and he is believed to have
remained in command of the fort between lochs Lomond and
Katrine. Wolfe was again in service on the continent in
January, 1747, and was present at Lauffeld on the 2nd of
June. He returned to London in the winter of 1747-8, going
back to the continent in March, 1748. In January, 1749, he
was appointed major in lord George Sackville's regiment,
the 20th.
At this date occurred his afaire dc cwur with Elizabeth,
eldest daughter of sir Wilfrid Lawson, maid of honour to the
princess of Wales. Wolfe was thrown much into her society
during the winter he was in London. She was well connected,
being the niece of lord Peterborough. It was not her position
at the court which attracted Wolfe, for he described it " as a
genteeler way to wickedness," which, with Miss Chudleigh in
his mind, it was not difficult to believe. While personally he
was much attached to Miss Lawson, his parents were opposed
to the match, an objection based on the lady's want of
fortune. If Wolfe ever made a serious proposal it was
rejected ; he himself speaks of his *' last disappointment in
love," and he was angry with his mother when she wrote that
* Anabasis, Book IV,, 1-2.
114 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
Miss Lavv^son's ill-health prevented her marrying. " My
amour," he wrote five years later, " has not been without its
use. It has defended me against other women, introduced a
great deal of philosophy and tranquility as to all objects of
our strongest affections, and something softened the disposi-
tion to severity and rigour that I had contracted in the camp,
trained up as from my infancy to the conclusion of the peace
in war and tumult." A few years after the affair his old
feelings were awakened by seeing Miss Lawson's picture in
the house of general Mordaunt. It may be well to remark
that Miss Lawson died in March, 1759, in less than a month
after the departure of Wolfe for the St. Lawrence.
In 1749, owing to the departure of the lieutenant-colonel,
Cornwallis, to assume the duties of the government of Nova
Scotia, Wolfe was placed in command of the regiment. It
was the commencement of the reputation he subsequently
attained. Wolfe's attention was directed to every minor
detail of the interior economy of the regiment. His effort
was not simply given to the smart appearance of men on
parade, and that they should execute their movements in the
field with steadiness and regularity ; Wolfe was among the
first to shew his care aud consideration for the soldier in the
ranks, and to elevate him in his own self-respect. The high
degree of excellence to which he brought the regiment, became
widely known, and men of rank and position on joining the
service applied to obtain their commissions in the 20th.
Among such as these was the duke of Richmond and the
marquis of Blandford. When the battle of Minden was
fought, on the ist of August, 1759, Wolfe was in command of
the expedition against Quebec, but the gallantry and good
service of the regiment, on that day, were fully recognized as
the consequence of his discipline and training.
The age was one of reckless dissipation and idleness. In
the hour of danger the officers shewed courage and fortitude ;
but there was a total disregard of the study of their profession.
There was, indeed, little encouragement to the military student,
for promotion was the consequence of political influence and
1758] temple's story. 115
powerful family connections. Wolfe's letters are full of allu-
sions to this condition. In his own command he exacted
constant attention to duty, and one of his orders sets forth
that the subalterns cannot think they do too much. In 1750
he was appointed lieutenant-colonel of the 20th. Two years
later he was at Paris, the bearer of letters from lord Bury to
his father, the British ambassador, the earl of Albemarle. He
thus obtained the passport into the best society, French and
English. For the six months he was at Paris he was a diligent
student of the language, so that he spoke it fluently and
elegantly. He was desirous of professionally visiting the
continental camps ; but his application for leave for the pur-
pose was refused, so he returned to England. Towards the
end of 1753 the 20th was quartered at Dover. The regiment
remained in the south and west of England until the com-
mencement of the war in 1756. In the following 'year he
accepted the position of quartermaster-general for Ireland, on
condition that he received the rank of colonel. On a younger
lieutenant-colonel being promoted over his head, he resigned
the appointment. On his return from the expedition to
Rochefort, Wolfe was promoted to the rank of colonel. In a
letter to his father he speaks of his obligations to sir Edward
Hawke, who influenced lord Anson to submit his name to
the king. Lord Ligonier was then commander-in-chief, owing
to the resignation of the duke of Cumberland. Wolfe, being
in doubt as to his future conduct, addressed lord Ligonier on
the subject of his proceeding to Ireland. In this dilemma he
received the appointment as brigadier in the North American
expedition. The selection was the act of Pitt, dictated by the
desire to appoint competent men. His position, however,
conferred on him only the local rank of brigadier in America :
at the siege of Louisbourg, Wolfe's substantive army rank was
only that of colonel.
There is a story told of Wolfe, which has been accepted on
utterly insufficient evidence, to which I feel called upon to
allude. It is related that Pitt invited him to dinner previously
to his departure for Quebec, generally to discuss the chances
Il6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/SS
of the campaign, the only other guest present being lord
Temple. It is on lord Temple's authority that the story is
told. It never publicly appeared until published in lord
Mahon's history, in 1844, eighty-six years after the event,
with the consent and on the authority of Mr. Thomas Gren-
ville, who had heard the story from lord Temple.* In making
the statement Mr. Grenville was careful to add that, according
to Temple, Wolfe " had partaken sparingly of wine," but that
he indulged in the greatest extravagance of manner and
conduct, drawing his sword in the dining room, and declaring
what he would effect with it.
It may be asked, on what ground this plain narrative can
be disputed ? I reply, its total want of corroboration, the
character of the first narrator, and the whole life and career
of Wolfe himself Lord Temple speaks of Wolfe being
heated by the " unwonted society of statesmen." Such a
supposition is ridiculously inadmissible. Pitt himself was no
higher in the social class than Wolfe ; he had commenced life
as a cornet in the " Blues," and by his own genius and political
career had attained distinction. There was surely nothing
overpowering, either in the birth, rank, ability or character of
lord Temple.f Wolfe had been on terms of intimacy with
* "After Wolfe's appointment, and on the day preceding his embarkation for
America, Pitt, desirous of givinj:; his last verbal instructions, invited him to
dinner, lord Temple being the only other guest. As the evening advanced,
Wolfe, heated, perhaps, by his own aspiring thoughts and the unwonted society of
statesmen, broke forth into a strain of gasconade and bravado. He drew his
sword, he rapped the table with it, he flourished it round the room, he talked of
the mighty things which tliat sword was to achieve. The two ministers sat
aghast at an exhibition so unusual from any man of real sense and real spirit.
And when at last Wolfe had taken his leave, and his carriage was heard to roll
from the door, I'itt seemed for the moment shaken in the high opinion which his
deliberate judgment had foimed of Wolfe ; lie lifted up his eyes and arms, and
exclaimed to lord Temple : " Good God ! that I should have entrusted the fate
of the country and of the administration to such hands." This story was told by
lord Temple himself to a near and still surviving relative, one of my l)est and
most valued friends." [Mahon's History of England, IV., p. 152.]
+ Horace Walpole makes the following allusion to lord Temple, HI., p. 391,
l6th Nov., 1759. Letter to sir Horace Mann. " If Lord Temple hoped to
involve Mr. Pitt in his quarrel, it was very wicked at such a crisis as this — and if he
1758] GRENVILLE FIRST LORD TEMPLE. II7
the first men in England. He had Associated in the best
society. The duke of Richmond and the marquis of Blandford
had sought commissions in his regiment. He had mixed with
the highest French nobiHty in Paris. Lord Bury was his
intimate friend. If there was one man with family pride, it
was lord George Sackville. Wolfe wrote to him with the
same freedom as to his intimate friend Rickson.
It was owing to the marriage of Pitt with the sister of lord
Temple, the head of the Grenville family, that Temple
possessed influence. Neither his character nor his talents com-
manded respect ; he was wealthy, ambitious, unscrupulous in
his attempts to obtain position, untiring in his energy to injure
an opponent, and with an exaggerated idea of his personal
importance, and of the dignity of the earldom his family had
lately obtained. We have many glimpses of his character in
the history of that time, when his name appears, mostly in
connection with that of Pitt. We read of his blundering
impertinence to George II., when he told the king that his
own conduct at Malplaquet had placed him in a position
similar to that of Byng. His pertinacious application for the
vacant garter was the cause of Pitt's letter to Newcastle,
which every admirer of Pitt's career must desire had remained
unwritten. We read of Temple's intrigues with Wilkes, in
the view of increasing his own political weight, carried to such
an extent that he was dismissed from the lord-lieutenancy of
Buckinghamshire and his name erased from the list of privy
councillors. In the complications which arose relative to the
regency bill. Temple's conduct was marked by much want of
scruple. George HI. had determined to make a change in
the ministry, from the dissatisfaction felt by him owing to the
exclusion of his mother's name from the regency bill. With
the desire of forming a ministry controlled by Pitt, his brother
George, and himself, Temple persuaded Pitt not to take office
could I am apt to believe he would — if he could not it was very silly. To the
Garter nobody can have slenderer pretensions ; his family is scarce older than his
earldom, whicli is of the youngest. His person is ridiculously awkward ; and if
chivalry were in vogue, he has given proofs of liaving no passion for tilt and
tournament."
Il8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^75^
on the conditions acceded to by the duke of (Cumberland on
the part of the king. In .spite of his better judgment, Pitt
was induced to comply with Temple's request, and in doing
so in his theatrical manner added a quotation from Virgil.*
Nevertheless, in the question of the stamp act, in 1766, Temple
deserted Pitt and allied himself with his brother. Temple's
intrigues at that day are fully recorded. Meeting Pitt with
friendliness, and separating from him with kindness and good
feeling, he wrote to his brother George of " all the insolence "
of the "great luminary." The opinion still prevails that on
Pitt taking office, the pamphlets directed against him were
written at the suggestion of lord Temple.
What is there in lord Temple's career or character to give
weight to his statements? We have in contra-distinction to
it, Wolfe's well-known life, his worth, his good sense, his
patriotism, his high standard of personal honour, his devotion
to truth and duty. There is not a single incident to suggest
such behaviour as that related to have taken place on this
evening. After his death much attention was directed to
Wolfe's career. No valid reason can be assigned for the
suppression of the incident if it happened. When it was
made known, there was no cause for its publication ; it was
simply a record of historical gossip. It is a fact standing
apart, involving no reputation and affecting no principle.
Until the appearance of lord Mahon's narrative there is not a
line extant to suggest such an event as possible. There may
have been some warmth of expression on W'olfe's part, for he
felt the necessity of changes and reforms in the arm}\ His
correspondence contains complaints of the professional ignor-
ance of many officers and of their reckless course of life. The
men were subjected to no controlling influence but the severest
discipline. There were no humanizing influences over the
soldier and sailor to elevate them above the coarsest animal
pleasures. Wolfe, who raised the 20th regiment to the
highest state of discipline, may have spoken freely on the
* " Exstinxsti me, teque soror, populumque, patresque
Sidonios, urbemque luam !" — -En. iv. 6S2.
1758] THE FABLE TO BE REJECTED. 1 19
condition of the army, and, to the astonishment of the minister,
made personal appeals to him on the subject.* Be this as it
may, without hesitation I express the opinion that the story
of lord Temple is to be rejected, on the ground that it rests
upon his own uncorroborated testimony, and that it is at
variance with the whole tenor of Wolfe's honourable and
chivalrous career.
* In Junius' celebrated letter to the king ten years later, he describes the
regiments of the line " left to perish in garrisons abroad, or pine in quarters at
home, neglected and forgotten . . the private men have four pence a day to
exist upon, and four hundred lashes if they desert." [Junius, Letter XXXV.,
December 19, 1769.]
I20 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/S^
CHAPTER VIII.
The fortress of Louisbourg had a higlier reputation for
strength than it deserved ; much of its supposed security was
placed in the almost continuous surf which broke against the
rocks, and from the supposed difficulty of effecting a landing
under a heavy fire from the batteries on shore. A harbour,
protected from every wind, in which several vessels of war
could safely float, was formed between two projecting points,
and the town and fortress, surrounded on three sides by
water, were established on the western side. The approach
to the line of fortifications on the land side was only attain-
able over marshy ground. Descending southerl}', the four
bastions were known as dauphin, king, queen, and princess.
There were on the fortress and outworks 419 guns and 17
mortars. The enceinte of the fortifications was about a mile
and three-quarters ; their length on the land side about 4,000
feet. Goat island stood in the centre of the entrance to the
harbour, on which a strong 30-pr. battery had been estab-
lished ; and on the northern line of the harbour, a formidable
battery armed with heavy guns, commanded the entrance
and its whole extent. The harbour widened from its entrance
to a mile to the northeast, and was known as the northeast
harbour. From the central battery on the north side, there
was a length of six thousand feet of water, two-thirds
of a mile wide, .of depth sufficient for ships of the line to
anchor. Extending further to the west there was a sheet of
water known as the " Barachois," from the side of which
during the siege the French frigate, the "Arethuse" cannon-
aded the British forces, to impede the formation of the
redoubts. There was an inlet some few miles to the east of
the harbour, known as Grand Laurentbec;* a fishing station
* The word is so given by de Drucour, (^iie. iJoc, IV., p. 145. The Enghsh
spelling has been both L'Orembeck and Lorembeg.
I7S8] LOUISBOURG. 121
had been established here, and it afforded a convenient place
for landing on this side. ^
When the landing was discussed, three points of land on
the western side came into prominence as fit for the attempt.
Cape Xoir was immediately south of the fortress ; " White
point " was about 6,ooo feet to the west ; the coast here takes
a northwesterly trend, and following the rocky line a mile
and a half further " Flat point " was reached, whence there
was a more rapid _ divergence to the north ; a short two miles
from Flat point there was a small cove, around which the
rocks rose to such a height that it was thought that landing
was here impossible : it was called by the French " La Cor-
morandiere."
It was to the character of this shore rather than to the
strength of the fortress that the French trusted to their
defence, for it had little power of resistance against heavy
artillery and a strong attacking force. The security of the
garrison lay in the prevention of any landing ; there was no
great risk from any sea attack. There were present the
battalions of Artois, Bourgogne, and Cambis, of the regular
French force, excellent troops, with a battalion of " Volontaires
Strangers',' from which several desertions took place during
the siege, and which did not command confidence. Two
companies of artillery were present to work the guns. There
were twenty-four companies of the Canadian marine force,
regularly disciplined. The male residents had organized
themselves into companies. The total strength may be set
down at 3,800 men. In the harbour were five ships of the
line and seven frigates, carrying 544 guns manned by 3,000
men. Late in the siege a force of Canadians and Indians
arrived, under de Boishebert, with the object of harassing
the besiegers. The service performed by them was unim-
portant. They remained in the woods to the north of the
town, whence they issued in their attacks.
Two thousand men were kept in position along the shore
to oppose any attempt at landing, and in no way to relax in
watchfulness. They were placed in force at the three locali-
122 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/S^
ties : de St. Julien at " la Cormorandiere," the extreme west,
with 985 men ; Marain at " Flat point " with 620 men ; and
Danthonnay at "White point" with 250 men. Pickets were
thrown out to keep the posts in communication, and a force
was held in reserve to be directed against the point attacked.
The commandant was the chevalier de Drucour, who had
been in Louisbourg since the 15th of August, 1754. In a
memoir sent to France* he describes the fortifications as being
in ruins, nothing having been done to place them in repair
since the place was given over to France by the treaty of Aix-
la-Chapelle. In 1755, orders had been sent to make the
fortress defensible, and the work had been carried on under
Franquet.
Drucour, in his letter written in England,"^ describes himself
as threatened with famine once a month. From that con-,
tingency he had been relieved by the arrival of the ships from
France. Although sir Charles Hardy had been cruising in
front of the harbour, he had been unable to prevent a single
ship entering the port.
The British fleet sailed from Saint Helen's on the 19th of
February, 1758, and arrived at Halifax on the 8th of May.
Owing to the absence of Amherst, Boscawen remained in
command ; feeling the danger of further delay, he resolved to
put to sea. As the ships were sailing out, the expedition was
met by the commander-in-chief, Amherst. There were one
hundred and fifty-seven sail composing this formidable armada,
carrying a land force of 12,260 men.;!: The ships kept well
together until the 30th. On the ist of June the admiral's ship
met captain Rous in the " Sutherland," who had been cruising
* Que. Doc, IV.. 145.
t Andover, 1st October, Ann. Reg. 1758, p. 179.
t The naval force was composed of 23 ships of the line, 18 frigates, and 116
other vessels and transports, making a total of 157 ships of all descriptions. The
land force consisted of
ISth [Amherst's] 17th [Forbes']
2Sth [Bragg's] 35th [Olway's]
40th [Hopson's] " 47th [Lascelle's]
4Sth [Webb's] fSth [Anstruther's]
1758] DIFFICULTY OF LANDING. I23
in front of Louisbourg. It was then known that two ships
had entered the harbour the preceding day, and it was believed
that there were thirteen vessels to aid in the defence. That
night the admiral's ship reached Gabarus bay. The second
of June was foggy ; about twelve the weather cleared, when a
view was obtained of the fortress. During the day about a
third of the troop-ships arrived and anchored ; in the same
afternoon Amherst, accompanied by brigadiers Lawrence and
Wolfe, reconnoitred the shore as closely as they could ap-
proach. While they remarked the points practicable for
landing, they observed that the line of coast was strongly
fortified, while the surf was beating upon the shore, as if to
give warning that no boat could even approach within reach
of landing. So much was said throughout the fleet, of this
danger in the presence of a disciplined force provided with
cannon, that the admiral, to strengthen his own judgment,
invited the captains, one after the other, on board his ship to
discuss the hazard of the attempt. Had a council been called,
most probably it would have resulted in an adverse decision.
Among those summoned was captain Ferguson, of the " Prince
60th 1st batt. Royal Americans, [Stanwix's]
" 2nd " " " [Monckton's]
63rd Frazer Highlands,
5 companies of Rangers,
with artillery,
making a total of 12,260 men.
The Royal Artillery train included 17 officers, 53 non-commissioned officers, 63
gunners, 163 matrosses. The guns were : Brass — 26 4-prs., 18 l2-prs., 6 6-prs.,
2 13-in. mortars, 2 lo-in., 7 S-in., 10 5>^-in., 30 4^5-1"- Iron — 8 32-prs., 25
24-prs., 4 6-prs., I 13-in. mortar. There were 2 8-in. and 4 5/^-in. howitzers.
Over 43,000 round shot, 2,380 case, 41,762 shell, besides a few grape and carcasses
and 4,888 barrels of powder.
Admiral Boscawen not only detached the marines to aid in working the artil-
lery, he likewise sent 4 32-prs, with part of his own ship's company for a battery.
[History of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, by major Francis Duncan, R.A.,
pp. 198-200]
I have to acknowledge my obligation to colonel Irwin, R.A., Inspector of
Canadian Artillery, fur directing my attention to major Duncan's valuable volume,
likewise for many pertinent suggestions with regard to the military events I have
• endeavoured to describe.
124 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/S^
of Orange " 60. He had seen much service, and was dis-
tinguished by his courage and conduct : his presence in the
fleet had, indeed, been specially asked for by Boscawen.
Ferguson would in no way recognize that the impracticability
of an enterprise was to be assumed on account of the danger
attending it. In his view, no argument which dwelt upon the
peril of an attempt should be listened to. He counselled the
admiral, for his own honour and for the glory of tJie country,
to assert the power which he possessed by virtue of his rank,
and not to appeal to any council of war. The appeal went
direct to the bold nature of Boscawen : his spirit rose with the
emergency. His instructions were to land the troops on the
island of cape Breton, and he resolved to place them on shore,
be the risk what it might ; and if the general " thought
proper " to re-embark them, to cover their retreat.
The determination of Boscawen removed all doubt and
irresolution ; the ancient courage of the race arose when it
was known that the attempt was to be made. Boscawen
assembled his lieutenants, and called upon them to exercise
the greatest diligence, and to aid the military in every way in
their power. On the 3rd the " Kennington " frigate was
brought close to the westernmost defences. It was the spot
where the New England troops had landed in 1745 ; by them
it was known as "Freshwater creek." The French gave it the
name of " la Cormorandierc." From this attack of the frigate,
in the annals of the siege the spot is known as " Kennington
cove."
On the 3rd everything was prepared, but the threatening
surf suggested the danger to be incurred. During the exam-
ination of the coast the opinion had been formed that less
risk would be incurred at Kennington cove than elsewhere,
and it was- determined that the disembarkation should take
place at this spot. On the 4th the snow " Halifax" was ordered
to join the " Kennington " in the attack. To distract the
enemy, the " Sutherland " and " Squirrel " cannonaded Flat
point, and the " Diana " and '' Shannon " were brought to bear
on the defences of White point. But the weather continued
1758] ATTEMPT TO LAND. I25
SO rough that it was not practicable to land. The formidable
coast defences could not be attacked in a rough sea. On the
6th there was a change of weather. Preparations were made
for landing, and many of the men embarked, when the fog
again came on, while the swell increased. The admiral pro-
nounced the landing inadvisable, and the men were ordered to
their ships. Amherst is careful to explain that the " reason
for so doing " was made known to them.
The weather on the following morning was bad ; as it
improved in the afternoon, it was hoped that at daybreak the
landing could be made. In the afternoon some sloops were
sent to Laurentbec, the small cove to the east of Louisbourg.
They were despatched to attract the attention of the fortress,
to convey the belief that the landing would be made there.
The French did not allow themselves to be deceived and
lulled into security. During the preceding six days they had
strengthened their position, and reinforced the batteries to the
west. No force was detached to Laurentbec, and the vessels
sailed to the east without interference.
It was resolved that the landing should be attempted on
the 8th. At sunrise the frigates approached the shore and
commenced a furious cannonade. The signal was given for
embarkation at two in the morning : at daybreak the troops
detailed for the attempt had been assembled in three divisions.
Six regiments, under brigadier Whitmore, rowed to the right,
as if to attempt a landing at White point. The centre, under
Lawrence, made a show of landing at Flat point. Thus the
whole force of the enemy was kept employed, and no one
post could be weakened. The left division, under Wolfe,
consisted of four companies of grenadiers, the light infantry,
the rangers, the Highland regiment, and eight companies of
grenadiers in support. As the boats rowed towards the shore,
the cannonade from the frigates ceased.
The French did not throw away a shot, but waited until
the near approach of the boats to the shore. It was then that
they directed their whole fire upon them. The surf was high
and strong, and it seemed impossible to find a landing place.
126 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/S^
The boats were met in all directions by the fire of heavy-
cannon and swivel guns. The abatis of fallen trees, with their
branches to the sea, extending round the coves appeared
impregnable. Moreover the guns were masked, and as the
boats came within range, unexpectedl}-, red hot balls, grape
and round shot were sent among them ; at the same time, a
continual fusillade of small arms was kept up from the height
of fifteen feet above their level.
As the troops of Wolfe's division suffered from the fire of
the defences, they were much exasperated. It was, however,
plain to Wolfe that the defences were too strong to be forced,
and that the landing to be successful must be attempted at
some other spot. It may be asked if there was not a want of
judgment on the part of the French in this premature dis-
charge of their artillery ? Had they permitted the boats to
approach and had opened fire when the attempt to land was
being made, many of the British must have been killed and
placed Jiors de combat ; and it is questionable if the movement
would have succeeded. As it was plain that a well organized
resistance was to be experienced, the direction of the boats
was changed ; the order was given for passing to the left. In
one of the boats by which the order was obeyed, lieutenants
Hopkins and Browne with ensign Grant observed a place
which appeared to them to admit of landing. With about
lOO light infantry they dashed for the shore to the right of
Kennington cove, and rowed forward until they found a place
whence they could wade to shore. They made their way over
the rocks and irregularities of ground, and reached the spot
which had been looked upon as impregnable.
A small projecting cape had concealed the movement.
The escarpment was at this point difficult to ascend, and as it
had been .considered that it was a spot where no attempt
was possible, no force was present to defend it. Here the
landing was effected, and the higher ground reached. When
the small detachment came to oppose the force in possession,
it was unable to resist the attack. made upon it, and was beaten
back.
1758] THE LANDING EFFECTED. 12/
Wolfe saw what had been effected by this movement, and
directed the remainder of the force to support it. The
cannon now played upon the men as the boats went forward,
and they had to undergo a discharge of musketry within
twenty yards. One boat was stove in and sunk, by which
some grenadiers were drowned. Many boats were broken to
pieces on landing, but the injury from the fire was not serious.
Those who principally suffered were the sailors remaining in
the boats.
Wolfe jumped into the surf, and struggled through the
obstacles in his path to reach the shore. He had only his
cane in his hand. He encouraged the men about him to press
forward. As they came on shore he formed them, and led
them to attack the force coming against them. It was a party
of the grenadiers of Artois, which was immediately routed ; the
officer in command was wounded and taken prisoner, with
several of his men.
The two other divisions followed and disembarked. The
whole force was now placed in column, and an attack made
on the foremost French pickets. They rapidly retreated,
demoralized by the appearance of the British force in strength.
The landing had not been effected without loss ; a great
number of the boats were stove in, so that many men were
bruised and hurt, and several crushed between the boats and
rocks. Xo order could be followed in gaining the shore, the
men wading through the swell ; in many cases their muskets
were wet with sea water. It was not until they reached the
higher ground, that they could be formed with any regularity.
The landing was a surprise to the French, for they had con-
sidered its attainment to be impossible, and they were so
impressed by its success that thc\- were seized by a panic and
abandoned their works. They made no stand, but rapidly
retreated to the fortress over ground described by Amherst as
the roughest and worst he had ever known. In the attack
they lost several killed, and several prisoners were taken;
among the latter was an Indian chiefs
The British pushed forward in pursuit, and as they came
128 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
within range of the fortress they were received by a cannonade
to protect the retreating force. It did httle injury, and was
so far advantageous that it determined the range of the guns,
and pointed out where the troops could encamp in safety.
The loss experienced by the British was, killed, three officers,
43 rank and file, many of whom were drowned ; five officers,
54 rank and file wounded. Of the provincial troops, an
officer and three men were killed, two wounded and missing.
Thirty-five guns and mortars remained as trophies of the day.
They were gathered from along the shore, and were of various
calibre, some of them 24-prs. These works were occupied in
strength, to prevent any attempt at their re-possession.
The weather continued so unfavourable that the stores
could not be landed ; it was only on the nth that the tents
and artillery were placed on shore. Until the force was
strengthened by reinforcements and artillery it was in great
danger. Had a well-directed sortie been made, the besiegers
might have had difficulty in holding their ground ; the whole
attention of the besieged, however, was given to making the
fortress capable of resisting attack.
The battery on the north shore of the harbour commanding
the entrance with forty heavy guns was abandoned, and, in
order to prevent the guns being directed against the place,
they were destroyed. All the outposts were called in ; the
buildings burned ; nothing was left within two miles of the
town except some chimneys and gable ends. There was a
battery at the light-house point, at the eastern entrance to the
harbour. It was likewise dismounted, and five spiked guns
left behind.
On the 1 2th Wolfe was detached with 1,200 men to take
possession of this post. Marching round the harbour, he
obtained a knowledge of the north-eastern ground and the
possibility of establishing batteries to attack the shipping. A
road connecting the eastern and western works was included
in the plan of attack. The guns and stores were landed at
Laurentbec, at which place a* large quantity of dried fish was
found stored. The weather continued very bad and retarded
1758] BATTERIES OPENED. I29
the works ; it was not until the 19th that the light-house
battery was made effective, and batteries established on the
northeast of the harbour to attack the shipping.
When the landing had been effected and the position of the
attacking force fully established, it was foreseen that, although
the defence might be prolonged for a few weeks, its ultimate
surrender was inevitable. The admiral in command, the mar-
quis Desgouttes, was desirous of sailing out of the harbour and
making an attempt to save his ships : de Drucour, however,
prevailed upon him to remain, so that the defence could be
prolonged, and the British troops employed, and not be
available to be taken elsewhere. The French commander had
been given to understand that it was the intention of Montcalm
to attack Abercrombie on the 15th of July. He considered
that by this course he was weakening the strength of the
British force.* The probability, however, is that, had the
capitulation been made at an early date, the fleet and the
transports would have immediately sailed for Quebec.
On the 13th, "I'Echo " frigate succeeded in escaping in the
fog with despatches to Quebec, but she failed to pass through
the British cruisers, and on the 19th was brought back a cap-
ture. ~ It then became known that the " Bizarre " had left on
the day of landing, and the " Comete " since that date.
The weather became more settled ; accordingly, on the i6th,
twelve days' provisions were landed from the store-ships.
Some idea of the perilous difficulty experienced in getting the
guns and stores on shore may be formed, when it is stated that
upwards of one hundred boats were lost in the service.
Wolfe opened his batteries on the eastern side on the 20th.
His attack from lighthouse point was directed against the
island battery ; the northeast battery played upon the ship-
ping. On the' 25th the firing was continued day and night
on the island battery, which had constantly endeavoured to
interrupt Wolfe's operations. It was now silenced : to some
extent, owing to the imperfect construction of the defences, it
had suffered from the discharge of its own guns.
• Que. Doc, IV., p. 148.
I30 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
The fortress was now exposed to bombardment from the
sea. To prevent the entry of the British fleet, the French
sunk four ships across the harbour ; a fifth was subsequently
placed beside them. The effect of this proceeding was to
cause the attack by land to be more vigorously pushed for-
ward. It had been conducted under great obstacles. The
weather remained unfavourable ; the surf made the landing
of stores a work of danger. The roads necessary to the trans-
port of artillery and the operations of the siege exacted great
labour. They had to be carried across morasses and the
roughest ground. The approaches, consequently, exacted
more time than had been looked for.
On the 1st of July a sortie was attempted against the works
on the northern side ; it was beaten back by the light infantry
without injury to the besiegers. On the same day Wolfe took
possession of the ground to the north of the " Barachois," and
commenced raising works to attack the fortress from that
direction. On the 3rd he was on the western side, directing
the redoubts which were being constructed against the citadel
bastion.
Hitherto there had been no interruption of the besiegers'
works by the irregular troops. We learn from de Drucour
that at the commencement of the siege there were only about
120 Acadians, with some few Indians.* After the landing,
they mostly returned to their villages. Boishebert, with 400
Canadians and Indians, arrived in July. On the 8th they
attacked the outposts, and were beaten back. They are not
again heard of
A more important sortie was attempted on the 9th against
the right of the attacking line under brigadier Lawrence, ' It
consisted of five pickets, supported by 600 men. Writers of
the date represent the French troops to have been well sup-
plied with liquor. They surprised in the trenches a company
of Forbes' Highlanders,under the command of lord Dundonald,
who was killed. Some of the men also fell, aud some were
carried off as prisoners. R-einforcemcnts coming up, the
* [Que. Doc, IV., p. 148.] " '
1758] l'ar£thuse. 131
French were driven off with some loss. On the following
day they sent out a flag of truce so the dead could be buried :
the only result arising from the attack.
There was no halt or hesitation in the completion of the
British lines. There was perfect accord between the two
services. The officers were zealous in discharge of their duty,
the hardship was cheerfully undergone, and no labour was
spared to effect the completion of redoubts by which the
fortress was to be attacked from the western side.
Four batteries had been constructed on the Martissan
heights to the west of the town ; on the i6th of July, at seven
in the evening, the British in force seized the heights, about
1,500 feet from the dauphin bastion. The P>ench fired all
night to dislodge them, but it was found at daylight that the
British were well established. The spot was known as ''la
hauteur de la justice',' * where public executions took place.
Owing to its threatening position, the previous year the level
had been lowered seven feet. On the 17th the fire ^'as opened
from the four redoubts, and the defences greatly suffered.
On the following days the fire was renewed with equal effect,
by which the dauphin bastion was much injured. The guns
of the fortress were in every way unequal to reply to the
attack.
The extreme northern lines were subjected to the spirited
attack of the frigate " I'Arethuse," captain Vauclain, which
took up a position by the " Barachois," and shelled the British
working parties, and the fire was so effective as to require the
construction of a long cpaulcment for their protection. This
work was persevered in, until the completion of the attack
against the dauphin gate, and the formation of a road between
the eastern and western works. As " I'Arethuse " could no
longer be of any service in this attempt, it was determined to
send her with despatches to France. She stole out of the
harbour on the 15th, and escaped the cruisers, although
rockets were thrown up from lighthouse point notifying the
fleet that a vessel was endeavouring to run the blockade.
• It may be translated in English by " Gallows hill."
132 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^75^
The fire was persistently continued during the succeeding
days. On the night of the i8th the second parallel was com-
pleted, and the batteries to the south of cape Noir were
advanced. On the 19th the dauphin bastion had ceased to
reply, while the British, although discharging but few bombs,
continued a heavy fire. In the meantime the dauphin battery
had been re-established. But the batteries of the besiegers
had been pushed forward ; one to the south attacking the
queen's battery.
In these trying circumstances de la Houliere, who was in
command of the land forces, organized a sortie of i,SOO men.
It was proposed to place in position two of the vessels, so
that their broadsides would be brought to bear upon the
British works. De la Houliere, with 1,000 men, was to leave
by the dauphin gate, to attack the batteries in front and flank.
A force was to leave by the king's bastion to attack the right
of the line. The sortie had been arranged for the night of
the 22nd, but on the 21st, at half-past two in the afternoon,
" le Celebre " caught fire. It was not possible to extinguish
the flames, and the fire was communicated by the sails of the
vessel to the masts and rigging of " I'Entreprenant," and by
her carried to " le Capricieux." No sailor was lost in the
vessels, but many were killed in the endeavour to extinguish
the flames. The whole garrison was placed under arms, for
the besiegers' firing was continued, and it was feared that an
assault might be made. It was impossible to save the vessels,
and in a short time they were entirely destroyed. The reso-
lution was adhered to of attempting the sortie, but the move-
ment was deferred, owing to the necessity of guarding against
the danger of the remaining vessels taking fire from the
floating burning hulls.
On the following day two batteries in the neighbourhood
of cape Noir were opened: one mounted with thirteen 34-prs ;
another of seven mortars. They were brought to bear upon
the citadel. Adjoining was a stone structure, which contained
the quarters of the officers and the barracks of the men. A
part of the building was assigned as the governor's residence.
1758] THE TOWN ON FIRE. 1 33
The chapel was also in the build inc^. At eight in the morning
a shell set the barracks on fire. The governor's residence with
difficulty was saved. It was only by great effort that the
flames were subdued, and it was not until three in the after-
noon that they were extinguished. The whole garrison was
kept under arms, and upwards of forty men were killed when
engaged in this duty. All this continuous effort led to the
men being worn out by fatigue. They were denied any rest.
The bombardment went on uninterruptedly : the fire was
persevered in during the night, for the moon was bright, " as
clear as day."* At four o'clock a large portion of the dauphin
battery had been displaced, and had fallen away. The troops
were still kept available to be turned out at a moment's notice.
On the 23rd the queen's battery was placed hors dc service.
The barracks, shattered by bombs, gave no protection to the
soldier ; the troops were driven out to find refuge where they
could obtain it ; where there was shelter from the cannon.
Thirty-five were carried to hospital before two o'clock.' The
king's battery was the only one which held out. There was
an attempt on the night of the 23rd to repair the dauphin
bastion, for the broken material rose two feet higher than the
level of the water in the ditch. Between eleven and twelve
the British commenced throwing bombs filled with e.xplosives.
The wooden barracks at the queen's bastion caught fire ;
there were several wooden houses in the neighbourhood, and
fears were entertained that they could not escape. If they
had once taken, the whole town, which was mostly of wood,
would have been consumed, and the fire would have reached
the hospital and the magazines. By demolishing some houses
the conflagration was stopped ; fortunately, a change of wind
permitted the fire to be kept within some limit. The garrison
again passed the night under arms. On the 24th another
battery was opened against the king's bastion ; in a short
time the whole line of defences along the covered way, except
the princess bastion at cape Noir, was silenced. An attempt
was made to reply to the attack, but 'from daybreak of the
• " Aussi claire que le jour." Que. Doc, IV., p. 181.
134 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^7S^
25th a continuous heavy fire was directed against the fortress.
As night came on, an attempt was again made to repair the
bastions. On the morning of the 26th, at half-past one, there
was a heavy fog, and a loud commotion was heard in the
harbour. The cannon from the British lines was still fired to
command the attention of the wearied and jaded French
troops, and with the purpose of concealing the operations by
the navy against the two remaining vessels in the harbour :
one of the most gallant acts during the war.
Between twelve and one, boats containing six hundred
seamen left the ships, under captain Leforey, and rowed for
the harbour, with the design of cutting out the two French
vessels, " le Prudent " and " le Bienfaisant ": all that remained
of the magnificent fleet of two months previously. No such
attack had been looked for ; the crews made little resistance,
and the shots fired from the quays towards the boats were of
little effect. Both ships were taken. " Le Prudent " grounded
as she was being towed away ; as it was found impossible to
float her, she was burned. " Le Bienfaisant " was taken to the
north-west harbour and anchored there.*
The harbour was now open for ships to sail into its waters,
and bombard the town and fortress, with scarcely any resis-
tance. There was no lull in the land attack. Early in the
morning the four pieces from the battery on the height, /a
hmiteur dc justice, were turned against the dauphin bastion, and
the effect was most damaging. The besieged were indeed in
a desperate condition. The hospital was full of wounded ;
those who continued on duty were worn out with fatigue, by
labour which never ceased, and from the necessity of con-
* Of the ships in the harbour, " le Pradent," 74, was burnt by the boats of
the fleet under captains Leforey and Balfour. " L'Entreprenant," 74, was blown
up and burnt by shot from the marine battery. " Le Capricieu.x '' and " le
Celebre," both 64, were burnt through catchinc^ fire from " I'Entreprenant."
•' Le Bienfaisant," 64, was taken by the boats and towed to the northeast harbour.
The "Apollo," 50, and the three frigates " Chevre," " Biche " and " Fidele "
were sunk by the enemy across tiie mouth of the harbour. The "Diana," 36,
was taken by her m.ajesty's ship " Boreas." The " Echo," 26 guns, was taken by
the "Juno," Thus the whole French fleet was destroyed.
I7S8] THE SURRENDER. I35
stantly remaining in readiness to withstand an assault. The
enemy was increasing the batteries, and advancing them
nearer to the place ; it was also plain to the besieged, that as
these efforts were on all sides successful, so the greater energy
and perseverance were shewn. The bastions were in ruins,
most of the guns silenced ; the defence had been most
gallant, and what raises it in character was its continuance in
the face of almost certain failure. The feeling must have been
general, that unless some extraordinary event intervened,
such as a tempest shattering the fleet, the surrender of the
fortress was only a question of time. The force in front was
so preponderating, that there could be no hope of relief from
without, or of a successful resistance within. The defence,
nevertheless, lasted fifty-two days. Whatever the conditions
of surrender, the defenders of Louisbourg yielded the fortress
to its conquerors without any taint of dishonour.*
On the morning of the 26th a council of war was called.
A memoir of the engineer Franquet was read, when the
capitulation was unanimously resolved. The aide-major, de
Lopineau, was sent to the British camp. He there met both
Boscawen and Amherst. They replied in writing, giving the
garrison one hour to capitulate as prisoners of war.f
When the council met to consider this communication, as
* The defence lasted from the 4th of June to the 26th of July. De la
Houliere, who was in command of the land force, in a letter to the minister of the
6th of August [Que. Doc, IV., p. 176], gives a graphic and detailed account of
the siege from the i6th of July. The British general he mentions as Kamberk.
t The following is the letter sent by the British commanders to de Drucour :
" In answer to the proposal I have just now had the honour to receive from
your excellency by the sieur Loppinot, I have only to tell your excellency that it
hath been determined by iiis excellency admiral Boscawen and me, that his ships
shall go in to-morrow to make a general attack upon the town. Your excellency
knows very well the situation of the army and the tleet, and as his excellency the
admiral, as well as I, is very desirous to prevent the effusion of blood, we give
your excellency one hour after receiving this to determine either to capitulate as
prisoners of war, or take upon you all the consequences of a defence against the
fleet and army.
Boscawen,
Jeff. Amherst."
136 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^7S^
one man * the opinion was expressed that the terms could
not be accepted, and that it was better to withstand the
general assault. Lieut.-colonel Daubenay, of the " Volontaires
^tratigers," was dispatched to the British lines to ask for a
similar capitulation to that granted to the garrison at Minorca.
Daubenay returned with the written reply, that the British
commanders had nothing to change in the terms offered.
Again the council met, and it was resolved that it was prefer-
able to meet the British with arms in their hands, than
accept such conditions, upon which de Drucour wrote back
that he had to reiterate that his demands were the same,
and that he continued in the first manner of thinking.f
When this determination was formed, Franquet with de la
Houliere examined the ground to select the spot where the
last stand should be made. It appeared to them that it could
best be attempted at the princess battery, the nearest to cape
Noir. The report of what was happening came to the ears of
Prevost, the commissary-general. He lost no tinne in seeing
de Drucour. He dwelt on the miseries to which the inhabi-
tants of the town and the sick in hospital would be exposed
by a hopeless resistance, for the superiority of the enemy's
force removed every chance of success. Were it otherwise he
would have been silent, but as matters stood, to take the
desperate course resolved upon would only cause the useless
sacrifice of the lives of gallant men on a point of military
honour. There were 4,000 souls of the families of the inhabi-
tants, 1,000 to 1,200 sick in hospital or in tents. All these
would be exposed to blood and carnage, to the horrors
committed by an unbridled soldiery in a pretended resentment
for what had taken place in Canada. The allusion is here to
the events at William Henry of the previous year, and to the
attraction of plunder. It was, continued Prevost, not merely
the question of cape Breton, which might be looked upon as
lost to the king of France, but some consideration should be
* " d'une seule voix."'
t qu'il leur reitcroit, que son parti etait le nu'me, et qu'il persistoit dans la
premiere fa9on de pcnser. Que. Doc, IV., p. 1S5.
1758] PRfiVOST'S INTERVENTION. 1 37
given to the other colonies of the kingdom. For if Louisbourg
suffered a cruel fate, the memory of it would act as a terror
to deter merchants from carrying on commerce with the
colonies, and would prevent the workman and the husband-
man from proceeding to them. It might be a matter of
military duty to make such a stand, and he was not surprised
that it should be contemplated. Both the governor and
himself, however, were charged with the civil administration
of the colony, and they had from that position to consider
the view he had felt it his duty to express.*
His intervention had the effect hoped for. He influenced
de Drucour to send a messenger after M. de Lopineau, who
had been entrusted with the letter, and to recall him. What-
ever the cause, the latter had not proceeded any great distance ;
indeed, he had only reached the covered way, so he was easily
overtaken. The letter was withdrawn, and Daubenay, who
understood English well, was sent in company with de
Lopineau to obtain what modification of the conditions offered
were possible ; in a word, the best terms which would be
granted by the British commanders. The latter, however,
adhered to the views expressed in their first letter, but some
consideration was shewn with regard to the inhabitants. At
noon the French officers returned with the reply they had
obtained. No course was open to de Drucour but its ac-
ceptance. There were, as Prevost had stated, 1,200 soldiers
and sailors wounded and sick in tents and in the hospital.
The walls were in ruins ; and the batteries of the besiegers
were becoming daily more effective from their strength. De
la Houliere describes them as armed with forty-two mortars
from 25 to 30 inches ; and sixty-five cannon, 36-prs. and 24-
prs. While this attack of heavy guns is explanatory of the
damaged condition of the fortress, it speaks forcibly of the
energy and labour which had been called forth in landing
* " Representations faites a M. le chevalier de Drucour au conseil de guerre
tenu a Louisbourg le 26th juillet, 175S," par M. Prevost, commissaire-gcneral
de la marine, ordonnateur a I'ile Royale. Dussieux, p. 327.
138 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
them in the heavy surf, and had carried them over the morass,
to the commanding position of the British lines.
The articles of capitulation were signed before midnight.
They stipulated'that the garrison should surrender as prisoners
of war, and be sent to England in British ships ; that the
artillery, provisions and arms in the islands of cape Breton
and of lie Saint Jean (Prince Edward island) should be
surrendered ; the troops stationed there to embark in vessels
sent for them ; dauphin gate was to be given over at eight
o'clock on the morning of the 27th to a British force ; the
garrison and all carrying arms to assemble on the esplanade,
and there lay down their arms, colours and insignia of war,
to be constituted prisoners of war, to proceed on board ship
to be transported to England ; the sick were to be cared for ;
the non-combatants to be allowed to return to France. The
number of prisoners which surrendered was 5,637, with
221 cannon and 18 mortars, with a considerable quantity of
ammunition and stores.
Early on the morning of the 27th major Farquhar took
possession of the west gate, and brigadier Whitmore with a
strong force marched to the esplanade to receive the surrender.
It was not only by the gate that entry could be obtained.
The walls were so battered that there were two different spots
at which access could be had over the heaps of stone and
material. Sentries were placed at these openings to prevent
the pillage of the town by the camp followers always present
on such occasions.
The French troops assembled on the esplanade, gloomily
grounded their arms, and marched to the boats to be taken
on shipboard. The besieging force took possession of the
town and fortress. Brigadier Whitmore was appointed gov-
erj«for, and the British flag was hoisted from the citadel,
proclaiming that the contest was ended.
The news of the conquest was carried to England by cap-
tain Amherst, the general's brother. At the same time he
was the bearer of the eleven French standards which had been
surrendered. They were received by the king as material
138 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
them in the heavy surf, and had carried them over the morass,
to the commanding position of the British lines.
The articles of capitulation were signed before midnight.
They stipulated'that the garrison should surrender as prisoners
of war, and be sent to England in British ships ; that the
artillery, provisions and arms in the islands of cape Breton
and of lie Saint Jean (Prince Edward island) should be
surrendered ; the troops stationed there to embark in vessels
sent for them ; dauphin gate was to be given over at eight
o'clock on the morning of the 27th to a British force ; the
garrison and all carrying arms to assemble on the esplanade,
and there lay down their arms, colours and insignia of war,
to be constituted prisoners of war, to proceed on board ship
to be transported to England ; the sick were to be cared for ;
the non-combatants to be allowed to return to France. The
number of prisoners which surrendered was 5,637, with
221 cannon and 18 mortars, with a considerable quantity of
ammunition and stores.
Early on the morning of the 27th major Farquhar took
possession of the west gate, and brigadier Whitmore with a
strong force marched to the esplanade to receive the surrender.
It was not only by the gate that entry could be obtained.
The walls were so battered that there were two different spots
at which access could be had over the heaps of stone and
material. Sentries were placed at these openings to prevent
the pillage of the town by the camp followers always present
on such occasions.
The French troops assembled on the esplanade, gloomily
grounded their arms, and marched to the boats to be taken
on shipboard. The besieging force took possession of the
town and fortress. Brigadier Whitmore was appointed gov-
erfTor, and the British flag was hoisted from the citadel,
proclaiming that the contest was ended.
The news of the conquest was carried to England by cap-
tain Amherst, the general's brother. At the same time he
was the bearer of the eleven French standards which had been
surrendered. They were received by the king as material
1758] REJOICINGS AT HOME. I39
tokens of victory. With great parade, and a large escort,
drums beating and trumpets sounding, they were borne from
Kensington palace to St. Paul's, and there deposited, during
a salute of artillery, and the most animated demonstrations
of public joy. The conquest of Louisbourg was indeed
the first gleam of triumph reflected on the British arms in
America. Hitherto there had been a series of reverses, and so
distinguished a success was not only to be looked upon as a
new national honour ; it was a promise of future victory. It
had struck a blow at French power on the western continent
in its most vital part, the end of which, although not foreseen,
was looked for with confidence and hope. -All classes in
London expressed their unmistakeable satisfaction. The
court, the legislature, men of learning and science, the cor-
porated merchants, the prosperous tradesmen, the struggling
populace, were in accord as to the importance of the event
The sentiment was participated in by the great provincial
towns. The feeling arose that the country was emerging from
the condition of sloth and despondency into which it had been
sunk by political venality, and the want of honesty. and ability
of the governing classes. The victory was not regarded alone
as the triumph of bravery and endurance. It gave assurance
of a wiser government, of a more honest administration of
affairs ; that merit and worth would obtain recognition. It
was believed and hoped that the national dignity had ceased
to be the plaything of incompetence and unscrupulousness.
The material advantages were on all sides admitted. The
fortress had been destroyed, the very establishment of which
was a threat to New England, which existed with the avowed
intention of paralyzing her commerce and destroying her fish-
eries, and of finally regaining Nova Scotia; to be re-named the
Acadia of former days. All these probabilities had passed away
with the uprooting of the power which had projected them.
Boscawen was a member of the imperial parliament. On
taking his seat he received the thanks of the house of com-
mons, which had been voted to him in common with Amherst .-
their names are the only two specified, those of Wolfe and the
I40 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
Other brigadiers not appearing. Amherst further received the
appointment of governor of Virginia, an office which in those
days was regarded as a sinecure. The duties were performed
by the Heutenant-governor, and residence in England followed
as a matter of course. Amherst, regarding it as a reward
for his military services, accepted the appointment with the
understanding that he was not personally to administer the
government.*
In 1760 Louisbourg was demolished, its fortifications, as far
as possible, razed to the ground. Their site can still be traced
by the mounds which show where the bastions once stood,
and by the imperfect lines which mark the direction of the
streets. Some fishermen's huts have been constructed near
the ocean, and some houses are on the hills. They are the
only memorials of the scene I have attempted to describe.
Everything of value was taken away. The boucharded stones
of any account were afterwards used in the public buildings
of Halifax. The wisdom of the step is manifest. On the one
hand it prevented the re-occupation of the fortress by the
French, by a second treaty of cession, and as a port Louis-
bourg is not of paramount value to British America. No two
naval stations such as Halifax and Louisbourg are required
by the same power. Even if the sea voyage, by landing at
Louisbourg, be shortened some one hundred and fifty miles,
the gut of Canso has to be crossed before the main land is
reached ; it is about a mile and a half wide, with a rapid
current. So little time is gained by the preference of Louis-
bourg to Halifax, that it would be difficult to-day to advocate
its re-establishment, either on the ground of military or
commercial requirements. The decision of the able men who
* Five years after the treaty of Paris, in 1 768, Amherst was called upon to resign
the position, objections having been raised in the province against his non-resi-
dence. On the ground that the office had been given as a reward for services, he
claimed that it should be replaced by other emoluments. After much unpleasant-
ness, which affected even his relations with the king, Amherst's representations
were admitted, and he was appointed governor of Guernsey. He became even-
tually the recipient of higher honours, including a peerage, and the appointment
of commander-in-chief.
1758] THE POWER OF BRITAIN. I4I
doomed it to destruction at the time of the conquest will still
be remembered, if wisdom and honesty govern the public
councils in the dominion.*
In America the feeling of satisfaction was equally strong.
There was great rejoicing in the cities of Boston, New York
and Philadelphia. The certain benefit which the destruction
of the fortress conferred on New England was known and
felt, but by all account it would have been preferred if it had
been effected by New England troops, whereas it was entirely
an imperial triumph : a debt of safety obtained through the
intervention of the mother country. It is not possible to set
out of view the fact that at this date there was a strong desire
in the American provinces to be independent of all home
control: even when their very existence depended on the power
which Great Britain would put forth to maintain them.
Until the taking of Louisbourg, French encroachments to
narrow the colonial territory to the Allaghenyhad not been a
mere visionary dread. It was British power which alone
assured the nationality of the American colonist ; which
stayed the depredation on his commerce on the ocean,
imposed a limit on the encroachment of France from the
* It was not until the 1st of June, 1760, that tlie uninterrupted destruction of
the works was commenced under captain Muckett, of the company of miners,
assisted by working parties from the infantry, of strength varying, according to
the work, from 160 to 220 daily. The miners and artificers numbered a little
over 100. The whole work was completed on the loth of November, 1760, there
having been 6nly two days' intermission besides Sundays, one being the king's
birthday and the other being midsummer's day. The reason for keeping this
latter day is thus mentioned in a MS. diary of the mining operations at Louis-
bourg, now in the royal artillery oi^ce, which belonged to sir John Seymour :
"According to tradition among the miners, Midsummer was the first that found
out the copper mines in Cornwall, for which occasion they esteem this a holy day
and all the miners come from below ground to carouse and drink to the good old
man's memory."
[History of the royal regiment of artillery, by major Francis Duncan, R.A.,
pp. 203-4.]
The order for the destruction of Louisbourg was sent by Pitt to Amherst on
the 9th of February, 1760. It was communicated by Amherst to Whitmore on
the 23rd of April, captain Ruvyne being specially sent from New York to super-
intend the work of demolition. [Can. Arch., A. & \V. I., 93.1, p. 190.]
142 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^7S^
north towards New England, and on the west towards Albany
and Philadelphia, both so long and so powerfully threatened.
It was the first act in the final drama, in which the British
colonist was to become the undisputed master of North
America.
MADAME DE DRUCOUR.
It is generally stated that Mde. de Drucour showed great courage during the
siege, frequently visiting the soldiers to encourage them, especially the gunners,
and that daily she herself tired off three cannons. I can find no authority for this
beyond Pichon, who relates the fact in his " LetU-es d Mcmoires four servir a
rhistoire naturelU, civile et politique du cap Breton, depuis son vtablissetnent jiisqiC
a la reprise de cette isle par les Anglais en 175S." This book was published in
London in 1760, and in Taris in 1761. It is written to convey the idea that the
writer was present during the siege. The statement is also repeated by the Abbe
Raynal in his '' Histoirc Fhilosophique,'' ^vst published in 1774 at the Hague.
Raynal cannot therefore be accepted as an authority. No weight can be attached
to Pichon's statement. He was taken prisoner at the siege of Beausejour, and
remained in Halifax until 175S, when he went to London, to remain in England
until the year of his death, 1781.
I am especially led to doubt the fact, because it is not mentioned by Wolfe,
for in a letter to his mother he relates that he paid a visit to the ladies. " I went
into Louisbourg this morning to pay my devoirs to the ladies, but found them all
so pale and thin with long confinement in a casemate, that I made my visit very
short. The poor women have been heartily frightened, as well they might, but no
real harm, either during the siege or after it, has befallen any." [Wright's Wolfe,
p. 446.] Could any extraordinary statement have been made regarding Mde. de
Drucour, Wolfe would have mentioned it to his mother, for he was -fond of giving
her news. Pichon makes another statement, [p. 3S1], which also partakes of the
marvellous. He tells us that after the surrender was resolved upon, the evening
before the British took possession, the French soldiers without restraint were per-
mitted to plunder the king's stores, and that the whole night the priests were busy
marrying the young girls to anyone willing to accept the responsibility of wedlock,
the object being to prevent them becoming the wives of the heretic conquerors.
The abbe Raynal does not record this statement.
BOOK XIII.
From the taking of Louisbourg .to the Capture
OF Quebec : 1759.
175S] AFTER THE SURRENDER. 147^0'^
CHAPTER I.
When the expedition against Louisbourgwas organized, no
long resistance was anticipated, and it was the plan of the
campaign that, after the conquest of cape Breton, the fleet,
without delay, should sail to the attack of Quebec, but much
happened that was unforeseen. Campaigns on paper, made
in the quiet of an office, even when carefully and wisely con-
sidered, invariably change much of their character in the field.
The siege exacted longer time than had been foretold. The
most sanguine of those who urged the expedition had counted
upon a quiet sea, and believed that, with an attacking force
of sufficient strength, but (e\v days of resistance would be
experienced. The greatest cause of difficulty and delay
proved to be the stormy weather ; the defence at the same
time had been obstinate, and it was not until the end of July
that the capitulation was made. The first impulse of the
conquerors was to sail to Quebec ; a few days consideration
shewed the design to be impracticable. Indeed, the surrender
of the fortress was only preliminary to the further movement
of troops to assure the occupation of the territory ceded, and
in the midst of this irresolution the news arrived of the repulse
of Abercrombie before Ticonderoga, which I have shortly
to relate.*
When Abercrombie heard of Amherst's success, he wrote,
to learn his intention with regard to the campaign. Amherst
replied that he was unable then to judge, but hoped it would
be " found practicable to get to Quebec, which is what I wish
much to do ; " f a statement so far important, as it shews the
design was entertained in 1758.
"* The news came at the close of the siege. Wolfe mentions it in his letter to
his father on the day of the surrender, the 27th of July. [Wri^dit, p. 44S.]
t Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 87, II., p. 355.
148 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^75^
It was well known in Louisbourg, that if the fleet was to sail
for the saint Lawrence, no time could be lost. There was
really but fifteen weeks available before the commencement
of a Canadian winter. Wolfe, whose feelings were strong on
the point, in his letters dwelt upon this necessity, and on the
6th of August he brought the matter to the notice of Amherst,
The latter admitted that the season was indeed passing away,
and he added that he had spoken of the expedition to the
admiral, who " seemed to think it impracticable." Wolfe
accordingly offered his services to proceed with reinforcements
to Abercrombie, " whose army is cut deep." The reply of
Amherst* was to the effect that it had been his intention- to
proceed with the entire force to Quebec, which he was still
convinced was the best that could be done, but in consequence
of the unlucky affair at Ticonderoga, it was advisable to rein-
force Abercrombie with five or six battalions. He would also
send some regiments to the bay of Fundy, and detach a force
to the gulf of Saint Lawrence. Wolfe had written that if
nothing further had to be done, he must ask leave to quit the
army. Amherst could in no way agree to the request, as
Wolfe's assistance was indispensable in the operations for the
good of his majesty's service.
There was no delay in the removal of the French garrison,
and in the occupation of the territory ceded in the capitula-
tion : by the month of August the French troops, with the
private persons desirous of returning to France,f were em-
barked on board the vessels which were to carry them first to
England. I
Steps were taken to assure the possession of ile Saint Jean
(prince Edward island) ; lord Rollo was sent with the 35th
regiment and two battalions of the 60th, to receive the island
from the governor, de Villegouin, who, with the garrison, was
placed on board the transports. This island had only risen
* Chatham Correspondence I., p. 332.
t Of the 2,400 French inhabitants of cape ]5reton, independently of the
garrison, 1,700, in accordance with their desire, were sent to France ; the re-
mainder continued in the island, and accepted the new government.
t Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 87.2, p. 363.
1758] PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND. I49
into importance within the last ten years. Its greatest length
is 130 miles ; its greatest breadth, 34 miles: in its narrowest
patt, towards the centre, it is but four miles wide. At the
time of Law, in 17 19, a company was formed to develop the
fisheries and to place settlers on the land. The count de
Saint-Pierre, first equery of the duchess of Orleans, was the
chief personage of the project : at the same time he obtained
the concession of the Magdalen islands and of ile Miscou.
The enterprise failed, and ile Saint Jean ceased to attract
attention.
After the treaty of Utrecht, de Saint Ovide took steps to
establish the Acadian population on the island : nevertheless,
in 1720, there were only seventeen families, numbering about
one hundred of a population. During the following fifteen
years the number only increased to 541. In 1749, there were
about 1,000 souls.* The capture of Beausejour and the
deportation of the Acadians in 1755 led to several of the
latter seeking a home there. When lord Rollo took pos-
session of the island, there was a population of 4,100 souls.f
He describes the farms as being in good order, some of them
yielding annually 1,200 bushels of w^heat : he found 10,000
head of cattle on the island. The principal market for its
produce had hitherto been Louisbourg ; there had also been
* Canadian census 1870-71, p. 22.
t It was reported by lord Rollo as follows : —
Point le Prince 700
St. Peter's 700
North point 500
N. E. River , 2,000
West and North River 200
4,100
The last-named places were settlements on the waters leading to the present city
of Charlottctown. Point le Prince is evidently intended for point Prim. The
whole of these waters was known as port la Joye by the French. The Acadian
families which remained soon abandoned the island. In 1764 the surveyor-
general, captain Holland, wrote to the earl of Hillsborough : "There are about
thirty Acadian families on the island, who are regarded as prisoners, and kept on
the same footing as those at Halifax. They are extremely poor, and maintain
themselves by their industry in gardening, fishing, fowling, etc"
150 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^75^
some intercourse with Quebec in the supply of corn and beef.
The island had exercised the mischievous function of furnish-
ing an asylum to the Nova Scotian ^Nlicmacs, and to such of
the Acadians who, disguised as savages, participated in their
expeditions. It was but a few hours' paddle or sail from any
part of the main land ; and inroads into Nova Scotia, effi-
ciently organized, could be easily made. Lord Rollo found
the trophies of these expeditions in the form of several scalps
of the Nova Scotian colonists, and of soldiers of the garrison
caught away from their barracks. They were a portion of the
ornaments which decorated the governor's residence.
Rollo's instructions were to follow the policy observed with
regard to the civil inhabitants of Louisbourg : to send back
to France such as were not desirous of becoming British sub-
jects, and to permit those to remain who were willing to
swear allegiance. Rollo had to deal with the compound of
national and religious feeling, which, even under favourable
circumstances, had refused to accept British sovereignty ; but
this bitterness of sentiment had been exasperated by the
sufferings which the Acadians had undergone. The popula-
tion was with few exceptions Acadian. About 1,500 were
embarked on transports to be carried to France. On the
northern part of the island several French sloops, some oi
which were armed, received many of the inhabitants and
their effects, and carried them to Canada and Miramichi.
There was little attempt to interfere with these operations :
had such been the policy, the naval force was of sufficient
strength to have driven off these vessels. Owing to some of
the parishes being far distant from the place of embarkation,
the inhabitants failed to reach the ships, aud they remained
on their farms without interference.* On the completion of
a fort, so that the garrison could be placed in safety, lord
Rollo returned to Louisbourg, and the island was placed
under government of Nova Scotia.-f
* Lieutenant Leslie to Wolfe, 30th Oct., 1758, Chatham correspondence,
L. p. 384-
t The official proclamation was not issued until 7th October, 1763, after the
1758] THE SAINT JOHN. 15^
Major Balling was sent with a strong detachment to port
d'Espagnol, now Sydney, to hold the harbour, to prevent the
establishment of an Acadian population, which would refuse
to take the oath of allegiance.
Three hundred regulars and some rangers landed at cape
Sable under major Morris to break up a settlement of
Acadians which had commenced to be troublesome ; two
armed vessels were stationed off the shore to prevent escape
by canoes. Captain Goreham surprised and took prisoners
between sixty and seventy men, women and children, who,
with a Roman catholic priest named Desenclaves,* were sent
to Halifax.
Monckton,with the 35th, the 2nd battalion Royal Americans,
some rangers and artillery, sailed for the Saint John.f He
landed with his force without opposition, and took possession
of the fort which had been abandoned, and hoisted the British
colours. He subsequently heard that two hundred Indians
had been awaiting his arrival. Their chief would not allow
them to fire; so their priest, father Germain, expecting
" quelques coiips de trahison " on their part, marched them off to
Canada. The site of the fort was objectionable, inasmuch as it
treaty of Paris. In November, 1798, an act was passed to change the name to
prince Edward island, in honour of the duke of Kent, father of her majesty, who
had arrived there during the year. The royal consent was obtained on the ist of
February, 1799, and was promulgated by the lieut.^governor Fanning on the 13th
of Tune, 1799- o , , ,
♦ Jean Baptiste Desenclaves originally arrived from France in 172b ; he had,
therefore, been thirty years in the country. He had seen the mischievous inter-
ference of the priests with the political condition of the Acadians, and from his
moderation he was disliked by Le Loutre and his successor, father Germain.
Owing to a letter of Desenclaves to Mascarene, which affirmed that " ye Spiritual
to be so connected with the temporal as sometimes not to be able to be divided."
Mascarene replying in a friendly spirit [2 June, 1 741, ^'ova Scotia Archives,
pp. 111-112], pointed out that the "missionaries have too often usurped the power
to make themselves the sovereign judges and arbitrators of all causes amongst the
people," . . . so as "to render themselves the only distributors of justice amongst
people bred up in ignorance," adding "that this is one of the blocks on which I
have often forewarned you not to stumble." In 1759 Desenclaves was a prisoner
with other Acadians in Massachusetts.
+ Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 87.2, p. 397.
152 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^7S^
was overlooked by some high ground from which it could be
attacked. On the other hand, it was convenient for landing,
and commanded the harbour. Its possession was therefore
maintained ; it received the name of fort Frederick, and six
hundred men were set to work to place it in repair.
As the vessels in which Monckton had arrived drew too
much water to ascend the river, some sloops of light draught
and whale boats were obtained from fort Cumberland, On
the 2 1 St of October Monckton passed his vessels above the
falls ; in doing so, however, the sloop " Ulysses " was wrecked,
and the crew was only saved with difficulty. Leaving captain
Bellew in charge of the fort, Alonckton embarked his force,
1,200 strong, and with a fortnight's provisions. He reached
Grimrosse, on the western bank above Jemseg. It was a
settlement of forty or fifty houses, occupied by inhabitants
who had escaped from Beausejour. On the appearance of the
troops they took to the woods. The houses were burned.
Some fifty hogsheads of lime were found ; they were recog-
nized as part of the cargo of a schooner bound for fort
Cumberland, taken by a privateer fitted out, it was believed,
at this place. At ile Mettis, higher up the river, some canoes
laden with corn were discovered. The corn was taken for use
and the canoes burned. Monckton endeavoured to ascend
beyond this point, but the vessels ran aground, and it was
found impossible to proceed, so he returned towards the fort,
destroying Jemseg and all the houses on the banks as he
descended the river.
Major Scott with the light infantry and rangers were sent
to the river Petitcodiac to uproot the settlements there, and
to destroy some privateers which had been mischievous, and
which had, it was reported, taken refuge in the river. Scott
found a schooner and a sloop of this character in two different
creeks at the head of the stream ; at the same time he made
prisoners of thirty men, women and children. The houses
were all empty ; they had, however, the appearance of having
been lately evacuated. They \Vere burned, with much grain,
and the cattle killed. The houses and barns were numbered
1758] THE SAINT JOHN. 153
at one hundred and fifty. Many of the inhabitants remained
lurking in the woods, and a lieutenant and three men of the
force, straggling from the main body, were seized and carried
away.
Monckton sailed for Boston on the 17th of November,
leaving a garrison of three hundred men in the fort under
major Morris.
A few months later, an expedition was undertaken up the
river Saint John against the settlers above, the point reached
by Monckton. On the 19th of February a detachment
started, under the command of captain IMcCurdy. As he was
killed by the fall of a tree, lieutenant Hazzen assumed -com-
mand, and proceeded to the attack of the settlements above
Saint Anne (Fredericksburg). Some resistance was experi-
enced, when six of the French were killed, and six taken
prisoners ; five escaped. Hazzen burned upwards of one
hundred houses with other buildings, and killed the cattle, so
as to make the continuance of settlement impossible. Thus
the whole valle}- of the Saint John was freed from the presence
of any of the Acadian population. Some of the young men,
who were established there, had escaped from Annapolis
in 1755.*
Wolfe was ordered to Gaspe with the 15th, the 28th, and
the 58th regiments: he sailed on the 29th of August. The
fleet convoying this strong detachment consisted of seven ships
of the line and three frigates, under sir Charles Hardy. On
the 30th of September Wolfe reported from Louisbourg that
he had fulfilled the duty intrusted to him. The instructions
he received were to ascend the Saint Lawrence river and
destro}' the settlements along the banks, in order to disturb
the minds of the enemy at Quebec, and to pave the way for
a definite expedition in the spring. Not a serious duty, as
W^olfe wrote his fathcr,f to rob the poor fishermen of their
nets and to burn their huts. When reporting its accomplish-
ment to Amherst, Wolfe describes the equipment as "improper
* Can. Arch., A. i^ \V. I., 89. 2, p. 455.
t 2ist August 175S. Wright, p. 455.
154
THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [175^
for the business ; and the numbers, unless the squadron had
gone up the river, quite unnecessary." " We have done a
great deal of mischief," he continues, " spread the terror of
his majesty's arms through the whole gulf, but have added
nothing to the reputation of them."
If Wolfe dealt sternly with the property and the provisions
he was to destroy, he was careful that the inhabitants were
treated with consideration, and in no way abused or personally
injured. There were large quantities of dried fish in the
stores, "30,000 lbs. of the finest dried cod." It is to be presumed
that it was eaten by the men of the expedition. The maga-
zines were stored with corn, dried fish and barrelled eels,
designed for transportation to Quebec. The supplies, which
could not be brought away, were burned with the buildings.
The main object of the expedition was to alarm the govern-
ment for the safety of Quebec, so that the troops should be
disposed to be available for its defence, and not marched
against Abercrombie. This service over, Wolfe returned to
Louisbourg, and sailed thence in the " Namur " with Boscawen
for England, to arrive there on the ist of November.
There is a passage in Wolfe's life in connection with this
voyage to Gaspe which, from his personal eminence, and as
the protagonist in the conquest of Canada, in my humble
view, may be regarded as a part of the history of the time.
By Amherst's instructions, Wolfe was ordered on his return
to proceed to Halifax, where, writes Amherst, " I imagine you
will receive orders from England." A postscript is added,,
« As you tell me that by your letter of service when you left
England, you think yourself authorized to return to England
as soon as the siege of Louisbourg is over, you will leave
the above orders with the eldest officer whenever you thmk
proper to go after your return from the river St. Lawrence."
The orders in question were the destruction of the settlements
at Gaspe. ^ , . . . ,,
From what follows it is plain that, in spite of this friendly
communication, Amherst senfan unofficial communication to
Pitt, announcing Wolfe's proposed return, and strongly op-
1758] LORD BARRIXGTON. 155
posing it. It is not an incident to throw a favourable light on
Amherst's character, for he privately conveyed information
which undoubtedly created a prejudice in Wolfe's disfavour.
The consequence was that a letter was written from the war
office on the 2nd of October to Wolfe, giving him positive orders
not to return to England, which can only be read as the lan-
guage of censure.* The letter was not received by Wolfe until
the following year at Louisbourg, when he was on the point
of starting for Quebec, and he replied to it from the " Neptune
* The following is the text of Lord Barrington's letter and Wolfe's reply : —
" 2nd October, 175S.
"Sir, — Mr. Secretary Pitt having acquainted me that he finds by a letter from
General Amherst that you had told the general that you thought yourself autho-
rized by your letter of service, dated 23rd January last, to return to England as
soon as the siege of Louisbourgh was over, that he was a stranger to any such
power given to you, and was apprehensive of the greatest prejudice to the King's
service in case you should, on your return to Hallifax from the expedition up the
St. Lawrence, so interpret your letter of service and return to England accord-
ingly without the King's orders for so doing. I am much surprised at this, there
being no such meaning in the letter of service dated 23rd January last, which I
wrote to you ; but to clear all doubt whencesoever it may arise, I do hereby signify
to you His ^L^jesty's pleasure that you do not return to England from America
without farther orders from His Majesty or your superior officers there.
"Harrington.''
" To Brigadier Wolfe.'''
" My Lord, — Since my arrival in America, I have had the honour to receive
two letters from your Lordship, one of old date, concerning my stay in this country,
in answer to which I shall only say that the Marshal told me I was to return at
the end of the campaign ; and as General Amherst had no other commands than
to send me to winter at Halifax under the orders of an officer who was but a few
months before put over my head, I thought it was much better to get into the way
of service, and out of the way of being insulted ; and as the style of your lordship's
letter is pretty strong, I must take the liberty to inform you that, tho' I should
have been very glad to have gone with Gen. Amherst to join the army upon the
lakes, and offered my services to carry reinforcements to Mr. Abercrombie, if
Quebec was not to be altack'd, yet, rather than receive orders in the government
of an officer younger than myself (tlio' a very worthy man), I shou'd certainly
have desir'd leave to resign my commission, for, as I neither ask nor expect any
favour, so I never intend to submit to any ill-usage whatsoever.
« « «
"Jam. Wolfe."
" Xeptune at sea, 6th June, 1759."
156 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l75S
at sea," on his way thither. His emphatic protest against this
treatment must be read with deep sympathy, and with no
ordinary interest, especially when the circumstances under
which it was written are brought to our minds. The date is
within a trifle more than three months of his death, when on
his way to achieve the triumphal service which has made his
name immortal.
During the period that operations were being carried on
against Louisbourg events had happened on the shores of lake
Champlain, in the disputed territory between Canada and the
state of New York, which, although without ultimate influence
on the war, had added to the national exultation of the French,
reawakened their hope, and cheered and encouraged them
in their firm determination not only to defend New France
from attack, but vigorously to extend its frontier. When Pitt
had resolved to attack Canada, at all points he applied to the
colonies to furnish 20,000 men, undertaking that the expense
would be participated in by the imperial government. For the
time the provinces were to clothe and furnish the pay of the
soldier ; the arms, camp equipage and provisions were to be
supplied by the British government. The number of troops
voted by the provincial legislatures was 17,480, of which
number Massachusetts furnished two-fifths, 7,000 men.*
Pownall, then governor, showed great energy in the emer-
gency and the province answered his powerful appeal. The
-number was not obtained entirely without difficulty, and in the
other provinces many delays intervened. The troops were
assembled towards the end of June; between the 7th and 20th
7,510 arrived from Massachusetts and Connecticut. Pownall
established good discipline in the ^Massachusetts regiments.
* The.foUowing is the detail of the levies :—
New Hampshire ^°°
Massachusetts 7.00°
I,OCXD
Rhode Island
Connecticut S-OOO
New York 2,6So
New Jersey •* •^'°°°
Total. 17,480
1758] ABERCROMBIE. I57
He abolished the custom of officers acting as slop sellers and
sutlers; he made efficient arrangement for the issue of cloth-
ing and necessaries, he recommended to Abercrombie to try-
any officer by court-martial who carried on " suttling." There
was a great want of arms and tents. Abercrombie could
obtain but a limited supply of the former, even by purchase ;
accordingly the old arms were sought out, and all that were
available were repaired and placed in good condition. The
tents were an easier matter ; the material for them was pur-
chased and they were made. The Hudson* furnished the
channel of communication. It was necessary to provide boats
for the navigation of lake George, which any expedition to
Canada must descend. The work of constructing them was
given to Bradstreet, who energetically carried out the duty.
Fifteen hundred boats were necessary for the advance : by
the end of May nine hundred were finished, and the
remainder required little work for their completion. A
special corps of eight hundred bateau men was raised ; but
only four hundred and fifty were enrolled, and the number
wanting was partially supplied by volunteers from the regulars
and provincials, and partially " pressed."
Owing to /\bercrombie's repulse in the attack,f his name
has been mercilessly dealt with by writers who have not
investigated the causes of the reverse. He has, accordingly,
come down to us with the reputation of being incompetent,
inert and irresolute : even his personal courage has been called
in question. However his generalship on this occasion may
be censured, Abercrombie deserves no such blame. He was
of the school of officers who meet difficulties by stubborn
courage rather than by skilful combinations, and he certainly
* There were three portages between Albany and fort Edward ; the first, in
certain seasons, six miles in length, never less than three, was between Half Moon,
tjie mouth of the Mohawk, and Stillwater ; the second, two miles above Sara-
toga, was a quarter of a mile long ; the third, five miles higher up, opposite fort
Miller, of four hundred yards.
t Some writers describe Abercrombie's failure as a " defeat." The proper
word appears to me to be " repulse," there being a distinct difference, to my mind,
in the meaning of the two expressions.
158 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
entirely misunderstood the character of the defences which
he undertook to storm. His correspondence shews that he
was an intelHgent and efficient officer ; in a position where his
duty was plain, and a gallant obedience to orders the first
essential, he would have acquitted himself with ability and
credit. His generalship on this unfortunate day can only
be remembered to his disadvantage, for it is a proof of his
ignorance, and of his miscalculation of the character of the
war in which he was engaged. His fault lay in attempting
what was impossible. It is difficult to believe that the expe-
dition was unprovided with artillery. But such was the case.
This one fact was the cause of his misfortune ; and it is the
strongest censure which can be passed on a general, that his
force was improperly constituted, owing to his want of foresight
and intelligence. Some artillery is mentioned as being
mounted on rafts, but the few guns were simply designed to
cover the landing of the troops.*
• The fact is clearly proved by the state of the 29th June, a few days before the
inarch of the troops to Ticonderoga.
Regulars.
27th, Biakeney's 664
42nd, Lord John Murray's .1,000
44th, Abercrombie's 970
46th, Thomas Murray's 665
55th, Lord Howe's 683
60th, 1st Battalion Royal Americans, Stanwix's 568
60th, 4th Battalion, " " Prevost's 932
Col, Gage's Light Infantry 403
Rangers . 520
6,405
Provincials.
Massachusetts, Colonel Ruggles 449
" Doty 869
Peebles 525
" " William Williams 563
" " Partridge, Lt. Infantry 442
2,848
New York " De Lancey 1.715
New Jersey 922
Connecticut 475
5,960
No artillery is named in the state as being present.
The force reported by Abcrcrombie-in his despatch of the 12th of July is set
forth as 6,367 regulars, 9,024 provincials, including bateau men.
I7SS] WEBB'S CAPITULATION. 1 59
In no quarter was there any theory expressed of its neces-
sity, and it is to this deplorable want of judgment that the
repulse must be traced. The incompetent engineer who
accompanied the troops, on viewing the intrenchments from
the height at the opposite side by the mouth of the river,
pronounced that it was practicable to storm them. Aber-
crombie accepted the opinion. Had even the (ew guns with
the expedition been brought up, and a breach made, that a
storming party could have entered, it is not quite improbable
that there would have been a different result.
Abercrombie was engaged from the nth of May, when he
arrived in Albany in the organization of the expedition.
During this time the French continued active in their attacks
of la petite guerre. Early in the month eighty Indians sur-
prised the settlement on the German flats, and scalped thirty-
two of the settlers, retreating before even their presence was
known at the neighbouring fort, and the troops called out.
Abercrombie arrived at fort Edward on the 9th of July, and
lord Howe was placed in command at Half-way brook, with
the 42nd, 44th, 55th, and four companies of rangers. It was
known that many parties of the enemy were out, with the
design of intercepting convoys. A party of 200 men was
placed at each of the stations of the Half Moon, Stillwater,
Saratoga, and fort Miller. A stockaded fort was constructed
on the site of fort William Henry at lake George, with another
work on the rising ground to the cast. Brigadier Stanwix
was posted at the carrying-place of the Mohawk with the four
New York independent companies, 1,400 provincials, and a
company of rangers.
Before commencing the campaign one duty was imperative,
the establishment of the position of the troops who had been
included in the capitulation of William Henry. The British
authorities contended that the conditions had been broken by
"the French. A long correspondence took place between the
respective commanders. Finally, on the 25th of June, 1758,
Abercrombie issued a general order * from fort Edward,
• Can. Arch., Series W. & A. I., 87.2, p. 2.
l6o THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/S^
Stating that the capitulation of the 9th of ^August had been
" broke in a most notorious and flagrant manner, consequently
major-general Abercrombie declares the terms of the capitula-
tion ' null and void,' and the officers and soldiers included are
empowered and commanded to serve as if no such capitulation
had been made." The order was to be read at the head of
every corps. Not only in Canada was the manifesto pub-
lished, it was also made known to the army before Louisbourg.*
* Knox, I., p. 486.
1758] DESCENT OF LAKE GEORGE. 161
CHAPTER II.
With the exception I have named, the absence of artillery,
all accounts agree in the completeness with which the ar-
rangements were made. When Montcalm engaged in the
attack of Oswego and William Henry, he brought with him
heavy guns, and it was owing to the servfce of his artillery
that he had succeeded. Had his attempt been made without
this provision, he would have fared no better than the oppo-
nent he repulsed at Ticonderoga. There was no great
difficulty in moving the guns up the Hudson : the serious
labour commenced at the first portage north of Albany, and
after reaching fort Edward to carry them by land to lake
George. The cannon, which had previously been at fort
William Henry, had been taken or destroyed at the siege of
1757 by Montcalm.
Abercrombie has himself given an account of the embarka-
tion. He tells us that the artillery, stores and provisions were
placed on the rafts and bateaux on the morning of the 4th.
I cannot discover that there were any other guns than those
named as mounted on rafts to protect the landing. There
were 900 bateaux, with 135 whale boats. The tents were
struck at daybreak of the 5th. The numbers embarked were
6,367 regulars and 9,024 provincials including the bateau
men. At five in the evening they reached Sabbath day point,
25 miles from the head of the lake, and the troops remained
here five hours to rest, and to bring the expedition together.
The start was again made at ten at night, and the boats
reached the landing-place of the French position at ten in the
morning of the 6th. There was no opposition to the
landing.*
* Lake George, visited for the beauty of its scenery, at the same time retains
its historical interest. It has been frequently mentioned in this history. These
M
l62 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
During June the attention of the French had been directed
to Abercrombie's movements. The prisoners brought in by
the partizan leaders gave the information that 20,000 men
were being assembled. One circumstance had confirmed the
opinion that a forward movement by the British force would
be made. Wolf, a French officer who had been sent by de
Vaudreuil with a party carrying a flag of truce on the subject
of the exchange of prisoners, had been detained some days :
a proceeding looked upon as unnecessary. It was thereTore
supposed that the step had been taken with the design of
preventing his return, when he would undoubtedly have
notified Montcalm of the preparations which he could not fail
to have observed. Indeed, he only reached Carillon on the
1 0th, two days after the attack.
Montcalm arrived at Ticonderoga on the 30th of June.
He ordered de Bourlamaque to occupy the ground where lake
George discharges into the little river by which its waters
descend to lake Champlain. De Bourlamaque was there
encamped with the battalions of la Reine, Guienne and Beam.
Montcalm had established himself at the saw mill at the foot
of the falls with the battalions of la Sarre and de Berry, placing
two battalions on the left of the stream. The troops of the
marine and the Canadian militia were quartered at the stone
fort. His next duty was to select a spot for an intrenched
camp. The engineer, M. de Pontleroy, was instructed to
trace it out, and the second regiment of de Berry was set to
the work of constructing it.
Lake George gradually narrows towards the south, until the
little river by which it discharges itself is reached. The
waters formed the route which the Iroquois foHowed in their irruption into Canada,
after leaving the Hudson, where the poriag-e was made. It was their route to
lake Champlain and the Richelieu. It was orii;inally known as the lac des
Iroquois. " Horicon," as the lake is called on some maps, is evidently a corrup-
tion of this word. Jogues, who, in 1646, was kilieii in the neighbourhood, when
on his journey to establish a mission [Ante, Vol. I., 1S9], described it as
"lac du Sacrement," and it was so known by the French until the conquest.
After the repulse of Dieskau by sir William Johnson, the name was changed to
lake George, by which these waters are now only known.
1758] THE LANDING. 163
rapids follow the half circumference of an irregular oval, and
from the last fall, the water, with a slight current, runs
smoothly into lake Champlain. The carrying-place was
formed directly across the chord of the semi-oval, and was
used as the travelled road by which the waters above the
rapids were reached. Following the stream, the distance
between the two lakes is about eight miles. There is about
two miles of quiet water before the rapids commence. The
latter are some three and a half miles in length, descending
in the distance some 265 feet ; the last fall is about 25 feet in
height, and it was here that the saw mill had been built.
The distance thence to lake Champlain is about two and a
half miles by the stream.
The fort was constructed at the extreme point where the
lake widens out from the discharge of Wood's creek, which
has its source not far from the neighbourhood of fort Edward.
The fort Carillon, commenced in 1755, was not perfectly
completed, and was not defensible for any length of time
against heavy artillery. The ruins still remain of the massive
masonry, shewing that it was capable of resisting an ordinary
attack. It must be borne in mind that the attack was not
made on the fort, but on the intrenchmcnt, 3,500 feet distant
from it.
Parties of observation had been sent out to watch the lake,
with instructions immediateU' to report any hostile movement.
On the evening of the 5th de Langy, who was in command,
brought in the news of the British advance, and in consequence
de Bourlamaque, at five in the evening, sent out a detachment
of three hundred men, under the orders of captain Trepezet,
to observe the enemy, and, if possible, to oppose the landing.
On the approach of the armament, de Bourlamaque, seeing
that with his force he would make no efficient resistance to
Abercrombie, abandoned his position, and retreated upon
Montcalm. Upon learning the strength of the British force,
Montcalm passed over to the left bank of the river, and took
ground at the new intrcnchment, destroying the bridge in
liis march.
1 64 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
In the morning Trepezet sent for orders ; his messenger
was taken prisoner, and did not return. Thus left to act as
he best could, he endeavoured to join the main body, but in
his march he found that the British columns had crossed his
line of communication. He was without a guide, his Indians
having abandoned him, and he lost his way.
It was under these circumstances that the landing of the
British force had been made without opposition. The troops
were immediately formed into four columns, the regulars in\
the centre, the provincials on the flanks.
A strong force was sent on to the carrying-place at the
head of the rapids, where the French advance posts, composed
of one battalion, had been established in a camp intrenched
by a barricade of logs. The camp was deserted. The French
had set it on fire, and endeavoured to destroy it. The attempt
was imperfectly carried out, and many articles belonging to
them had been left uninjured. One prisoner and a dead man
were found in the camp.
The main body of the force advanced to the west of the
small river through the woods, with the view of marching
against the French position. The forest was filled with heavy
timber and the brushwood was exceedingly thick, so that the
passage of so large a body of men became very difficult, and
the columns consequently were disorganized.
It was from this rapidity of movement of Abercrombie that
the return of the French party was impeded. The advance
guard of the British came unexpectedly upon them, it was the
right centre column headed by lord Howe. There was an
interchange of shots. Four only of the British force fell,
among them lord Howe. The French, outnumbered, were
immediately dispersed. They suffered severely : forty or fifty
were killed, one hundred and forty-eight taken prisoners,
among whom were five officers and three cadets. A mere
remnant of the force only rejoined the main body.
The death of lord Howe was felt in every rank of the army.
Abercrombie, even in his official report, speaks of the grief and
1758] DEATH OF LORD HOWE, l6S
consternation his fate called forth.* His character was much
that of Wolfe. He was an ardent student of military science,
and had the faculty of identifying himself with all ranks. He
was particularly careful in showing consideration to the
provincial officers. In social life his charm of manner was
everywhere felt. No name is more affectionately remembered
at this date in the United States. His reputation has survived
him. Massachusetts, not forward in the admiration of
imperial officers, erected a tablet to his memory in the south
aisle of the nave in Westminster Abbey. He possessed rare
qualities, he was the soul of personal honour and truth, and
the first thought of his life was unselfishly and chivalrously to
fulfil his obligations.!
The news of his death reached Louisbourg in August.
Wolfe wrote to his uncle, ^ that by his death there was an end
of the expedition, for he was the spirit of the army, and the
very best officer in the king's service. On two or three occa-
sions in his correspondence this opinion is repeated.
I cannot myself see, that had he lived there would have been
any change in the result of the day. This opinion has,
however, been advanced by writers who command respect.
The fault lay in the composition of the force, as I have pointed
out, being unprovided with artillery. It is difficult to under-
stand how the order of attack would have been different,
unless it had been determined that none should be made ; in
* Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 87.2, p. 206.
t George Augustns Howe, third viscount in the peerage of Ireland. His body
was taken to Albany and buried, Abercrombie wrote : *' I caused his body to
be taken off the field of battle and sent to Albany, with a design to have it
embalmed and sent home, if his lordship's relations had approved of it, but the
weather being very hot, Brigadier Stanwi.x was obliged to have it buried." The
monument in Westminster Abbey has the following inscription : "The Province
of Massachusetts Bay, in New England, by an order of the great and general
Court, bearing date February 1st, 1759. caused this Monument to be erected to
the memory of George, Lord Viscount Howe, Brigadier General of his Majesty's
forces in North America, who was slain July 6th, 1 758, on his march to Ticon-
deroga, in the 34th year of his age : in testimony of the sense they had of his
services and military virtues, and of the affection their officers and soldiers bore
to his command."
t Wright, p. 448.
l66 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^75^
Other words, that nothing should be done. It is not possible
to form any such opinion.
It has been stated that Howe had been sent out specially to
influence and to control Abercrombie. It is a view not war-
ranted by facts. Howe was colonel of the 55th. In the
autumn of 1757, before Pitt was in power as chief minister,
he was in command at Schenectady, when de Bellaitre
attacked the palatine settlement. Lord Loudoun was then
commanding-in-chief On the recall of the latter, Aber-
crombie assumed the command in- March, 1758. There is
nothing to shew that lord Howe had any duty assigned him
beyond his position as brigadier ; as an officer of his rank.
Montcalm's force consisted of 2,900 regulars and 600 of the
colonial corps. The fort, narrow in its accommodation, was
incomplete ; the stock of provisions was limited. As a sci-
entific soldier, Montcalm could not have contemplated that
the advance of a British force would be made without artillery,
and the means of carrying on the siege. In his judgment, the
occupation of the fort would have subjected him to the fate of
William Henry of the previous year ; cut off from his com-
munications, when his provisions had been exhausted, he
would have had no alternative but that of surrender. At one
time he contemplated the abandonment of the position, and
retreating to Crown Point ; the course pursued the following
year on the advance of Amherst with a force of less strength
than that of Abercrombie. Correctly judging the depressing
consequences of so acting, he determined resolutely to make
a stand, and to fight where he was. It was the resolution of
desperation. Of the two courses open to him, he took the
boldest: from the bad generalship of his opponent, in attempt-
ing an assault unsustained by artillery, it proved the safest.
The intrenchments can still be distinctly traced, and the
spot where the struggle took place is easily recognizable.
The present earth- works, however, were of subsequent erec-
tion. The ground is of a higher level than the adjoining
plain, a maiiielon without being a pronounced escarpment.
It is distant about 3,500 English feet * or so from the fort.
* 550 French toises.
1758] THE ABATIS. 1 6/
The southern lines are about 500 feet from the river, which
quietly flows beside it towards lake Champlain. In that
direction there is a more rugged, abrupt descent. The
intrenchments were protected at this place by a battery of
six cannon. The whole ground was surrounded by an in-
trenchment of about eight feet in length, laid out in the form
of bastions. It was formed of fallen trees, squared, so that
they could be placed one on the other, pinned into position ;
a defence sufficient to protect those behind it from musket
shot, but which a few discharges of cannon would have rapidly
destroyed. The main defence lay in the mass of fallen trees
placed in front, with their slighter branches cut off ; the larger
were pointed, and placed outwards. Row succeeded row
of these ^'abatis I' so that their removal, even under ordinary
circumstances, would,, have been a work of immense labour.
Under a heavy continuous fire, they impeded all advance. It
was impossible to penetrate them ; they were a series of
gigantic chevaiix de frise. The arrangement for the supply of
water and provisions had been prudently carried out.
The British force bivouacked on the night of the 6th in the
woods where they then were ; the greater part of them under
arms. On the morning of the 7th they were much fatigued.
They had been in the boats during the night of the 5th until
early in the morning of the 6th, when they landed. They
had been on their feet for the whole period since that hour.
Several of the men likewise, in the difficulty of moving through
the forest, had thrown away the provisions they were carrying.
Under these circumstances it was considered advisable to
return to the landing-place, at which the troops arrived at
eight o'clock in the morning.
About eleven, Bradstreet was sent off witlr the 44th regi-
ment, six companies of royal Americans, the bateau men and
some rangers, and a regiment of provincials to take possession
of the saw mill. He found the bridge destroyed ; accordingly
Bradstreet, with the readiness and efficiency for which he was
distinguished, replaced it by a new structure, so the stream
coujd be crossed, and the left bank of the river reached, on
l68 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/SS
which the intrenchmcnt was situated. On Bradstreet sending
a report of his proceedings, Abercrombie moved up the force,
and established himself on the night of the 7th at this place.
The information obtained from the prisoners led Abercrombie
to believe that Montcalm was intrenched with eight battalions,
some colonial troops and Canadian militia, amounting in all to
6,000 men, and that de Levis was hourly expected with a
reinforcement of 3,000 men. He accordingly drew the infer-
ence that it was important for the attack to be made before
the arrival of de Levis. He was but a short distance from the
intrenchment and there was no reason to defer his advance if
it was expedient to make it.
Early on the morning of the 8th, Mr. Clerk, the engineer,
was sent across the river to ascend the high ground on the
opposite bank, known as Rattle-snake hill, to reconnoitre the
enemy's intrenchments. This engineer officer was simply a
lieutenant of the 27th infantry, in the casualties of which
regiment his name appears as the one officer killed ;* he must
have been a young man for he had not a year's service.f This
fact will give some idea of the imperfect constitution of the
expedition. The regiments, numerous and well disciplined,
behaved with gallantry, as the unfortunate consequence of the
attack attested ; but the engineer was a subaltern, without
experience, and there were no guns. Clerk reported that the
works were incomplete, and that if attacked before they were
finished it was practicable to carry them. It was resolved to
storm them without delay.
It is difficult to sec that the presence of lord Howe would
have changed matters. It was too late to repair the original
imperfection of the force. The fire of guns, concentrated
on a narrow limit, would have shattered the abatis and have
made a practicable breach ; moreover, the open intrenchments
themselves beinfj shelled would have become untenable.
* In the first statement the engineer officer is reported as wounded. The
inference is he died from his wounds.
t Mathew Clerk, coinmissioned sub-engineer and lieutenant the 4th of
January, 1758.
1758] THE ATTACK. 169
As a contemporary French writer remarks: "If Mr. Aber-
crombie had advanced his artillery at the head of his columns,
the effect alone of the splinters carried about from the trees
would have gained him the victory."* There was no such
provision, and it was resolved to storm the intrenchmcnt with
the bayonet.
The French had been encouraged on the night of the 7th
by the arrival of de Levis. On the 28th of June de Vaudreuil
had been informed by Montcalm of the threatened movement;
he immediately ordered de Levis to sustain Montcalm with
what troops he could bring together. A detachment of his
force detailed for the west was already en rojtte, and had
reached Lachinc ; they were recalled. On the 4th of July de
Levis left with de Senerzergue and 400 men. With all the
despatch which he could use, he was only able to reach
Ticonderoga on the night of the 7th and 8th. No arrival
could have been more welcome. The confidence felt in his
character added to the courage of the defenders ; and the
reinforcement, though small, increased their confidence. De
Levis joined Montcalm in council as to the distribution of the
troops. He was placed in command of the right defence of
the camp : although exposed during the four hours of the
attack, he came out of it uninjured ; two balls, however,
passed through his military cap. De Bourlamaque, who was
placed in charge of the left, was severely wounded. Montcalm
retained the chief command in the centre.
Abercrombie, having resolved upon the attack, made his
dispositions to carry it out. The rangers, the light infantry
and the right wing of the provincials were ordered out of
cannon shot, and to form line in rear of the attacking column,
their right towards lake George, so that the columns could
reform in their rear. Abercrombie massed the regular troops
in three columns, and it was to them that the duty of storm-
ing the intrenchments was assigned. The order was given to
* "si M. Abercromby eut fait porter de I'artillerie a la tete de ses colonnes le
seul effct des eclats des arbres lui eut fait remporter la victorie." Memoires depuis
1749, j usque a 1760, p. III.
I70 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
march briskly, to rush upon the enemy, and not to fire until
within the breastworks. They reached the abatis to discover
that they could make no further progress ; they became
entangled in the labyrinth of branches, and as they endeav-
oured to clear away the fallen trees were shot down. The light
infantry with the rangers and bateau men skirmished from
the verge of the small clearing, and kept up a fire upon the
intrenchment. The storming parties again and again advanced,
and in the fruitless attempt to make their way through the
abatis not only failed in their efforts, but suffered severely
from the fire poured into them. These attacks commenced at
half past twelve, and were repeated for four hours until nearly
five. The French relate that some sorties were made with the
design of reaching the rear of the attacking columns. They
were without importance and had no influence on the action.
The loss of the BritisJi was experienced in the vain attempt to
penetrate the abatis.
Some barges had been brought over the portage and placed
upon the river below the rapids, from which an attack on the
escarpment was commenced. There were twenty boats so
engaged. Two were immediately shattered by the guns in
position so the attempt was discontinued and those engaged
in it retired. The Canadians who were stationed at this part
of the defence were not again assailed, and their fire was
directed against the attacking columns.
The losses of the regular troops show the courage and
determination with which the assault was made, and its four
hours' duration is an equal proof of the tenacity of purpose
with which it was persevered in." Finally, the fact became
recognized that it was an impossibility to enter for any distance
within the thicket of this defence under the fire of thirty-six
hundred men, whatever the force sent forward to make the
attempt. The long continuance of the fight and the heavy
losses furnished the painful proof that no success could be
hoped for, and the order was given for the columns to retire.
These repeated attacks, in every way failing in the result
sought, cannot be placed on record without great blame being
1758] THE REPULSE. I7I
cast upon the capacity of Abercrombie. One element of
generalship is surely to judge what is practicable and possible :
whether the non-attainment of a purpose is the consequence
of want of conduct of those attempting it, or that the object is
in itself unattainable. In this emergency the sense and
capacity of lord Howe might have been successfully exercised.
If, however, he made no expostulation regarding the con-
stitution of the expedition, and the evidence is against the
supposition, he might, with Abercrombie, have been unable
to understand how futile the attempt was, whatever the gal-
lantry with which it was made, until conviction had been
forced upon him by the shattered condition of the repulsed
battalions. As Abercrombie is alone responsible for per-
severance in the attack, the censure of its continuance must
rest upon his memory. Had he, with the eye of a general,
early discovered the weakness of the assault against the
opposition to be overcome, his remedy was easy of attain-
ment. His overpowering force against Montcalm was weak
in the one element of artillery. He was in command of the
lake. His line of communication was perfectly free from even
a prospect of interruption, and his supply of provisions was
sufficient. Had he early in the day withdrawn his force, and
intrenched himself within easy reach of the lake, and sent
messengers to fort Edward for artillery to be forwarded night
and day until it should reach him, he could in a few hours
have advanced to the attack to cannonade an opening by
which the intrenchm.ent could have been stormed. The neglect
of this course is the capital fault of Abercrombie ; not that on
the following day after his heavy losses with his dispirited
battalions he did not recommence his most unwisely con-
ceived attack, again to experience a repulse, and to meet losses
possibK' increased in magnitude.
When the retreat was determined, it was orderly and well
conducted. The light infantry and rangers were formed to
cover the march of the main body, and the skirmishing was
continued until half past seven when they themselves retired-
Early in the morning of the Sth sir William Johnson arrived
172 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^7S^
with three hundred Indians. They posted themselves on
Rattle-snake hill, whence, from time to time, they fired a volley.
Otherwise they took no part in the action, and in the evening
they withdrew.
The troops retreated to the saw mills where the head-
quarters had been established and a provincial regiment had
been left. The wounded, as they were collected on the battle-
field, were sent to this spot. They were now carried to the
landing-place and placed in the boats. As they amounted to
1,357 in number it would not be surprising that some of those
who suffered severely had been left unattended to in the belief
that they were dead. Some few may have fallen in inaccessible
spots and could not be recovered. In a subsequent corres-
pondence iMontcalm informed Abercrombie that thirty-four
wounded prisoners only had been taken after the attack and
had been sent to Montreal.*
The main body bivouacked at the saw mill. Early on the
morning of the 9th the main body marched to the landing-
place and embarked to return to William Henry. These dates
entirely destroy the narrative of a precipitate and disorderly
retreat. When the head of the lake was reached, the wounded
who could be removed were taken to Albany.
No attempt was made on the part of the French to interfere
with the embarkation of the British troops. They indeed
looked forward to the recommencement of the attack on the
following day, and they passed the night in strengthening
their position and in cleaning their arms. Their loss was 14
officers and 92 rank and file killed, with iS officers and 248
wounded, being 106 killed and 266 wounded, the total Aors de
combat being 372.
On the loth de Levis advanced to the saw mill, and satisfied
himself that no enemy was present ; the British force was
entirely re-embarked, and had reascended the lake. He
speaks of the traces of a hasty retreat ; but all he specifies of
the stores left behind is some quarters of flour, which had been
thrown into the lake, which he was successful in obtaining
* Can. Arch., Series A. ^^ W. I., S7.2, p. 213.
1758]
THE BRITISH LOSS.
173
On the 1 1 th the French buried the dead. De L6vis represents
them as 800 in number; the real number was 551- He
estimated the British loss at 4,000 ; in reality it was 1,945-^
United States writers have been lavish in blame on Aber-
crombie, and have endeavoured to cover his name with
ridicule, for the reason that, with his preponderating force he
did not renew the fight in the morning. Abercrombie
believed that he had been opposed by 6,000 troops, and that
a reinforcement_ofjpw_m^^
of the 8th of July. [Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 87. i, P- 213.]
Regulars.
46th,
6oih.
27th, Blakeney's •
42nd, Lord John Murray's . . 7
44th, Abercrombie's I
Thomas Murray's 8
Lord Howe's S
1st Battalion 2
"4th " Prevost's. 2
Light Infantry ^
Rangers
Bateau men
Engineer
Total regulars 26
Provincials.
Colonel Preble's
Ruggle's
«' Bagley's 2
" Williams'
Doty
New York 2
New Jersey *
Colonel Babcock.
" Fitch I
" Wooster
«• Partridge 2
Killed. Missing. Wounded.
6
-Rank and File. 1
Killed. Missing. Wounded.
21 3 95
196
42
60
36
21
25
3
17
17
278
141
137
120
86
126
15
18
33
125
501
205
221
169
120
160
20
38
50
I
69 438 27
Total provincials ... 8
Grand total. 34
4
4
26
10
18
4
3
3
79
1049
14
2
10
13
5
57
46
48
5
IS
6
1611
27
2
17
17
5
89
60
70
14
19
14
334
S7
517 35
1945
The 42nd went into action 1086 strong ; they therefore proximately lost every
second man.
I
174 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [175^
losses had amounted to nearly 2,000 men, so the strength of
his army was 13,500: a formidable body of troops, in itself also
an argument to shew that the retreat was in no way precipi-
tate. The repulse of the Sth, however, had clearly established
the fault of Abercrombie in commencing the campaign without
proper preparation. There was no error as to the disposition
of the forces for storming the intrenchments ; the gallantr}'
with which the attempt had been made was unquestionable.
An assault which lasted four hours, during which 2,000
men had been placed Iiors dc combat, could not be considered
to have failed for want of courage and conduct. The attempt
had been made as resolutely as soldiers could make it, and its
failure had established that the impediments to be overcome
were insuperable. To have repeated the attack on the follow-
ing day would have been to court a similar disaster, with the
additional risk that the French might have become the
assailants, and the British army have greatly suffered. Had
Abercrombie shewn half as good generalship in the organiza-
tion of his force as, when recognizing the impossibility of
success, he ordered a retreat, there would be no such unfor-
tunate chapter in the records of British history. The fact is
that the strength of the abatis had been not only underrated,
but its character was unknown. A repetition of the attempt,
to force them, would have been little short of madness; never-
theless, the French looked for the renewal of the attack, and
when the scouts brought the news that the British force had
departed, it seemed to the French that a miracle had been
wrought in their behalf*
An incident happened during the attack, which is testified
to by an eye-witness.-f A captain of the Royal Rousillon,
* The profound sensation cniised by this repulse throughout the army was
painful to the last degree. Forl)es at the time wrote to Bouquet. 23rd July,
[Can. Arch., A. & W. I., p. 157.] "I send you enclosed a melancholy list of
our killed and wounded at this very, very sad at'tair."' Wolfe wrote to Rickson
on his return to England months after the event, ist Dec, 175S : "This defeat
at Ticonderoga seemed to stupify us that were at Louisbourg." Indeed, it appeared
inexplicable as it remains to-day, unless we accept the cause as stated in the text
to be the absence of artillery.
t Pouchot, I., p. 113.
1758] POUCHOT. 175
having placed a red flag at the end of a musket, waved it
towards the British cohimn. It has been represented that it
was done without design, as a freak of the moment, but it
was attended with serious consequences. It was accepted by
the British as a signal for surrender. Accordingly, they
advanced, holding their guns in the air and crosswise on their
breasts as a proof of peaceful intention. The French troops
regarded the proceeding as an abandonment of the attack,
and as a desire to be received within the intrenchment as
prisoners. The firing, accordingly, ceased on both sides, and
the men placed themselves along the intrenchment to wait for
the British to come in. One of the officers, M. de Fontbonne,
called to his company to tell the men to drop their arms and
they would be received. Pouchot, who had been temporarily
absent, returned at this crisis, and, judging the situation differ-
ently, calling out " Don't you see that these men will take
you ? " ordered them to fire. The French, consequently, fired
a volley which, according to Pouchot, placed from two to
three hundred of the advancing column hors de combat. The
French were reproached at the time as having been guilty of
an unpardonable want of military conduct.* There does not
appear to have been any deliberate breach of good faith on the
part of the French, and it may be accepted in the form it is
narrated. It was a crisis in the event of the day ; had the
men of the column obtained a footing within the intrenchment
the probability is that they would have held their ground.
All that Pouchot can describe as having been gathered from
the retreat, is 500 pairs of shoes and buckles left behind in the
boggy ground, with 700 quarters of meal taken from the lake
in which it had been thrown. Lord Mahon magnifies this
statement as many boat loads of provisions.-f- Smollett tells us
that Abercrombie's attack " was condemned as rash and his
retreat as pusillanimous": % a question of his generalship, not
of a disorderly retreat.
* Entick, V. III., p. 257, gives an account of the incident in a manner unfavour-
able to the French.
t History of England, IV., p. 136.
X Chap. 29, 7.
176 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/S^
The facts related clearly establish that Abercrombie with-
drew from the attack without interference from the French,
and that with deliberation he took the steps which he conceived
necessary to his own safety. It is not impossible that he may
have contemplated the renewal of the assault, but better
counsel eventually prevailed. The embarkation of the troops
on the morning of the 9th was conducted in a regular and
orderly manner. The troops were in no way demoralized, and,
they retreated up the lake with the same discipline with which
they had advanced to the attack, however depressed they may
have been in spirit.
It would be difficult to find any writer of military history,
received as an authority, who can recognize the wisdom of the
proposition that Abercrombie should have abandoned his basis
of operation at the head of the lake, sacrificing the advantages .
of being within reach of his supplies, without the slightest
improvement in his position, to occupy a spot difficult of access.
To have abandoned his lines of communication would have
been madness. The argument has been advanced that
Abercrombie could have looked for the immediate arrival of
Amherst. Those who so write must be ignorant of the fact
that the capitulation of Louisbourg took place nineteen days
after Abercrombie's repulse ; indeed it was only known to
Abercrombie on the 28th of August* Whatever the first
fault of Abercrombie, after the repulse he acted with judgment,
and his conduct is beyond reproach.
The news of the disaster on reaching England on all sides
caused great emotion. Pitt was greatly depressed. The fact is
plain by the letters written him by Bute and George Grenville.
Bute wrote that the troops had done their duty, and that to
him might be attributed the revival of the courage which had
cost some brave lives. George Grenville endeavoured to com-
fort him by the reflection that although this misfortune must
be sensibly felt, affairs still had a promising aspect.f
* Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., S7.2, p. 355.
t Chatham correspondence, I., p. 335- "
1758] COLONEL NICHOLS. 177
CHAPTER III.
No advantage was gained by the French from the repulse
of the British at Ticonderoga. Abercrombie continued to
hold his position at the head of the lake, which he fortified.
His force was so large that it was inconceivable to the French
that he should remain passive and defensive. He constructed
a sloop, armed with six guns, for cruising on lakeGeorge, and to
watch any movement from Ticonderoga. The French generals
believed that Abercrombie would revisit them. Montcalm
described himself as threatened with a second attack, and
wrote that the only thought of the French was the protection
of that side of the frontier during the campaign.*
One duty was imposed on Abercrombie, to safeguard the
convoys, for much activity was shewn by the French in their
incursions. The Massachusetts' regiment of colonel Nichols
was placed at Half-way brook, specially charged with the duty
of sending out scouting parties ; his instructions were imme-
diately to notify Abercrombie at the lake of any trace of the
enemy's approach. Nichols so badly fulfilled his duty, that a
party of ten were attacked near the post, nine of whom were
scalped ; one escaped to give notice of the attack. A detach-
ment was turned out in pursuit, and came up with the enemy.
The men are reported to have behaved badly, and to have
deserted their officers, who in vain appealed to them to follow
them to the attack. Of the officers three captains, two lieu-
tenants, and one ensign were killed ; of the men nine privates
and two non-commissioned officers ; three were wounded,
seven missing. ^Abercrombie heard of the affair too late to
send out a reinforcement ; Nichols, however, was relieved
* Montcalm to de Creinille, Carillon, 21st October, 1758 [N.Y. Doc, X., p.
885]; also de Rougainville to the same, lb., p. SSS. De Cremille had been
appointed minister of war in connection with de Belle-Isle in April, 1758.
N
178 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
from his post, and replaced by 200 regulars, with some
rangers and provincials.*
A colonel Hart, of New Hampshire, does not figure credi-
tably in the records of the time. On the day of his arrival at
fort Edward, the 27th of July, he was called upon to convoy
thirty ox teams with provisions on the following morning.
He excused himself, on the ground that his men had marched
the preceding day, and were greatly fatigued, as the extent of-
this depressing effort had been sixteen miles the reply
attracted attention unfavourable to him. The teams were dis-
patched with an escort of 170 men ; they had gone about
half way to the brook, when they were attacked by 300
Canadians and Indians. Several of the escort were killed,
several taken prisoners in the surprise and the petty skirmish
which followed.
A system of signals had been established, by which these
attacks could be made known, when assistance was required, so
that a force to support an}- detachment in difficulty could be
sent out. On the concerted signal being heard, colonel Hart
was ordered to go to the assistance of the escort. He came
upon the scene of the attack to find that the cattle had been
killed, the teams rendered useless, and much of the provisions
scattered about. Many of the Canadian party had freely
partaken of the liquor the}^ had captured. The fact was after-
wards known, that several of them were incapable of resistance,
and with resolute men against them they might have been
cut to pieces and destroyed. Hart refused to follow on the
trace of the enemy ; he would go no further, and the Canadian
detachment escaped with their spoil and their prisoners.
Hart's conduct was universally condemned. He was subse-
quently tried by a court-martial of provincial officers, of
which colonel Schuyler was president.
On hearing of the affair, Abercrombie sent out a party of
700 men, under Rogers, with instructions to intercept the
French at a narrow pass at Wood's creek. They left at two
in the morning. A further detachment of 1,000 men followed,
* Can. Arch., Series A. & \V. I., 87. 2, p. 297.
1758] THE SKIRMISH. 1 79
under Haviland, to cover them. Haviland returned with the
report that Rogers and his party, in spite of their diHgence in
reaching the place, were two hours too late in their attempt to
intercept the French.
As it was evident that there were parties in the field from
Ticonderoga actively watching every opportunity to attack
detachments, when not of sufficient strength to resist them,
Rogers, with a force of the rangers, major Putnam, and
some Connecticut men, and a wing of the light infantry
under captain Dalzell, in all about 700, was ordered to sweep
round the country and come out at fort Edward. The de-
tachment took post at South bay, but failed to intercept any
of the enemy ; but on the 8th of August they came up with a
party of Canadians and Indians, under Marin, of about 450
in number. Marin had received information of the presence
of Rogers in the field, and not knowing the strength of his
force, determined to intercept him. He had heard shots in
the morning, and placed himself in ambush within two miles
of fort Anne. The Connecticut regiment was in front,
followed by the light infantry, the rear being brought up by
the rangers, with Rogers. Owing to the difficulty of move-
ment through the thick bush, the line of march was straggling,
and the French force, having chosen their ground, had the
advantage of surprise and their masked position. Putnam,
who was in front, before he was aware of any attack was seized
by some Indians ; an officer and three men who were near
him were hkewise surprised. The Connecticut men fell
back until the light infantry and the rangers could come
to their help. After a fight of two hours, the French gave
way and retreated, carrying away their prisoners. It was at
this critical moment that Putnam's absence was felt. He had
been missed early in the fight ; his corps amounted to nearly
half the force, and there was nobody to command it, one of the
lieutenants being absent. It was the more unfortunate, as the
men had been Putnam's own selection, and they could not be
collected to pursue the P>ench force. The loss on the British
side was forty-nine killed. They were buried where they fell;
l8o THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
the 'wounded were taken on litters to fort Edward. Aber-
crombie reports the loss of the French at 1 50 killed : only two
prisoners were taken. Many were scalped. The scalps were
numbered by Abercrombie as fifty-six, fifteen of which were
Indians. A party was sent from fort Edward to bury the
French dead, and it is to be presumed that it was from this
source that the official number was given. Rogers was highly
spoken of by Abercrombie for his '' great calmness and officer-
like conduct." *
Abercrombie learned from the prisoners taken that most of
the regular troops in Canada were still at Ticonderoga. They
consisted of eight battalions of 500 men each, some colonial
troops and Canadian militia, with 600 Indians, making a total
of 13,000 men. The fact was corroborated by some deserters
and by some prisoners who had made their escape. Fresh
intrenchments with new batteries, had been added, and the
defence of the abatis generally increased. The fort had been
strengthened. A strong force was placed at the head of the
portage and at the saw mills, and strong intrenchments
thrown up at the landing place to oppose any attempted
disembarkation.
If the failure at Ticonderoga had proved dispiriting to the
British provinces, and had created fears of an invasion of
northern New York, the French were equally perplexed as to
the designs of Abercrombie. The large British force which
remained at the head of lake George, and the active prepara-
tions which were known to be continued, were interpreted by
the French as the design to recommence the attack under
different and more favourable conditions. Accordingly, the
concentration of the French force was continued at Carillon,
and the paralyzing influence of this uncertainty was the cause
that all other operations were neglected. The projected expe-
dition to the Mohawk under de Levis was abandoned. The
detachment detailed to ascend the Saint Lawrence, which had
been stopped at Lachine, was not replaced : thus fort Fron-
tenac remained imperfectly garrisoned. The French, however,
felt that their possession of lake Ontario was unassailable.
* Can. Arch., Series A. ic W. I., 87. 2, pp. 304-6, 19th August.
I75S] WINTER QUARTERS. 181
On hearing of the arrival of Amherst in HaHfax, Aber-
crombie informed him of the disaster at Carillon, and asked
that, if active operations were not to be carried on in the east,
troops might be sent to Albany by the way of New York.
The letter did not reach Amherst, for he had left Halifax for
Boston. The troops landed at Boston, and marched overland
from Albany. They disembarked on the 13th of September;
they commenced their march on the isth, and reached Albany
on the 3rd of October.
The lesson which Abercrombie had received had taught him
the necessity of obtaining artillery. In a letter to Amherst
he stated his great need in this respect, the guns having
been taken to accompany Loudoun's expedition. He likewise
asked for engineer officers. He set forth these requirements,
not in the view of any aggressive movement, but as necessary
to the defence of the territory from lake George to the
Hudson ; and on the Mohawk to the carrying-place. Aber-
crombie had formed the opinion that any attempt upon Ticon-
deroga could only be undertaken with greater preparation, and
that the place must be approached in a regular siege, and with
disciplined artillery under competent engineers : moreover,
that the operations would require more time than the season
of the year would admit before the approach of winter. He
was still the general-in-chicf, and he directed Amherst to
leave his command with the senior officer, and proceed to
lake George, to discuss the course to be followed. Amherst
arrived on the 5th of October ; a council was held, at which
brigadier Gage was present, when it was determined that the
attempt should not be repeated that year. The troops lately
arrived were accordingl}- placed in quarters opposite to Albany,
and Amherst again went eastward.
An event, however, had taken place, which, although not
attended by the renown which gratifies and flatters national
pride, nevertheless achieved important political results,and was
indirecth- the cause of more important consequences. Indeed,
it may be named as the first step towards the entire destruction
* Can. Arch., Series A. & \V. I., S7.2, p. 3S1.
l82 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
of French power in the west and on the lakes. It must ever
be a matter of surprise that the French left the important fort
of Cataraqui or Froncenac so perfectly unprotected, and that its
value as a depot for the west, at the foot of the lakes, did not
suggest its protection, so that it could resist an ordinary attack
until relief could be sent. Its value in all respects was known,
even for aggressive purposes. It had been the starting point
of Montcalm's attack on Oswego, and it had been selected as
the place of a.ssembly for the projected expedition of de Levis
to the Mohawk river : it was the point from which -the
reinforcements, with provisions and stores, could be most
advantageously despatched to Detroit and to the Ohio: it
was the magazine where the provisions could be best collected
to be sent in schooners to Niagara, or by canoes to lake Erie.
From its central position it conferred great advantages ; indeed,
it was the first fortified place above Montreal ; la Presentation,'
or Ogdensburg, being merely a mission with its Indian village.
In the autumn of 1757 Bradstreet had proposed to Loudoun
to attempt the conquest, but the proposition was not enter-
tained. After the repulse from Ticonderoga Bradstreet again
submitted the offer to Abercrombie. In the depressed con-
dition of the army, and owing to the many attacks of the
French parties from the head of lake Champlain, in which the
convoys suffered loss, Abercrombie was ready to welcome
any movement which promised to cast a gleam of good fortune
upon the British arms. Personally, he had full confidence in
Bradstreet, which had been called forth by his unexceptionable
conduct. As it was necessary to determine the strength of
the several garrisons for the rest of the year, at the time
Bradstreet advocated the expedition Abercrombie agreed to
place 3,000 men at his disposal for the attempt. Bradstreet
proceeded to the Oneida carrying-place to complete the
organization. General Stanwix was there in command,
engaged in the construction of the fort which bore his name.
The expedition did not immediately prctmise success. Aber-
crombie wrote to Pitt on the. 19th of August* that he had heard
* Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., S7.2, p. 308^
Chamhly
Skeleton Map
shewing the
connection
of -
Lake Ontario ^^Ttiver Saint Lawrence
with the
JRiver Hudson and Lake Cha,m.plain.
1758] BRADSTREET. 183^
from Stanwix that Bradstreet's force had been greatly reduced
by sickness and desertion : nevertheless that the latter had said
if " the Numbers be reduced so low that we cannot make out
above 1,000 men fitt to proceed to Lake Ontario with them,
I will do my best." As Abercrombie heard that there was
little opposition to be met, he communicated the information to
Bradstreet through Stanwix, at the same time adding that he
did not mean to encourage the undertaking, unless Bradstreet
himself thought it practicable. On the 20th Stanwix reported
,that Bradstreet had started * and had reached Oswego, and
that the force was about to embark on lake Ontario. On
September the 8th he heard that the place had been taken.
The news came in the form of a private letter, but the
particulars were so circumstantial that they could not be
doubted. Two days later Bradstreet's report arrived.-f The
narrative is brief He landed on the 25th of August, about six
in the afternoon. That night the men lay under arms. Next
morning they placed their cannon in position within 400 feet
from the fort. As little damage was effected, it was resolved to
make a nearer approach, and the guns remained silent for the
rest of the day. At night, possession was taken of an old
* The following is the detail of Bradstreet's force as it is given in the state
of the 15th of August, 1758. [Series A. & W. I., 87.2, p. 370.]
Officers. Rank and file.
Royal artillery 3 24
Regular troops 8 146
Col. Williams' battalion 19 415
' ' Doty's 10 . 232
" de Lancey's 38 1055
' ' Johnson's 16 389
Babcock's 24 293
Rangers i 60
119 2,614
Bateau men .... 300
Indians 70 '
Total.. 2,984
t The letter was addressed by lieutenant -Arch. McAuley to captain Horatio
Gates. [Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 87.2, p.* 372.] Bradstreet's despatch is dated
31st August, Oswego. [lb. 87.2, p. 374.]
l84 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/S^
intrenchment close to the fort, from which at daybreak the fire
was opened. It was so effective that at seven the surrender
was made. There were about one hundred and ten men in the
garrison, besides women and children. Nine vessels armed
with from nine to eighteen guns, were taken, seven of them
were burned, with the fort, and its contents which could
not be removed. Sixty pieces of artillery were found in the
fort with a great quantity of stores and goods. Fourteen of
the besiegers were wounded, none were killed. There were
~seven Indians in the fort who made their escape. Much of the
provisions and stores and most of the goods were destined for
the posts on the Ohio. It was admitted by the prisoners that
the seizure of these stores would greatly embarrass the western
forts. The destruction of the vessels left the French without
a single ship on lake Ontario.
The garrison surrendered as prisoners of war, to be ex-
changed for equal numbers with the observance of rank.
Bradstreet's first intention was to have taken them to Albany ;
he however considered it more advisable to allow them to
proceed to Montreal on parole, the exchanges to be sent to
lake George.
Abercrombie subsequently stated that at least 800,000 livres
worth of booty had been taken. It consisted of furs, and
goods for trade with the Indians, and to be delivered to them
as presents. They were distributed in equal proportions
among the men ; Bradstrcct in no way reserved a share for*
himself, or in the least obtained material profit from the trans-
action. The vessels in which he brought them to Oswego
were burned ; the guns and powder taken by him were
delivered at fort Stanwix.* »
The French commandant was M. Noyan :f among the
* Can. Arch., Series A. & \V. I., 87.2., p. 391.
t The commandant de I'ayan de Noyan, of an ancient Normandy family, was
lieutenant de toy at Three Rivers. The post at Frontenac had been given him
that he might belter his fortunes, which were in a bad condition, for the position
had been loolved upon as below his merit. He was a man of much culture, fond
of science, and had included medicine in his studies ; he was a poet, and his vers
de socictc, often having the piquancy of ill-natured satire, had created for him
1758] FORT FRONTENAC. 185
ladies were Mde. du Vivier and Mde. Barillon. The prisoners
taken were eventually exchang^ed for colonel Schuyler and
others, who reached fort Edward under a flag of truce.
The importance of fort Frontenac was well known to the
French officers: a contemporary writer describes its destruction
as of greater injury to the colony than the loss of a battle.*
The danger had in vain been represented to de Vaudreuil.
Wjth the Canadians of the colony, he believed that the British
were without the strength, or the courage to attack this part of
the territory. The news, therefore, that Bradstreet had landed
caused great feeling in Montreal ; at the same time, much
irresolution was felt as to the course to be taken. Finally, de
Vaudreuil despatched Duplessis, major of Montreal, with
many enemies. He was then sixty-eight. Age had brought with it some physical
infirmity, but the keenness of his intellect was unimpaired. He had seen
de Longueuil when on his Indian mission, and he had learned from him that the
fort might be attacked. De Longueuil had promised to represent the fact to
■de Vaudreuil, and had left with de Xo3-an, a member of his staff of some ability,
to aid de Noyan in his transactions with the Indians. Several of the Oneidas,
seeing the preparations at fort Stanwix, had also given notice of the proposed
attack. In this certainty of being assailed without means of defence, de Noyan
iirgently pressed de Vaudreuil to reinforce the garrison. All that de Vaudreuil
would do was to send up a single man, d'Irnon la Plante, full of courage, but
without talent and experience, with one arm, disabled. On no assistance being
sent to de Xoyan, in conformity with his earnest demands, correctly judging the
situation, he asked to be relieved from the fort, preferring that the surrender,
which he saw to be inevitable, should be made by another. De Vaudreuil, on
receiving the letter, shrugged his shoulders, with the expression " that this officer
must be afraid."
The penalty of the loss of Cataraqui fell upon de Noyan, who allowed himself
to be persuaded by de Vaudreuil, whom in no way he distrusted, to leave to
de Vaudreuil the narrative of the cause of the disaster. De Noyan had no ground
for self-reproach : the cause of the failure lay with de Vaudreuil alone.
Accordingly he gave no official written account of the surrender, leaving de Vaud-
reuil to make his own explanations. The governor threw the whole blame on
de Noyan, stating that age had weakened his judgment, at the same time asking
for his retirement. The advice was acted upon, and de Noyan became the
dupe of his good faith and generosity of character. When he was informed
of the course taken with regard to him, he com^.lained to the court in France. It
was the old story : justice and consideration were refused, and all his expostulation
was unavailing.
* " et nuisit plus par cette expedition a la colonie que n'auroit fait la perte
d'une bataille." Memoires 1749-1760, p. 1 16.
l86 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
3,000 Canadians and all the Indians he could collect, on his
route to fort Frontenac* Duplessis heard of the surrender
when a few miles above Lachine. He, however continued
his voyage to La Presentation and waited for orders. The
engineer-in-chief of the colony, de Pontleroy, with a detach-
ment, went as far as fort Frontenac to observe its condition :
he reported that it could be re-established at no great expense.
The walls generally remained in good condition : six cannon
had been left behind, with many utensils. Duplessis was
instructed to send a detachment under de Montigny to rein-
force Niagara. He himself went as far as Frontenac, with the
view of retaining the Indians under French influence. After
remaining some days, he left on the 26th of October. On his
arrival at La Presentation, he found orders waiting for him to
send chevalier Benoit to Frontenac, with a detachment of
troops and some Canadian militia. The fort was to be rebuilt
to protect the canoes arriving with provisions. Benoit is
described as being of a Parisian family ; one of those men of
no account, because they know themselves to be so ; chimeri-
cal in his views, a devotee, with some capacity, but little
education, affecting the tone of a philosopher, possessing
courage, and capable of obtaining credit in the discharge of
his duty. The construction of two schooners was ordered,
and de Cresse, aide constructcur, was sent to Frontenac to
superintend the work. The necessary timber could not be
conveniently procured, so he descended the river and estab-
lished himself on the north shore, at a place known as Point
au Baril, some short distance above La Presentation.-^ Benoit
was subsequently removed from Frontenac and put in com-
mand at La Presentation, replacing de Lorimer. Fort Fron-
tenac was thus entirely abandoned. Point au Baril was
considered more defensible than La Presentation ; it was
accordingly selected for a permanent establishment, and the
* This number is mentioned by de Levis. Journal, p. 149. The writer of
the mcDioire states that 1,500 were sent..
t Point au Baril is described as being .about seven and a half miles above
Ogdensburj^. Its site must have been in the neighbourhood of the present
village of Maitland.
1758] DE RIGAUD. 187
buildings were intrenched. For the time it took the place of
fort Frontenac. The events of the following year caused its
abandonment, and the place passed out of notice for half a
century.
Bradstreet obtained some important information affecting
the Indians from the prisoners taken at the surrender.
From what he learned, it was evident that the French had
succeeded with the Six Nations, to a great extent, in obtaining
their confidence, and in alienating them from the British
alliance. The disaster at Ticonderoga must have greatly
impaired their faith in the strength of British power. The
Indian cannot be blamed for his desire to be on the strongest
side. On the part of the French there was always an influence
to appeal to his imagination. The Roman catholic missionary
was ever present to administer the rites of his church, and to
place in prominence all that could console the devotee ; at the
same time proclaiming the punishment which would follow
any want of faith in the teaching given him. Thus enthusiasm
was awakened for the French cause as representative of the
true religion.
Politically, the French were unceasing in their attempts at
conciliation. The value of the Indian in the inroads of
destruction into the enemy's country was well known. In
July of the present year de Vaudreuil despatched de Rigaud
with a detachment,and nine canoes of merchandise as presents,
to meet the Six Nations in the spirit of conciliation. In his
journey, hearing of the repulse at Ticonderoga, he went as
far as Chouagcn (Oswego). He was accompanied by de
Longueuil, who had lately succeeded his father, and had much
experience in Indian affairs. He had there an interview with
some Oneidasand Onondagas. His presents were accepted,
and he strove to retain their adherence to France. He had
the satisfaction of being received in state and with friendliness,
and for a time it looked as if his mission had been successful.
The capture of fort Frontenac was a powerful argument
against him, to counterbalance the* courtesies of many such
mectinc^s.
l88 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l7S8
There was another powerful influence which seriously
affected the Indian. There was with the two European
peoples a cardinal difference in the relationship with the
native race. The Canadian, readily domiciled in the Indian
wigwam, took a squaw as his partner in life, and made no
attempt to make a settlement on the hunting grounds of the
tribe. The British population had difficulty in recognizing
these rights, and they did not see that any infringement
upon them was regarded by the Indians as an intrusion to be
resented. There was consequently in the British provinces a
constant attempt to gain possession of land as property. So
long as the trader dwelt among the Indians, confining himself
to buying and selling, and making himself rich by petty
frauds, which the Indian did not understand, or if he did see
through them, was not painfully shocked, for they accorded
with his own ethics, so long there was neither dissatisfaction
nor complaint. The Indian continued his relationship with
the traders, as he could obtain goods cheaper from them than
from the French, and the rum was as palatable as French
brandy, and cheaper. But when the population at the limit
of settlement attempted to push forward and occupy land,
without treaty or permission from the Indian, and in spite of
his protest, the hold of the British on the Indian mind became
weakened. In some cases it had been entirely alienated ;
such had been the case on the Ohio, where settlement had
been attempted far beyond the mountains. The desire to
drive back this settlement, with other causes, had powerfully
influenced the Ohio Indians to join the French in their
expeditions against Pennsylvania and Virginia. The defeat
of Braddock had done much to exalt French prestige. So
pertinacious had been their attack under French organization
during the succeeding years, that in Pennsylvania settlement
had been driven back to Carlisle. In Virginia and ]\Iar}'land
the limit to population was fort Frederic or the Potomac. The
Six Nations,with no fricndl\- c\'c, looked on the establishments
which were being made on the iMohawk, and late events,
joined to their own doubts and fears, had led them to incline
1758] ABERCROMBIE RECALLED. 189
to France, as much from the spirit of self-preservation as from
any other feeHng.
Bradstreet's information was of importance, as it estabhshed
the extent to which these influences were at work. He
learned, on what he regarded to be good authority, the fact
that the Six Nations had promised, with 2,000 men, to meet
de Levis at Oswego. The design was to attack the Mohawk
settlements : 500 Oshawas and some Mississaguas had been
gathered at Montreal. They were to proceed to Frontenac
and there receive provisions and necessaries, guns and ammu-
nition. The whole of the Six Nations had shown such an
inclination to accept P>ench interests, that vigorous measures
were required to avoid the evil consequences of their taking
this step.
By the middle of October the autumn rains were makmg
the roads impassable for heavy vehicles ; accordingly, on the
17th the artillery, ammunition, stores and bateaux were
removed from the head of lake George to the Hudson. Some
of the larger boats left behind were scuttled, the naval stores
were buried in the encampment. The sloop which had been
constructed since July was dismantled and sunk; the whale
boats were hid in the woods.*
On the 20th of October Abercrombie himself left lake
George, leaving Gage to bring up the rear. The troops went
into winter quarters, many of them suffering from scurvy.
The fort at the Oneida carrying-place, fort Stanwix, was
now complete. It contained casemates for 400 men, with a
ditch and glacis. It was fortified with guns en barbette.
Abercrombie's letter of recall, dated the i8th of September,
reached him on the ist of November. There can be little
doubt but that it was caused by the events of the 8th of July.
General Amherst was appointed his successor. No displeasure
was expressed in the communication ; for in acknowledging
it, Abercrombie thanks the minister for the expression of
good wishes and for the assurance that a just sense of his zeal
for the king's service is entcrtained-f
• Can. Arch., Series A. & W. L, 87.2, p. 384.
t Can. Arch., Series A. & W. L, 87.2, p. 376.
j^O THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l7S^
The French remained at Ticonderoga uncertain what course
to take On the 28th of October Wolf had been sent to fort
Edward with a letter from de Vaudreuil. On his return he
reported that it was evident the British force was leavmg lake
George for winter quarters. Montcalm sent out two parties :
one under de Florimond, to make a reconnoissance along the
road to fort Edward ; the second under de Charly, who, from
the heights overlooking the British camp, was to observe its
condition. A deserter arrived on t-he 30th and confirmed
Wolf's statement. De Charly returned and reported the camp
to be abandoned. De Florimond brought back a prisoner
belonging to the rear guard ; possibly a straggler. De
Florimond, however, represented that he had attacked the
detachment and killed seven or eight. From this prisoner the
news was confirmed, and the French learned the arrival of the
battalions from Louisbourg. ^ . . , 1 , .
HavincT heard from the deserter that the British had made
cac/^es of provisions and utensils, of their boats ^nd da^eaux,
Montcalm sent captain de la Pause with a party to William
Henry to see what could be found. What of value was dis-
covered was brought away; the other property was burned.
The finishing blow was given to the intrenchments which the
British had imperfectly attempted to destroy.
The French troops went into winter quarters. Four hun-
dred men, under d'Hebecourt, were left at Carillon, and two
hundred at fort Saint Frederick, Crown Point, under de
Lusignan. On the 4th of November Montcalm and de Levis
started for Montreal and arrived there on the 9th. Shortly
aftenvardsjtheyh^
* Journal of de Levis, pp. 1 59-161.
lySS] BRIGADIER FORBES. I9I
CHAPTER IV.
The attack of fort Dusquesne, included by Pitt in the
season's campaign, was in Jio way looked upon as an object
of secondary importance. Indeed, it had been placed in equal
prominence with the siege of Louisbourg and the advance
upon lake Champlain. It embraced in itself more than a
struggle for the valley of the Ohio : it involved the sovereignty
of the west. The French, once firmly in possession of the
river and its northern tributaries, would have closed access to
further advance westward of the British provinces, and im-
posed upon them the Alleghanies as a boundary.
The three provinces directly interested were Pennsylvania^
Maryland, and Virginia ; they had fully felt the destructive
influence which the French fort had exercised on their condi-
tion. In the three years which had followed the defeat of
Braddock, the country west of Carlisle, in Pennsylvania, and
of fort Frederick, in Maryland, had been devastated by Indians
headed by French officers, accompanied by French troops.
Wherever there was an unprotected settlement, it had been
surprised, and the dwellers in it killed, or carried away to
servitude. Step by step settlement had been driven back, for
no effectual effort had been made to restrain these inroads ;
and the inhabitants who had occupied the country had aban-
doned it, when it could only be held at risk of life.
The officer placed at the head of the expedition was briga-'
dier Forbes. There is scarcely an illustrious name less known
in English history ; nevertheless, he was a man of rare and
noble qualities, and there are few who have been distinguished
by more important services rendered to the commonwealth.
In spite of broken health and physical suffering, he carried out
the duties entrusted to him with unrelaxed tenacity of pur-
pose, with judgment and with ability ; it was to his skill as a
192 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^75^
(diplomatist and his foresight as a soldier that the end desired
was fully attained.
John Forbes was born in Petincrief, in Fifeshire.* He
entered the army in 1710. On the 29th of November, 1750,
he became lieutenant-colonel of the 2nd dragoons, the " Scots
Greys." In 1757 he succeeded general Richbell as colonel of
the 17th foot, and the same year arrived at Halifax with
Hobson's force in the expedition designed against Louisbourg.
Owing to its postponement,-!- he remained in Xova Scotia
until instructed to relieve Stanwix in South Carolina, who had
been appointed to duty on the Alohawk. On the 14th of
April he received orders to proceed to New York, and thence
to Philadelphia, in view of the approaching campaign to be
undertaken against fort Duquesne. He was to endeavour to
reconcile matters between the governor and the assembly, and
to obtain a vote for one hundred thousand pounds towards
the expedition. Forbes was directed to address his despatches
personally to Pitt.
No feature in the character of Forbes comes more into
prominence than his diplomatic talents. Always courteous
and considerate in his intercourse with the provincial authori-
ties, particularly with the officers, he gave full attention to
their representations, but when he had maturely weighed the
policy which he considered it was his duty to follow, he adhered
to it, even when not in accord with provincial opinion, as a
rule avoiding unpleasantness and embarrassment.
The bill passed, and the provincial troops were ordered to
* Forbes is not included in the latest edition of British biography, although
several pages are given to eminent men of the name. In the United States
biographies he is represented to have been born in 1 710, and to have died in his
49th year. This statement is made on the authority of the Pennsylvania Gazette
of the 15th of .March, 1759. The narrative in the text is taken from the official
record of the imperial 17th regiment, [p. 51]. No doubt, as was the custom in
those days, he obtained his commission in his fourteenth or fifteenth year, so he
must have been about sixty-four at his death. We are told by United States
writers that he was on the staff of lord Stair, general Ligonier, general Campbell,
and was quartermaster-general under the duke of Cumberland. He is likewise
represented as having practised medicine. This statement cannot possibly be
correct, seeing the early age at which Forbes entered the army.
+ Ante p. 35.
1758] ORGANIZATION OF FORCE. I93
be augmented. There were frequent misunderstandings, how-
ever. Forbes described the situation " as everything going on
slowly except disputes, which arose daily."* In 1757 Mary-
land had voted that the tro*ops should be disbanded. Had
not lord Loudoun pledged the credit of the imperial govern-
ment to meet the cost of the garrison of fort Loudoun, it
would have been abandoned, and its fate would have been to
have been seized by the French. In this emergency the
legislature agreed to vote ;^8o,ooo, but as Forbes explained,
little would be available for use, as they would vote ^^25,000
or i^30,ooo for the services of the assembly, and the remainder
would be consumed for arrears and pay.
Virginia voted that the provincial troops should be increased
to 2,000. There were three independent companies in South
Carolina, but their presence was required in the western part
of the state, near Georgia. The regular troops at Forbes'
command were thirteen companies of Montgomery's high-
landers, and four companies of the ist battalion of the Royal
Americans. There was no artillery, and a scarcity of arms
and tents. It was Forbes' duty, out of this chaos, to organize
a fighting column, to see that it was clothed, fed, and cared
for, and to march it through an uninhabited country of two
hundred miles.f
* Can. Arch., Scries A. l\: W. I., 87.2, p. 44S.
t According to a writer in "Olden Time," II., p. 2S4, the following was the
full strength of the force when finally constituted : —
ReRulars. « All Ranks.
1st Battalion Royal Americans 363
62nd Regiment of Highlanders 1,267
1,630
Provincials.
I St Virginia Regiment 782
2nd " " 702
1,484
3 North Carolina Companies 141
4 Maryland Companies 270
1st Battalion, Pennsylvania 7SS
2nd " " 666
3rd " " 771
The three lower counties 263
2,455
4.350
Total S.9S0
o
194 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^7S^
Abercrombie had sent to Forbes, an officer of artiller}-, with
nine men ; with this nucleus he endeavoured to form a siege
corps. He "scraped together " guns of different caHbre, and
caused some howitzers to be casf ; he bought and borrowed a
good many firelocks. He took care every man should have
a blanket, and his determination was to obtain provisions
for three months for 6,000 men, before the advance should
commence.
At the end of April, Bouquet, second in command to Forbes,
had arrived at Carlisle to examine into the question which
route should be followed in the campaign. The road, which
Braddock had opened out, more or less existed: it had become
somewhat cumbered up, and had fallen into a bad condition.
In that point of view it was to be preferred to a new route
which had to be cut out of the forest and entirely formed.
What impressed Forbes was the strong objection that fort
Cumberland, 122 miles distance from fort Duquesne, was to be
held as a base of operations. Early on his arrival the quarter-
master-general, sir John Sinclair, had pointed out that a
preferable route lay through Pennsylvania. Forbes had
formed the theory that a stockaded camp and blockhouse,
with magazines for provisions, should be constructed every
forty miles ; so that if it were not thought expedient to make
settlements on the Ohio, such posts would furnish protection
to the road, which thus would remain practicable ; and in case
of retreat in any expedition, they would furnish refuge to
the troops if hard pressed.
-The matter of route was in itself a revival of the old terri-
torial dispute between Virginia and Pennsylvania. Virginia
saw with extreme disfavour the prospect of opening out an
independent line of road in the neighbouring northern pro-
vince, and strongly advocated that the line of communication
from fort Cumberland only should be maintained. It is plain
from Forbes' correspondence that he w-as only desirous of
wisely selecting the route, and that both his judgment and
feeling were utterly untrammelled b}- what he had heard in
Philadelphia. Virginia became greatly interested in the dis-
1758] QUESTION OF ROUTE. I95
cussion ; no one in the province would give the least con-
sideration to the idea, that a more eligible route could be
found than the one advocated.
Washington strongly partook of this feeling. No one knew
better the necessity of uprooting fort Duquesne, and that the
attack could only be made with a sufficiently strong force.
He^ad turned into great ridicule the proposal of one major
Smith, who had undertaken to advance against it with a force
of one thousand men. Fort Duquesne he described as " the
source of all our ills." He was now twenty-six years old. On
hearing of Forbes' appointment he asked Stanwix, who was
then leaving for the Mohawk, to mention his name " as one
who would gladly be distinguished in some measure from the
common run \sic\ of provincial officers, as I understand there
will be a motley herd of us." -f* At this early date he advised
that the place of assembly for troops should be fort_ Loudoun
[Winchester], evidently with the opinion that the march must
be by Braddock's road, deprecating the idea that fort Frederick
on the Potomac, thirty-five miles to the southeast, should be
the spot. One ground of the objection was that all the
country people in the neighbourhood had fled : the conse-
quence of the Indian attacks, settlement having been driven
back easterly of this point, as had been the case at Carlisle in
Pennsylvania.
All beyond this limit, to the west, was without inhabitants.
Except water and forage for cattle, everything had to be
carried. It became, therefore, imperative to establish the
point at which the final organization should be made and the
line of march which should be followed.
Raestown, ninety-three miles from Carlisle, was chosen as
the spot. It was so called from one Rae, who had made an
attempt to establish a plantation there, but he had failed in the
endeavour. The spot was in no way different from the
wilderness in which it stood. Bouquet had been sent forward
to organize the troops as they arrived. A road was cut to
* Washington to Stanwix, mount Vernon, 4th March, 175S. Sparks, II., p. 273.
t loth April, 175S.
196 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [175^
fort Cumberland, from which it was thirty miles distant ; so it
was still possible for the Braddock road to be followed, or
if expedient a new route could be traced out through
Pennsylvania.
The troops commenced to assemble. On the 8th of June
Montgomery's battalion arrived at Philadelphia ; some arms,
tents, ammunition and artillery came three days later. North
Carolina sent a small force by sea to Alexandria, and it was
to march thence to fort Cumberland. Early in July Forbes
was at Carlisle, and by this time Montgomery's battalion had
reached this station, while some provincial troops had been
marched forward to Raestown.
The plan of Forbes' campaign is easy to be understood.
As he considered fort Cumberland to be at too great a dis-
tance from the Ohio, he determined to make his basis of
operations on the shorter route, at the spot found to be best
fitted for the purpose. He was desirous of keeping his
determination secret, and to mislead the French; Washington,
who still remained at fort Cumberland, received instructions,
with a body of troops, to proceed along Braddock's road.
This order Washington looked upon as portending a division
of the force, and he called Bouquet's attention to the imprac-
ticability of effecting any junction of troops, passing by differ-
ent routes, before reaching Salt Lick creek, within forty miles
of fort Duquesne ; at the same time, he expressed his perfect
readiness to obey all the orders he received.
Washington, however, could only see mischief in any change
of route, and to the last prophesied failure. He wrote to
Fauquier, governor of Virginia, that the Pennsylvanians,
believing it to be their interest to have the line of expedition
carried through their province, " because it secures their fron-
tiers at present and their trade hereafter, a chain of forts being
erected,"* had prejudiced Forbes against the old road, and
led him to believe that " we (the Virginians) (sic) were the
partial people." Public feeling in Virginia became so dis-
satisfied, owing to the constant representations of the favour
• Sparks, H., p. 30S.
Map
Shewing route followed hy the force under Brigadier
Forbes from Be dfoj'd, JPer„nsylvania,to Fort Duquesne,
Ohio, 1758. [PittsburgJ
Fort (jk Duquesne
Fort Cumherla.nd
~\^ v\ fiecbstown.
:_^Z=\, iBedford]
1758] WASHINGTON. I97
shewn to Pennsylvania by Forbes, and of the injustice which
the province was experiencing, that when the assembly met
on the 14th of September, it passed an act to withdraw, on
the 1st of December, the ist Virginian regiment and station
it on the frontier, as a protection to the province. This vote
was subsequently rescinded.
After assisting in cutting the road to Raestown, Washington
sent out a party to open Braddock's road. He reported that
few repairs were required, and earnestly recommended that
it should be followed, representing that it would not be pos-
sible to obtain a direct road from Raestown. A meeting took
place at the end of July between Washington and Bouquet,
•at which the latter stated that it had been definitely deter-
mined to follow the new line. Washington predicted that by
so doing all would be lost, and, in accordance with the desire
of Bouquet, gave in writing the reasons for this opinion. He
considered that Raestown should be left on one side, and that
the troops should march by fort Frederick to fort Cumberland.
The distance from Carlisle to both places was practically the
same, being 93 miles to Raestown and 97 miles to fort Cum-
berland. He did not, however, correctly state the further
distance to fort Duquesne ; by the Braddock military road it
was 122 miles, by the Raestown road less than 90, making the
difference 32 miles shorter, whereas Washington estimated it
as only being ten miles.
Washington, although feeling strongly on the point that the
choice was both a mistaken policy and unjust to Virginia,
and believing that it had been determined by the influence of
Pennsylvania intrigue on the general's mind, nevertheless
stated his views with great moderation and ability.*
• Washington sustained his view by the statement tliat when trade had been
commenced with the tribes on the Ohio, in order to obtain the best line of com-
munication, a reward had been ottered to the Indians to discover the most
favourable location. After much pains, they declared that the road leading to
Wills' Creek was to be preferred. As such, it had been the route followed by the
Pennsylvanian traders. The Ohio company in 1753 opened out the road. In
1754 it was improved by Washington himself, and in 1755 Braddock widened and
completed it. It was now, he argued, in good condition, and could be at once
198 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
The success of Forbes' generalship is estabh'shed by de
Levis, who records the surprise of the commandant, de
Ligneris, at Grant's attack.* He had looked for the arrival of
the force by Braddock's route, and had not conceived it
possible that a second line would be opened out. It was on
gone over, whereas the Reastown route woulil exact time and labour for its com-
pletion, and time so taken would prevent the blow being made during the season.
Washington further argued that the statements of want of forage on the Braddock
road were exaggerated, and that the danger threatened by the overflow of the
rivers which the road crossed was not worth mentioning. Moreover, that the
shortness of distance of the new line did not do away with the disadvantage of
cutting a new road. While admitting that there were defiles in the Braddock
line, not unattended with danger, Washington contended that there were none
which could not be safely travelled. He therefore expressed the opinion, that
the old road was infinitely preferable, and he recommended that " Great meadows"
should be made a first point of deposit, and " Salt lick," thirty miles further, a
second depot.
The argument of Forbes was to the effect that fort Cumberland was at too
great a distance as a base of operation, Reastown being the place of deposit. The
distance to fort Cumberland was thirty miles, and the fort was 122 miles from fort
Duquesne, whereas the distance from Reastown to Loyal Hannan was forty miles,
which was itself fifty miles only from fort Duquesne. The line of road to Loyal
Hannan required only ordinary labour, which, with the numbers at command, was
not a matter of consideration. Further examination had established that the road
across Laurel Hill was unattended with extraordinary difficulty, and accordingly
no great time would be necessary in the construction of the new route, and it
offered the advantage of furnishing forage throughout.
The objections to the old road were, the want of forage which would be experi-
enced, the defiles to be passed exposing the column to attack, the condition of the
streams, which after the rains would overflow. In the sixty-four miles from
Cumberland to Gist's there were not three localities where forage could be found ;
by the end of October the frost would have destroyed the grass, and when the
rivers became overflowed, communication would be cut off from the rear. Bouquet
wrote to Forbes that Washington could not satisfactorily answer these objections.
The letter is in French : " Je n'y ay rien apris de satisfaisant. La plupart de ces
Messrs. ne connoissent pas la difference d'une party et d'une armee et trouve facile
tout ce que flatte leurs idces, sautant par dessus toutes les difhcultes." [sz'c]. [Can.
Arch., Bouquet collection. A., 10, p. 165].
By the end of August the station at Loyal Hannan was completed and estab-
lished, Grant being placed in command there. The impediments which happened
to the expedition arose from his ill-judged and ill-directed attack which took place
on the 17th of September. Laurel Hill had been then pas.sed. The advance of
Forbes to fort Duquesne from Loyal Hannan, made in the short lime of at ihemost
six days, establishes that no difficulty was met between that point and fort Duquesne.
* Journal de Levis, pp. 162-163.
1758] THE ROAD FORMED. I99
that occasion he learned that 6,000 men were on the march,
and within forty-five miles of his post.
The Indians were troublesome allies to Forbes, for they were
unreliable and uncertain. Early in the season the Cherokees
and Catawbas joined the expedition in some numbers, and
were difficult to control. Forbes soon discovered that their
friendship could be maintained only by presents, and that
their equipment was a matter of cost. At the same time he
sympathized with their fears of the future, and the many
trying circumstances in which the}' were placed. He expressed
his views to Pitt on the subject, and contended that they
should be treated with honesty and prudence. The policy he
advocated has been the invariable rule with the imperial
government, and was the cause of much of the desire to be
free from home control in this matter, v.'hich played so great a
part in the American revolution. It is now the governing
principle in the dominion.*
Strong parties were now engaged on the road through Penn-
sylvania from Raestown, and redoubts were built for the
working parties at proper distances. It was not anticipated
that insuperable difficulty would be experienced, although it
would prove a work of great labour to form a road for the
passage of artillery and wheel vehicles, especially in crossing
Laurel hill. One deficiency constantly claiming attention was
the want of waggons and the inferioritv of the horses. The
* Forbes' view on this point is wortlny of preservation : " And this leads me to
think that had those Indians, who were our friends, been managed with common
prudence and honesty, that they must have continued so, as we could more easily
and at a cheaper rate, have supplied them with provisions and their other necessarys.
But by allowing them to be most grossly cheated and abused by the saddest of
mortals, called Indian traders, in place of having a fair, open Markett, under the
eye and diiection'of the government, antl by allowing of a rage and madness in
stretching out our settlement into their hunting countries, the only resource they
had for sustenance, and that without any previous contract or agreement with them.
They have thereby been driven into the arms of the French, who, with tiieir usual
chicane, make them believe they do not come to drive them out, but to build Forts
among them to protect them against us. But I beg pardon for this digression to
yoii, sir, who knows (szc) all those sad truths from better authority than I can pre-
tend to you." Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., S7. 2, p. 462.
200 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. l^7S^
Pennsylvania officers, knowing the feeling of Virginia regard-
ing the route, volunteered to aid, with such information as they
possessed. Major Armstrong was sent up with a trader named
Dunning, w^ho had often passed over the route. He started
with an escort of a hundred volunteers to make the examina-
tion, with instructions to use great caution. • In a fortnight
Bouquet was enabled to report that the road across Laurel
hill was less objectionable than the road from fort Littleton to
fort Cumberland, and that no difficulties presented themselves
after the passage of the mountain.
While Bouquet was working at the road, Forbes remained
at Carlisle, in the worst of health, unable to move, prostrate
with sickness. In the beginning of August he had somewhat
"recovered, and had he consulted only his health and ease,
he would have sought quiet and repose. In the middle of
August, Forbes managed to reach Shippensburg, twenty-one
miles from Carlisle. When here, he heard of the fall of
Louisbourg, and fired a /a^ dc joie in honour of the event.
Bouquet had arrived at Loyal Hannan, forty miles from
Reastown ; he had resolved to leave Grant in charge of the
post, while he himself would carry on the road. Early in
September Forbes was again seized with sickness. It was from
this place he wrote, as to dividing the army he would consult
Washington, although perhaps he would not follow his advice,
as hfs behaviour about the roads was in no way like a soldier.*
His letters shew his embarrassment from the jealousy with
regard to the route. -f- On the 17th he heard of Bradstreet's
success at fort Frontenac, and he fired ■&.f€n dc joie in honour
of it. While he was noticing these matters from Reastown,
Bouquet on the same day was writing an account of the reverse
* Can. Arch., iJouquet papers, A. lo, p. 249.
+ " I have seen with regret this some time past a jealousy and suspicion
subsistinc: on the part of the Virginians whicli they can have no reason for, as I
believe neither you nor I value one farthing where we get provisions from, provided
we are supphed, or interest ourselves either with Virginia or Pennsylvania ; which
last I hope will he damned for their treatment of us with the waggons and every
other thing where they could profit by us as from their imposition.s, altho' at the
risk of our perdition." Can. Arch., Bouquet collection. Series A. 10, p. 256.
1758] MAJOR GRANT. 201
which had been experienced in an expedition undertaken by-
major Grant.
The advancing force had been much troubled by the Indian
scouts, who watched their opportunity to scalp or make
prisoners any men out in small parties. The cattle and horses
were kept in the woods in the neighbourhood of Loyal
Hannan, and often when in search of them and when return-
ing, the men had been attacked. l3ouquet ordered out two
parties, each of one hundred strong, for the Indians were
again extremely active, and captain Dagworthy and the
Indians attached to the force were not present. As the
detachments were preparing to march, major Grant, of the
highlanders, spoke private!}' to Bouquet, and remonstrated
.against this step being taken, for it would only lead to the
loss of life, and would effect no result. He suggested that he
should be placed at the head of five hundred men, and be
detached to reconnoitre fort Duquesne, obtain reliable infor-
mation concerning the road, and learn the strength of the
garrison. From the reports he had received. Grant believed
that the French force, including the Indians, did not exceed
six hundred men, and that a sortie could not be made with a
force greater than that with which he would be present. He
hoped to draw the garrison into an ambuscade, so he could
obtain some prisoners. Bouquet gave his consent, it would
appear unwillingly. The two parties were countermanded,
ctnd an informal council of war was held, at which colonel Byrd
and major Lewis were present ; it was there resolved that the
attempt should be made.
Grant started with 300 Highlanders, 100 Royal Americans,
150 Virginians, 100 Maryland and 100 Pennsylvanian troops,
being in all 750 men. His instructions were to proceed within
five miles of fort Duquesne, and to send out exploring parties;
to surprise the Indians outside the fort, attacking them with
the bayonet : this duty effected, or if it could not be under-
taken, he was to attract the notice of the garrison by beating
his drums, retire and place himself in ambuscade, so that he
202 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
could advantageously attack the pursuing party, and then
retire. If the plan in any way failed, he was at once to retreat.
Bouquet saw the detachment start in the best of spirits on
the loth. Escaping the enemy's parties, on the I2th about
three in the afternoon. Grant believed he was ten miles from
the top of the hill overlooking the fort, when in reality he was
sixteen miles distant. In the morning he detached Lewis
with one hundred men and some Indians, to post himself in
an ambuscade within five miles from the fort. Chew, an
ensign in the force, and twenty men were sent to reconnoitre
the ground, and draw the enemy into pursuit without unduly
exposing themselves. Chew's Indians leaving him, he was
obliged to conceal himself, and he only joined Lewis at eleven
at night. Grant continued his march the following day ; he
found Lewis advantageously posted, but he was twelve miles
from the fort. The whole force started at six, expecting to
reach the hill over the fort at eleven ; they did not, ho\\-ever,
arrive until two in the morning. The Indian fires were then
burned out, and there was no indication where the attack
should be made, and nothing could be done.
Grant had now carried out his instructions, and his duty
was to retire ; but holding the opinion that the garrison was
too weak to risk a sortie, he resolved to become the assailant.
He ordered Lewis, with lOO Royal Americans, 200 high-
landers, and 100 Virginians, to go forward and assail anything
they should meet about the fort. They were not to heed the
sentries, not to fire until close to the fort, and after the dis-
charge of their pieces to charge with the bayonet. He would
himself beat the retreat when it was time to retire, and they
could come towards him in any order they saw fit. The
distance did not exceed half a mile, and the men put on a
white shirt over their uniform, to prevent mistakes of recog-
nition. Grant placed himself with the remainder of the
troops opposite the fort, and waited in some uneasiness for
the indication that the attack had commenced. Major Lewis,
however, returned with his force in confusion, to report that
it was impossible to do anything, that the night was dark, the
1758] grant's defeat. 203
road bad and cumbered with logs of wood, and that there had
been fences to pass, so the men had fallen into disorder, and
it had been a mercy that they had not fired upon one another.
Grant left Lewis in anger, and went to two of his officers,
McKenzie and Rhor, to give orders for them to be in readi-
ness to move, for, if practicable, he would attack. Feeling
desirous that something should be done, he sent a party of
fifty men to the spot where two or three fires had been seen.
They found no Indians to attack, so they set fire to the house
in the neighbourhood.
At daybreak of the 14th Grant ordered Lewis, with the
Royal Americans and Virginians, to reinforce captain Bullet,
who, with fifty men, had been posted to guard the horses and
baggage, with instructions to place the whole force in
ambuscade.
Owing to the fog at early dawn it was not possible to make
any plan of the. fort ; at seven the weather became more clear,
and two officers were sent to sketch the works. They were
sustained by a detachment. Grant states that in order to give
confidence to the men he ordered the drums to beat the reveille.^
In less than half an hour he saw the French troops come out
of the fort in different parties, about 800 in number. They
advanced skirmishing, with little order, taking- advantage of
any covering, moving forward briskly. Their attack was
directed against the men posted on the left under captain
Macdonald. Both he and the lieutenant, Campbell, were
killed. Lieutenant Macdonald was wounded and the detach-
ment, being overpowered, gave way. The 100 Pennsylvanians
posted on the right, left the ground without firing a shot. In
less than half an hour Grant's whole force fell in great con-'
fusion, being attacked from all directions.
The French were now reinforced from the fort and the action
became more general. The British, however, continued to
hold their ground, when Grant, resolving to retire, sent word
to Lewis that he would join him where he had been posted, and
that he must make the best stand he could until Grant fell
back to him.
204 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^7S^
Lewis,however,had heard the firing, and urged by his officers
had felt it his duty to advance in support of the main body.
In doing so, he took a different route to that by which he had
passed that morning. The latter was the route taken by
Grant in his retreat, so the two parties missed one another.
When Lewis had ascended the height his men were much
exhausted, and he came within the range of the enemy. Grant
had then retired. Lewis attempted to make a stand, but
overpowered, his men gave way before a greatly superior
force.
Grant came up with Bullet's small detachment. He had
been attacked, and had gallantly sustained an unequal fight.
It was now persevered in, and it was here that Bullet reports
that Grant, when pressed to retire, replied that he would stand
so long as a man would fight with him. " IVIy heart is broke,"
said Grant in his bitterness ; "' I will not survive this day."
They were surrounded ; Grant was known, and the French,
calling on him by name, asked him to surrender. The French
shewed great forbearance : they were determined if possible
to take him alive. Bullet's party continued the fight with
some confusion, for the men ceased to obey orders ; finally
they were seized with a general panic. Bullet with some
others escaped. Grant, finding himself with about a dozen
men, accepted the quarter offered him. They were then about
two miles from the fort, and it was eleven o'clock in the day,
when the French were called back. Major Lewis was taken
prisoner, likewise two captains, four lieutenants, and two
ensigns : the Indians also carried away some prisoners.
1758] RETURN OF THE TROOPS. 20$
CHAPTER V.
Bouquet, made conscious of the reverse by the arrival of
stragglers, sent a force of 'three hundred men to cover the
retreat of those who had escaped. On the roll being called,
two hundred and seventy-three were missing, and of this num-
ber two hundred and thirty may be described as killed. The
loss of the French, by the report of de Levis, was twenty men.
We also learn from him * that the French brought into
the field their whole force of 1,500 men ; 600 Indians are
mentioned as being present, but it is not stated whether
distinct or included in the number given.
The British loss was much exaggerated by the French,
being stated at five hundred. It was sufficiently severe, every
third man being placed Jiors de cojnbat : a serious catalogue of
disaster.
Washington, with the Virginian regiment which had been
quartered at fort Cumberland, was ordered to Raestown,
where he arrived at the end of September The militia of
Maryland was sent to occupy the fort and to keep open the
line of communication.
The British force was in no way depressed by Grant's
defeat. The desire was stronger than before to advance
against the fort. It was felt that the attack had been made
under misapprehension : it was now known that reinforce-
ments had lately arrived, and that their presence accounted
for the greater strength of the French than had been antici-
pated. The impression was also formed that several Delawares
and Shawnces were on their side in the action. One of the
consequences was the desertion by the Indians from the British
force. Bouquet himself looked • forward to being attacked
* Journal, p. 162.
206 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
in his turn, and he wrote to Forbes that in two days he would
be ready to receive the enemy.
Grant's presence had first made de Ligneris aware that so
large a force was estabHshed on the hne of road which was
being opened. He resolved, accordingly, to send a strong
detachment to observe Loyal Hannan, and, if expedient to
attack the post. Captain Aubry, of the marine service,
started, according to French accounts, with 600 men and some
Indians, about 900 in all. Bouquet was absent at the work
of opening the road, and colonel Burd, of the Virginia fort,
was in command. On the 12th of October, as the French
were marching upon Loyal Hannan, they came upon a picket
of fifty men, which broke and fled. On reaching Loyal
Hannan, the French commenced to fusillade the place. The
attack lasted two hours, and was without effect, the British
being protected by a breastwork with five cannon and
cohorns. Moreover, they were more numerous than the
French. No attempt was made at a sortie, and the garrison
remained content with a defence of the post. While the action
was going on many of the horses, which were in the woods,
and several cattle, were taken and driven off. Burd describes
himself as being harassed during the night, but the attack
could have only been a feint to cover the retreat. The
French carried off the horses they had seized with their
baggage and wounded. There was no attempt to follow them,
or to make reprisals. They inflicted no injury on the British
garrison ; on the other hand, little credit can be given to the
defenders of the fort, that the French were permitted to
return unmolested.
De Ligneris was fully awake to the danger of his position,
he was impotent to defend the fort, being without provisions.
Two months had elapsed since the destruction of fort Fron-
tenac, whence his supplies had been sent ; the importance of
Bradstreet's success w\is now manifest by the influence it
exercised, sufficient to counterbalance the consequences of the
disaster at Carillon. De Ligneris well knew that there was no
probability of relief, and a few weeks were only to pass before
1758] TREATY OF E ASTON. 207
navigation would be closed by winter. One chance only lay
open to him : to repeat the exploit of de Beaujeu against
Braddock, and attack Bouquet on the line of march. The
conditions, however, were no longer the same. Had such a
course been otherwise feasible, the French were suffering from
the drawback, that they had lost their influence over the
Indians. They had ceased to be able to feed the hungry
crowd of expectants who came to the fort, and what greater
sign of weakness could appeal to the Indian understanding.
There were other causes which had led to this condition.
Among the many services rendered by Forbes, by no means
the least important, was the part taken by him in effecting the
Indian treaty at Easton. At the commencement of the cam-
paign he had entertained hopes of securing a strong force of
Indians. Generally they had shewn faith in the British
operations. At the end of April seven hundred had joined
the troops at fort Loudoun ; there were neither arms nor
equipment to give them, and their services could only be
retained by supplying their wants. From time to time they
left the force. In July two hundred were present: in September
eighty only remained.
As early as June, Forbes reported to Pitt that the French
Indians were in a starving condition, no provisions being given
them. His own difficulties had led him to apply to the
Pennsylvanian authorities. He was told that there was no
money, and that the expense of management must fall upon
the crown. He complained that he could obtain little assist-
ance either from sir William Johnson or from the southern
commissioner, "Sir. x\tkin : nevertheless it appeared to Forbes
that it was feasible to effect a peace with the Ohio Indians so
that their services would not be available to the French.
He formed the strong conviction that a convention should
be called, and measures taken to convince the Indians of the
advantages they would derive by sustaining the British. It
was the argument b\- Vvhlch the Indian could be permanently
influenced ; however his imaginatiort might be excited by the
ceremonial form of the religion taught by the French mission-
208 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/S^
aries and by the cameradcrie of those who Hved among them.
One great cause of discontent with the French was from their
present inabiHty to satisfy the inextinguishable greed of the
Indian requirements. Moreover the knowledge that a power-
fully equipped force was marching to the Ohio to attack the
fortress led many to waver in their fidelity.
Forbes' persistent assertion of the necessity of some step
being taken finally overcame the hesitation of sir William
Johnson, and he was equally fortunate with the provincial
authorities. A messenger was finally sent to the Indians of
the Ohio with offers of good will and friendliness. The per-
son selected was a IMoravian brother named Post, who readily
accepted the duty, which, although its object was the estab-
lishment of peace, involved hardship and danger. As might
be looked for, the French opposed all such negotiations.
Nevertheless, the meeting took place in October : representa-
tives of the Six Nations were present, and it was agreed that
a message inviting all the tribes on the Ohio to join in a
convention of peace should be sent to them. It was carried
by Post, accompanied by some white and Indian associates.
In consequence, a general council was held, and the offers were
accepted. The Ohio Indians ceased to range themselves on
the side of the French, and de Ligneris was without the
Indian support, which would have made it possible, efficiently
to oppose the British advance.
On the 30th of October, Washington arrived at Loyal
Hannan, and joined in the effort of opening out the road. In
the middle of October Forbes was at Raestown, suffering from
what must have been an attack of dysentery. He was unable
to sit a horse, or endure the motion of a carriage : he was
carried forward on a hurdle suspended between two led horses.
Prostrate from sickness, he continued to give orders for the
conduct of the expedition, and to urge the continuance of
effort. Naturally, he felt the responsibility of the choice of
route ; and that in case of failure, the discredit would fall on
him. Colonel Stephen, of the Virginians, had written to
Washington that the road beyond Loyal Hannan was im-
1758] APPROACH OF WINTER. 209
practicable. Forbes communicated the fact to Bouquet, telling
him that Washington and Byrd would be glad if it were the
case
He knew perfectly well, that out of Pennsylvania
feeling, was against him : that in Virginia failure would not
wholly be unwelcome ; and he has left behind his strong pro-
test against this discontent and its misgiving.
It was from the sense of what was necessary to attain
success, that he continued to give his untiring personal
direction to all that was being done. There are few more
touching narratives in the history of this continent, than the
spectacle of this loyal, brave and devoted Scotchman sacri-
ficing all that made life desirable to the discharge of his duty.
Rest, quiet, ease, freedom from anxiety, were necessary to the
recovery of his health. The failure to obtain them was the
certainty of death. But there was no faltering in his purpose.
He sacrificed the very hope of his recovery to the destruction
of the fortress, which had brought such misery on the western
territory of Pennsylvania and Virginia. It was from its walls
that the bands of ruthless Indians had devastated the frontier,
to surprise so many homesteads, that the country had receded
to a state of nature. The object to be attained was its
uprootal, and Forbes had determined, were life granted him,
the home of the destroyer should be swept away.
November came, with all its dreariness. The trees were
becoming bare ; the evergreens alone remained, motionless
by the scantily-clothed, brown-leaved beeches, whose foliage
every wind scattered. The swamps were unfrozen, but the
waters were icy cold ; the air was sharp with the first frost of
the season. The men were insufficiently clothed, unprovided
with all which makes a campaign in the commencement of
winter bearable. It had not been anticipated that the opera-
tions would last so long ; it now appeared as if the season
were to pass away and nothing more would be done ; that the
bulk of the troops would return to winter quarters, leaving
a garrison of strength sufficient to hold Loyal Hannan ; that
the attack of the fort would be deferred until spring, when
• Can. Arch., Forbes to Bouquet, Series A., 10, p. 268.
2IO THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/SS
the snow was gone and the woods passable, so that the march
could be renewed ; and that for the present all operations
should cease.
Carried on the hurdle, Forbes reached Loyal Hannan. In
his correspondence he made the best of everything ; there is
no doleful dread of failure. Frank in ordinary matters, he
made few confidants with regard to the future. Even with
men whom he fully trusted, such as Bouquet, he was reticent
when he felt it wise to be so. He was never one to cast the
blame on another. He had a kindly word for even misfor-
tune. He wrote of Grant after his reverse : " My friend
Grant most certainly lost his wits, and by his thirst for fame
brought on his own perdition, and ran great risque of ours."
He arrived at Loyal Hannan on the 5th of November. The
advance parties were in the field " blazing " the line.* Forbes
heard much irresolution and doubt, and being desirous of
obtaining a decided expression of current opinion, he called a
council of war. The council met on the nth, and the affirm-
ative and negative for prosecuting the expedition are placed
on record.-f
The reasons for persevering were the hope of gaining pos-
session of the Ohio, the desire to obtain control over the
Indians who had previously ravaged the province, and to meet
public expectation by the capture of the fort.
Against continuing operations were : the want of proper
clothing, and the impossibility of obtaining it ; the scarcity of
provisions, and the uncertainty of supply ; the want of horses
and forage ; the necessity of husbanding the supplies ; the
risk of losing the artillery, if forced to retreat ; the impossi-
bility of holding the fort if taken, no provision having been
* This word, in use in Canada to denote tracing a way through the woods by
making marks on trees with an axe leaving the cut apparent through the bark, has
been derived from the French word " balise." The first meaningof /'^/w is a sea
mark, a beacon. In Canada tlie term was applied to the evergreens placed on
the rivers and open ground to trace out the winter roads on the ice and snow,
probably given by the settlers from llie sea coast of Brittany. It is not a diflicult
transition from " balised " to "blazed."
t The council was composed of colonels Bouquet, Montgomery, St. Clair,
Washington, Byrd, Armstrong, Burd and Mercer. Can. Arch., Series A., 13, p. 341.
1758] THE COUNCIL OF WAR. 211
made for that purpose ; the risk of the loss of a battle which
would expose the province to an Indian invasion. The con-
clusion ran : " The risks, being so superior to the advantages,
left no doubt as to the course which prudence dictates."
This euphemistic expression of opinion had little influ-
ence upon Forbes. The works upon the road were continued.
Washington's letters* show that on the i8th the road had
been advanced twenty-three miles, and that it had been traced
within twelve miles of the fort. Forbes now prepared to carry
out his purpose. The intelligence had reached him that the
strength of the garrison had been greatly reduced and the
supply of provisions almost exhausted. He selected from his
force 2,500 picked men ; they were to march without tents or
baggage, each man carrying his blan|:et and his haversack of
rations. The march commenced on the i8th or 19th and the
force was organized at Loyal Hannan, and it was from that
post the start v/as made. It was formed in three columns :
Washington on the right, Montgomery in the centre, Bouquet
on the left Flanking parties were carefully organized, and the
few light horse reconnoitred with the advance guard. There
was to be no second episode similar to the destruction of
Braddock's force. As the columns advanced the drums at the
head of each division beat their measured tap so the drum
could be heard if the force were not in direct view. By these
means, while the advance was regularly made, the line was
kept, order was preserved and confusion avoided.
Forbes on his hurdle, with an officer's guard, was carried in
advance of Montgomery's column. On the evening of the
23rd the troops were within twelve miles of the fort ; the
Indian scouts reported that a thick smoke extended up the
valley of the river. A few hours later the intelligence was
received that the fort had been abandoned and everything
burned. A halt was made on the 24th, in order that the true
situation should be known, and, it is to be presumed, to guard
against surprise.
* They are dated Chestnut ridge, the 15th ; Bushy run, the 17th ; Armstrong's
Camp, the iSth.
212 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/SS
Early on the morning of the 25th, with serried ranks, the
small force continued its march to the fort. As it entered
the clearing, the charred ruins of the building with its sur-
rounding tenements came into view. The fire had destroyed
all that had formerly been. The walls of the fort had been
undermined and were partially blown up. There were two
forts : one which stood at the confluence of the Alleghany
and Monongahela had been carefully and laboriously con-
structed, with strong works contained in a narrow space. The
second fort was on the bank of the Alleghany, in the form of
a parallelogram ; it was unfinished, several of the outer
works only having lately been begun. About thirty stacks of
chimneys were standing to shew where houses had stood.
One magazine had been exploded with the walls, the other
was uninjured. Sixteen barrels of ammunition, a large
quantity of old iron, some gun barrels, and a cart load of
scalping knives were found there. It was difficult to deter-
mine whether the French had cast their cannon into the river,
or carried them away on bateaux. At a later date Amherst
describes them as having been found in the river.*
The dead bodies of those slain in Grant's attack still lay on
the field unburicd, within a quarter of a mile of the fort. The
fact speaks little for the humanity of the French, or their care
for the health of their own garrison, t
On the 25th of November the British took possession of
the ground on which the ruins stood. It was the last day of
French rule on the Ohio. Within a few hours of the event
* Amherst to Pitt, 4th February, 1759. Can, Arch., Series A. cS; W. I., vol.
89, p. 107.
t Captain Heslet, in a letter to the Rev. Dr. Alison, states that a boy twelve
years old, who had been their prisoner, escaped on the 2nd [? 22nd] instant,
informed them that they had carried a prodigious quantity of wood into the fort,
and that five prisoners taken at Grant's defeat had been burned on the parade.
Other prisoners had been given to the Indians, who tomahawked them on the
spot. The story is not authenticated. It has also been stated that the Indians
had placed upon poles the heads of the highlanders killed in the skirmish with
Grant's force, and in derision hung their kilts around them. It appears to me to
be a romance of after production : it is not contirmed. I do not myself consider it
worthy of credence.
1758J PITTSBURG. 213
the site was called Pittsburg, in honour of the great minister.
Posterity has accepted the baptism, although few remember
the name and services of the general who conferred it. Forbes
related how the old title had passed away through conquest,
and that the spot in future would be identified with Pitt's glory.*
After the return of Aubry from his expedition, de Ligneris
saw that his only hope lay in the lateness of the season ; that
an attack before spring would become impossible. He re-
solved accordingly to reduce the strength of the garrison,
retaining such a force that he could feed, with the hope that
during the winter he would be cared for. Aubry returned to
the Illinois with his detachment ; Saint Ours carried the men
of his force to Montreal, where he arrived at the end of
November; de Bellaitre started for Detroit with the troops he
had brought. There now only remained 400 of the garrison
with de Ligneris. Some of the artillery and the invalids he
sent with Aubry to the Illinois, descending the Ohio.
As the scouts informed de Ligneris of the march of Forbes,
that each hour the three columns were advancing nearer to
enclose him in their fold, he resolved to destroy the fort, and
to abandon it. On the 23rd of November he sent off his
canoes with all he could remove to fort Machault, at the junc-
tion of the xAlleghany, with French creek ; about one hundred
miles from Pittsburg, now known as Venango.f When all
• "I have used tlie freedom of giving your name to fort du Quesne, as I hope it
was in some measure the being actuated by your spirit that now makes me master
of the place. Nor could I help using the same freedom in the naming of the two
other forts that I built ; (plans of which I send you) the one Fort Ligonier, the
other Bedford. I hope the name-fathers will take them under their protection, in
which case those dreary deserts will soon be richest and most fertile of any possest
by the British in N" America." Forbes to Pitt. Pittsburg, 27th November,
175S. Can. Arch., Series 87.2, p. 4S9.
* In captain Lee's journal, 19th September to 4th October, 1759, the follow-
ing distances are given in Bouquet's handwriting : —
From Niagara to Presqu' Isle 230 miles.
Presqu' Isle to le Beuf 21 "
Le Beuf to Venango 1 72 "
Venango to Pittsburg 140 *'
"56^
[Can. Arch., Bouquet Coll., Series A., 14.2, p. 5S3.]
214 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. 1^75'^
had departed, he blew up the walls, and burned the outer
buildings.
It remained for the British to establish themselves at the
abandoned fort. It was not possible to follow de Ligneris up
the Alleghany to fort Machault, for winter had commenced,
and there were no supplies. Such an expedition itself called
for preparation, and it remained a duty to be undertaken in
the spring. Moreover, the force was three hundred miles
from Philadelphia, the men without warm clothing, exposed to
the severe cold. There was no fear of any permanent want of
supplies ; the road was open, and the convoys could be suffi-
ciently protected. The men had submitted without a murmur
to their privations, and could be perfectly relied upon ; but it
was plain that the operations could not be extended, and all
that could be done was to secure the conquest.
A spot was selected and protected with a stockade and made
as defensible as possible. Lieutenant-colonel Mercer was
placed in charge with a force of provincial troops.
Forbes wrote to governor Denny, of Pennsylvania, the day
after he had taken possession, congratulating him upon the
event, adding that he would be compelled to leave two hundred
of the Pennsylvanian troops to join a proportion of Virginians
and Marylanders. " I hope," added Forbes, " the Provinces
will be so sensible of the great Benefit of this new Acquisition
as to enable me to fix this noble, fine Country to all Perpetuity
under the Dominion of Great Britain." He asked for instruc-
tions with regard to the provincial troops ; and that the gov-
ernor would remember that ^Montgomery's battalion and the
Royal Americans, after so long and tedious a campaign, "were
to be taken care of in some comfortable winter quarters." " '' I
flatter myself," continued Forbes, " that if I get to Philadelphia
under your Cares and good Companys, I shall run a good
chance of re-establishing a health, that I run the risque of
ruining to give your Province all the Satisfaction in the Power
of my weak Abilities."
It was not to be. Forbes' health had been too rudely
* New York Doc, X., p. 905.
fT^^ Fori: Ducfuesne
skeleton map shewing Ohio forts
1759] FORBES' DEATH. 21$
affected by the severity of the weather and the fatigues of the
march to recover from the exhaustion which his strength had
suffered. He was carried back on the hurdle with the troops
in their homeward march. At a halt, where necessary, a
chimney was built in advance, so that a fire could be lighted
for his warmth and sustcntation. On one occasion, at a place
called Tomhack camp, the chimney was not built, the damp
wood would not burn, and Forbes had to sit shivering and
suffering in the cold. In spite of the severity of the weather,
he continued his journey ; it must have been a period of trial
and pain. On the second of January he left fort Bedford, as
Raestown was now called ; a week later he passed through
Carlisle, to arrive at Philadelphia shortly after the 14th of
January. Owing to his bad health, he had applied for leave
of absence, and he had received an answer that the leave
would be granted. He still performed his duty, and, to shew
his satisfaction with the conduct of the troops composing the
column in the campaign, at the end of February he ordered a
medal to be struck, to be presented by him to every officer in
the expedition.*
It was to be one of the many unfilled purposes with which
history abounds.. The hand of death was on Forbes ; he had
not a month to live. He was to witness no one of the trium-
phal consequences of his generalship ; he was to pass away
before even the commencement of the important operations
of the year, which were to prove one series of successes. He
struggled between life and death for some three weeks, to die
on the loth of March, 1759, at Philadelphia. He was buried
in Christ Church, of that city.f
* Lieutenant James Grant to Bouquet. Philadelphia, 20th February. "General
Forbes has ordered a medal for the officers who have been in the last campaign.
The meilal has on one side the representation of a road, cut through nn immence
[sic) forest, over rocks and mountains, the motto, ' Per tot discrimina ; ' on the
other siile are represented the confluence of the Ohio and Monongahela rivers, a
fort in tlames in the forks of the rivers at the approach of general Forbes, car-
ried in a litter, followed with the army marching in columns with cannon. The
motto : 'Ohio Britannica Cunsilio Manuqiie.' TJiis is to be worn round the neck
with a dark blue ribbon." [Can. Arch., A., 14, p. Si.]
t The statement of the Pennsylvania Gazette, that he died on the Sunday
2l6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
No monument is erected to Forbes, either in Christ Church,
where he was buried, in his native place, or at any spot in the
empire which he served so faithfully. No Cainpo Santo, devoted
to the memory of the illustrious dead, displays a tablet to
record his services, his abnegation, and his undaunted resolu-
tion. Pennsylvania and Virginia, and Pittsburg which he
founded, have not only forgotten all that he achieved, but
have ceased to remember even that he lived. Notwithstanding
this neglect, his name will ever remain prominently emblazoned
in its own nobility in the page of history as that of one, whose
genius, firmness, and patriotism secured for the British race
the valley of the Ohio, with the southern shore of lake Erie,
and the territory extending to the Mississippi.
before the 15th of March (the nth) is incorrect. I am indebted to Dr. Edward
A. Foggo, rector of Christ Church, Philadelpiiia, for the precise date of brigadier
Forbes' death. Dr. Foggo was good enough to take much trouble in this matter
at my request. I learn from him that the record simply reads " Brigadier General
Forbes," with the date. Forbes was buried near the south wall of the church
building on 2nd street, between INIarket and Arch streets. Dr. Foggo has care-
fully pointed out that this is not the larger cemetery at jth and Arch street, where
Franklin and other prominent men were buried. The ground about the
church on the south side has been levelled, and laid over with brick ; many stones
which project are still to be seen ; no one, however, shews the spot where the
remains of Forbes lie. Tradition places his resting place near the building in
the centre of the lot. I am sure there are many who with myself will acknowledge
their obligations to Dr. Foggo.
1759] ' QUEBEC. 217
CHAPTER YI.
The belief was firmly established throughout Canada that
Ouebec was unassailable b\' water. ]\Ien who were little
beyond middle life remembered the failure of Walker in 171 1,
and to all it must have been a familiar tradition. From the
miserable collapse of that expedition, the opinion prevailed
that no English ships, without competent pilots, would attempt
the ascent of the Saint Lawrence. The intricacies of the
channel between ile aux Coudres and the island of Orleans
were regarded as making navigation impossible, unless by
those acquainted with them ; and no one doubted that, the
landmarks being removed, an attempt to ascend it must end
in disaster. The feeling was likewise entertained that the
•defence of Ouebec was particularly the duty of the French
navy ; that it was to France its protection was confided.
Accordingly little care had been given to guard against any
possible dangers of the future. The main obligation of Canada
was considered to be the safeguarding of lake Champlain ;
and if opportunity permitted, to attack Albany. In the west
the possession of lake Ontario was regarded to be indispensa-
ble in order to admit of supplies being delivered at Niagara,
whence they could be forwarded to the Ohio, to Detroit, and
to the further western posts. Montcalm during the war looked
unfavourably on the maintenance of forts at extreme distances,
as the duty of garrisoning them dissipated the strength of the
province. The general feeling was in their favour, for they
were regarded as the mainsta\- of the fur trade, and so many
Avere interested in its profits that the policy of protecting these
posts obtained almost universal support.
There was one strong sentiment in the Canadian mind
which could always be called forth, -the intensity of belief in
the truth of the form of worship universally professed, joined
2l8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ~ [l759
to a sentiment amounting to contempt for those who differed
from it. They held that they were possessors of the only
pure faith, and such peoples who did not entertain it, were
wanting in true civilization and entitled to little consideration.
There was no great philosophy in these views, for, except the
" livre d'lteures" there was scarcely a book to be seen in
French Canada, certainly outside the higher ranks of society;
but be the sentiment what it might, it was powerfully felt and
it had been earnestly appealed to. The conviction had become
certain that Canada was under the special protection of the
Virgin. There were frequent processions of large numbers to
implore the intercession of " Xotrc Daj/ie^' and private prayers
were alike offered for the destruction of the heretic, should he
attempt an invasion of the sacred soil. Large sums of money
were given to obtain the supplications of the clergy, and all
that was hoped for as obtainable from persistent devotion, was
earnestly implored in every city, parish and household, at least
by devout women.
During the first months of the year there was no serious
dread of any special danger to which Quebec was exposed:
it was even considered that some aggressive steps might be
taken against Louisbourg. De Boishebert went to Cape
Breton, but he was quickly made sensible of the impossibility
of any such attempt. He learned that the British were too
firmly established on the Saint John to be assailed; that the
fort had been placed in repair and garrisoned, and the French
driven from their settlements even as far as the modern
Fredericton, and that their settlements on the Petitcodiac
had been uprooted and burned. De Boishebert accordingly
ascended the river some seventy-five miles, and, leaving Saint
Simon in command at a post which he established, he
returned to Quebec. De Boucherville he placed at ^liramichi.
De Benoit commanded at La Presentation. In February he
sent word to Montreal that he expected that both his own
fort and Point au Baril would be attacked, for, having been
informed of the activity of the British, he concluded some
movement was threatened against these posts.
1759] PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENCE. 219
Montcalm arrived in Montreal on the 7th of March, and
preparations were commenced for the next campaign. All
the grain that could be gathered in the government of
Montreal was brought in. During the succeeding six months
8,000 ininots only had been obtained ; it had been estimated
that the supply would amount to 30,000 iniiwts. By making
a perquisition on the mills, and taking possession of what was
assigned to the diuie, 4,000 additional ininots were considered
available.
It was resolved also to strengthen the western posts. On
the 26th of March, Pouchot, with five hundred Canadians, was
detached to command at Point au Baril. He was to finish
the vessels being built there for service on lake Ontario and he
was afterwards to take command at Niagara. De Villars, a
captain of " la Sarre," was ordered, \\'\i\\ five hundred land
troops and five hundred Canadians, under Marin, to leave on
the 1st of April and reach the Cedars on the ice, so that in the
opening of the navigation they could go forward to Point au
Baril. The guns and the rigging for the vessels were carried
with them. Pouchot was immediately to proceed to Niagara
with seven hundred men and to send on supplies to the Ohio
forts.
In April Pouchot arrived at Niagara and relieved de Vassan.
He had authority to move the troops from Presqu'ile, de Bceuf
and Machault, so that in case of attack on himself, he could
mass three thousand men at Niagara. Pouchot, hearing of no
movement, and believing, from the report of the Indians, that
none was designed, sent on reinforcements to de Ligneris, for
the hope remained that fort Duquesne could be retaken ;
Pouchot himself remained at Niagara with between three and
four hundred men.
Preparations were made for the defence of lake Champlain.
Xebecs *" were constructed at Saint John's, armed and manned
to cruise on the lake. What was feared was, that while an
. advance was made against Carillon there might be a descent
oi the rapids by an overpowering force to attack Montreal. At
* Small, three-masted vessels : they are mostly in use in the Mediterranean.
220 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
this time there was no great anxiety for the safety of Quebec.
The supply of the troops was the most serious consideration.
The provisions would soon be entirely consumed, and unless
ships bringing relief arrived from France, there would be posi-
tive destitution. There were only 80,000 lbs. of powder in
the colony. There were 4,000 land troops available for
defence, and it was considered 10,000 or 12,000 habitants were
capable of bearing arms, and could be brought into the field.
On the' loth of May de Bougainville arrived in Quebec
from France. The squadron consisted of two frigates and
eighteen transports, with a limited supply of provisions, about
6,000 quarters of wheat, and some munitions of war. He
brought also some reinforcements ; he was the bearer of
several brevets of promotion : De Vaudreuil received the
grand cross ; Montcalm was appointed lieutenant-general
and commander ; de Levis, niarcchal de camp ; and Dumas,
major-general ; with many less important appointments. De
Bougainville was also the bearer of the important information
that Quebec was to be attacked, with the depressing certainty
that no further assistance would be sent from Versailles ; that
no aid was to be hoped for. Quebec, accordingly, demanded
the greatest attention, and it was determined to concentrate
for its defence, all the force of the country which could with
safety be withdrawn elsewhere.
Previous to Montcalm leaving Montreal, the final arrange-
ments were made for the defence of lake Champlain. De
Bourlamaque was sent in command, with twent}--five hundred
men, of a force variously composed of the battalions of " la
Reine," " de Berry," and twelve hundred Canadians. His
secret instructions were, that if extremely pushed, he should
make a pretence of defending Carillon, and while doing so he
was to undermine and, when ready, blow up the fortress. The
same proceeding, if necessary, was to be followed at fort Saint
Frederick, Crown point. The force should then retreat to
lie aux Xoi.x, the fortifications of which were immediately to
be commenced. De la Cornc,- with 1,200 men, was sent to
the head of the Galops rapids, the first of the scries, seven
1759] SYSTEM OF DEFENCE. 221
miles below Prescott and Ogdensburg.* He established him-
self at the largest island of the small group, now known as
Galops island, by the sides of which the first short rapid
passes. He was to guard the river and watch Oswego.
Every attention was now bestowed on the defence of
Quebec. De Vaudreuil arrived there on the 28th of May,
having been preceded by Montcalm on the 23rd ; de Levis
arrived towards the end of the month. Plans of defence were
considered, in which de Levis took a leading part. It was
determined more efficiently to enclose the exposed parts of
the city. Fire ships and rafts were made, a floating battery
was constructed, capable of carrying from ten to twelve i8-prs.
and 24-prs. Several boats were constructed to carry one
6-pr. or 8-pr. It was resolved that the river side should be
intrenched from the Saint Charles to Montmorency falls, and
redoubts constructed at intermediate distances. The troops
were encamped on the right bank of the Saint Charles, some-
thing more than half a mile from the city. The regiments
present were " La Sarre," " Royal Rousillon," " Languedoc,"
"Guienne," and "Beam," while the militia of Montreal, Three
Rivers, and Quebec were formed into three battalions, officered
by men from the marine corps.
On de Levis' arrival a council of war was held. The
channel of the river Saint Charles, a short distance from its
mouth, was closed by two sunken vessels, on which batteries
were constructed ; a bridge of boats was thrown over the river
Saint Charles, to connect the two banks. De Levis was sta-
tioned at the extreme east, with the Montreal battalions,
having under his charge the line from Beauport to Mont-
morency. De Bougainville was ordered to assume command
at Beauport, and to direct the operations to the middle of the
plain. The five battalions of the regular troops and the Three
* These rapids, about a mile and a half in length, rarely exceed in force an
extremely swift current. After half a mile of quiet water the rapids of point
Cardinal succeed, known in modern times as " Farren's point rapids." In con-
nection with the Iroquois rapids they are overcome by a canal 7^s miles in length,
with a guard lock and two lift locks. Their total mean height is 15ft. gin. The
island in question is within the United States territory.
222 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
Rivers corps were stationed in the centre. The Quebec
battalion was placed on the right. De Vaudreuil and Mont-
calm established their headquarters in the centre of the plain.
The traverse was sounded with the view of sinking a dozen
vessels there, and making the ascent of the British fleet
impossible. The design, however, was not carried out, but
all the indications and landmarks were removed. To assure
the safety of the ships, they were sent up the river to near
the Grondines. The crews of these vessels, fourteen hundred
in number, were retained in the city to aid in its defence,
specially to be used in working the guns.
De Vaudreuil's instructions were urgent, that in all cases the
women and children should retire to the woods with the
•cattle. His orders on this subject were marked by the
exaggeration habitual to him : " Tell them," he said,* in a
letter found in one of the houses in the neighbourhood of
Quebec, " that the order had been expressively given him by
the king. It was the only way to prevent the melanchoh-
fate which the English had resolved to make the inhabitants
undergo. It was their design to massacre everything that was
Canadian, without distinction to sex or age." Everyone
•capable of bearing arms over fifteen years of age was called
into the field, and ordered to hold himself in readiness to join
the army ; the cures were directed to aid in carrying out these
■orders as fully as possible. According to the statement of
Joannes, the major of Quebec, in many instances the cattle
were found out by Wolfe's parties, so the British troops in no
-way wanted beef
While in England the successes at Louisbourg, at Frontenac
and at fort Duquesne in some measure counterbalanced the
deplorable failure at Ticonderoga, the emotions awakened
by that gigantic blunder did not rapidly pass away. It may
be said that so long as past events are read and studied by
those who can identify themselves with the narratives which
they read, the episode of Ticonderoga must ever remain a
painful chapter of Canadian history. Pitt's nature was not
* Can. Arch., A. cV W. I., SS, p. 136.
1759] APPOINTMENT OF WOLFE. 223
one to be daunted, however much it might have been affected
by this painful reverse, and he resolved in the spring to organ-
ize an expedition which would indisputably affirm British rule
in North America. The French were to be followed home in
their remaining strongholds and driven out from the posses-
sion of them throughout the valley of the Saint Lawrence.
On Wolfe's arrival in London, hearing of the design * he
wrote to Pitt stating his readiness to serve in America. He
was then in bad health, as he told his friend Rickson ; he was
suffering from gravel and rheumatism. His desire was to
serve in Germany. " If," he said at this date, " my poor talent
were considered, they would place me in the cavalry, because
nature has given me good eyes and a warmth of temper to
follow first impressions."
The s}-stem of those days was to give as little consideration
to the officer as could be given. The principle of local rank
was introduced, so that the duties of a higher and more
responsible position were exacted without the pay, rank and
allowances which should accompany them. Thus Wolfe had
merely been a brigadier in America, and when he returned to
England he reverted to his position as a colonel.-|-
Wolfe rejoined the regiment of which he was colonel, the
67th, at Salisbury. The 20th regiment, of which he had been
the lieutenant-colonel, was in Germany, destined to gain the
highest honour the following year at Minden, on the ist of
August. Wolfe's feeling led him to desire service on the
continent. ^ The 67th soon felt the influence of Wolfe's
* 22nd of November, 175S.
+ It was the same principle in the navy ; thus after the close of the siegeof Quebec
Saunders ordered lord Colville, then in command of the "Northumberland," to
Halifax with his own vessel, four more ships of the line and two or three frigates,
with instructions to ascend to Quebec as early as the season would permit. "I
propose," added Saunders, *' to appoint a captain to the ' Northumberland," under
Lord Colville, and to order his Lordship to hoist a Broad pennant." [Can. Arch-
ives, A. & W. I., 8S, p. 48.] Thus making Lord Colville perform admiral's duty
on captain's pay.
♦ He wrote to captain Parr, a captain of the 20th, on the 6th of December :
" It is my fortune to be cursed witii American service, yours to serve in an army
commanded by a great and able Prince, where I would have been if my choice
and inclinations had been consulted." [Wright's Life of Wolfe, p. 46S.]
224 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
genius, for he introduced the system which had made his
former regiment what it then was. He was absent in Bath,*
where he received a letter from Pitt summoning him to town,
and the offer of the command was made to him. It appears
that Wolfe had authority to select his subordinates. Towards
the end of December he wrote to Pitt, pointing out that a
squadron of eight or ten sail, proceeding to Bic, would prevent
all relief reaching Quebec this season : the policy subsequently
followed by sending admiral Durell and a strong force to the
Saint Lawrence in advance of the expedition.
On the list of the staff being submitted to the king, he
objected to the name of colonel Guy Carleton, afterwards
lord Dorchester, who played so prominent a part in Canadian
history. Carleton had incurred the royal disfavour, owing to
some remarks which it was reported he had made unfavourable
to the Hanoverian guards. The king in the first instance
"scratched" Carleton's name; but he was finally induced to
waive his prejudice, on being told that, in order to make a
general, employed on confidential service, fully responsible,
and that he should have no ground for excuse in case of
failure, his recommendation with regard to the subordinate
appointments should be accepted.
Wolfe now became major-general, remaining subordinate
to Amherst as commander-in-chief in America. It was an
important matter, for his pay was but £2 a day, whereas as
commander-in-chief it would have been ^10, with ^1,000 for
extraordinary expenses. All Wolfe obtained in the latter
head was ;^500. Lord Barrington, then secretary of war,
however, assured him that any extraordinary expenses he was
forced to incur would be repaid him.
• At Bath Wolfe met Kathe.ine, daughter of Mr. Robert Lowther, who had
been governor of Barbadoes ; her uncle, sir James Lowther, became the first lord
Lonsdale. Miss Lowther was an heiress. The courtship was not long, and they
became engaged. It was not impossible, as has often occurred in military life,
that it was the separation which Wolfe's command occasioned, requiring him to
leave in the middle of February, which led to a sudden expression of feeling that
in ordinary life might have taken monlhs to elicit. When he sailed with his
command Wolfe was the accepted suitor of Miss Lowther, and he earned her
portrait to America. After Wolfe's death Miss Lowther became duchess of Bolton.
1759] GEORGE TOWNSHEND. 225
The brigadiers were Monckton, Townshend, and Murray.
Robert Monckton, the senior officer of the three, was the
second son of John, first viscount Gahvay : he was Hkewise a
nephew of the second duke of Rutland : accordingly he held
a high social position. Monckton had served some years in
America ; he had conducted the operations against fort
Beausejour and received its surrender from de Vergor. Sub-
sequently he had been appointed colonel of the fourth battalion
of the 6oth, or Royal Americans. This regiment had con-
stituted a portion of lord Loudoun'.s force in 1757. He was
present at the siege of Louisbourg as colonel of the second
battalion of the 60th. Monckton had thus had much ex-
perience, and possessed great ability: throughout the campaign
he acted cordially with Wolfe. The second brigadier was
George Townshend, afterwards the marquis of Townshend.
He was a man of some capacity, but his talents took rather a
social than a military turn. He had much local reputation,
and being the eldest son of viscount Townshend, and heir to
the title, he was not particularly patient of authority. His
vanity was intense. He was a caricaturist,* and like many
men with this gift, was perfectly callous how he exercised it,
and careless of the feelings he wounded. He had been
attached to the party of the duke of Cumberland, and had
received favours from him. He had abandoned the cause of
the duke to join that of the prince of Wales. Some of the sub-
sequent caricatures attacking the duke were the production of
Townshend, and his talents appeared more in this respect than
any other. These were days when a title could do much for
its possessor, and when Townshend offered his services to the
war department, some of the letters written to him, in modern
times would be held to be fulsome in the extreme of bad taste.
Sir Richard Lyttlcton wrote him, " that as a friend zealous
for your glory, he had nothing more to do than to applaud
with all mankind a resolution that you yourself have taken."
The most extraordinary letter was that of Amherst, com-
mander-in-chief, who told him, in acknowledging his letter,
• Ante, p. 96.
226 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
that " your kind assurances of friendship to me, of which I
have so often had proofs, make me very happy, and I shall
try to prove myself deserving of the continuance of it. . . .
I won't flatter myself you will remain in this part of the world.
I would be sorry you did any longer than you like." * He
was of little help to Wolfe : a contrast to Monckton, who
personally was a man of high honour, and a soldier in every
sense of the word. Monckton's dangerous wound brought
Townshend into prominence ; otherwise his name would be
scarcely mentioned in history, f
His own letters shew that at an early date he had lost all
* New York, April 24th, 1729. Townshend MS.S., p. 307.
+ No better type can be given of Townshend's character than the letter to his
wife. Lady Ferrars. It is dated from Point Levis. In justice to Townshend's
memory, I give it unabridged. Townshend papers, p. 308.
" My Dearest Charlotte, I hope M^ Perceval will arrive safe & bring you
these two letters from me. The Happiness of writing to you is beyond all I
know. My Concern for your sufferings, my affection for you & your Dear little
ones, convince me how unfit I am for this Sceene, which another Month will,
thank God, give a Conclusion to. The Captive Women & Children which I
see every Day brought in here, often tell me what I am & who belong to me,
but above all the malencholly News I received the Day before yesterday,
upon my arrival here from the cursed camp of Montmorenci, of my poor Brother's
death, has reproved me for not consulting my own nature more, when I ask'd
you to [let me] return to the Army. It had then pleaded for you, when you did
not plead for yourself, .S: I had not been now in a Sceene of Ambition, Con-
fusion Sc Misery, and you oppressVl, as I know you must be, with Terrours i.\:
affliction. I dare say poor Lady Tounshend too now starts at every knock at the
Door. Let us look up with hopes, my Charlotte, to the Disposer of all things, Sc
trust he will in his Mercy & Goodness do all for the best. I have wrote a line
to poor Lady Tounshend, to comfort her by convincing her of my own Health
& safety. One month more will put an End to our Troubles. I never served
so disagreeable a Campaign as this. Our unequal Force has reduced our Opera-
tions to a Sceene of Skirmishing, Cruelty & Devastation. It is War of the
worst Shape. A Sceene I ought not to be in ; for the future, believe me, my dear
Charlotte, I will seek the reverse of it.
"Gen'. Wolf's Health is but very bad. His Generalship, in my poor
opinion — is not a bit better; this only between us. He never consulted any of us
till the latter end of August, so that we have nothing to answer for, I hope, as to
the success of this Campaign, which from the Di-^position the French have made
of their force must chiefly fall to Gen'. Amherst & Gen'. Johnson.
*• God bless you, my most Dear Wife, my blessing to my Children, my good
George in particular, and thank him for his Letters. I have constantly thanked
1759] JAMES MURRAY. 22/
heart in the campaign. He looked forward to its closing, in a
few days, in failure. In his view, all that remained for the
army to do was to re-embark with the fleet and to return
safely to England. Townshend was naturally a weak man;
pampered by prosperity and flattery, his thoughts were
centred in his comfort and ease. He forms the greatest
contrast that can be furnished to Wolfe's patriotism, patience
and courage. Walpole in his letters speaks of Townshend as
thrusting himself into the service, and as far as " wrong-
headedness will go, very proper for a hero."*
The third brigadier was James Murray, son of the fourth
lord Elibank. He occupies a high place in Canadian history,
having been the first governor general of Canada after the
treaty of peace, for Amherst's position can scarcely be so
described. He was present at the expedition against Roche-
fort, and served at the taking of Louisbourg. Wolfe had
formed the highest opinion of his courage and conduct. He
appears at one time to have fallen under the influence of
Townshend. One of his letters shews unfriendliness to
Wolfe. It is plain that something was said to the disadvan-
tage of himself and Townshend. Whatever the character of
this unfriendly criticism, no trace of it remains ; it has
passed from the page of history. Removed from Townshend's
influence, the character of ]\Iurray returned to its original
loyalty. There is a letter extant from Murray to Townshend f
God for the succes in the Innoculation, a most comfortable circumstance for you.
M^ Barker has been slightly wounded. M^ Gay quite recover'd & join'd us.
Our Campaign is just over. I shall come back in Ad'. Saunders' ship, & in
two months shall again belong to those I ought never to have left. Adieu. Your
most affects Husband &: faithfull friend,
"Geo. Townshend."
• Letters to Srr H. Mann, vol. III., p. 356.
t " I shall look for the letter you mention, take a copy of it and deposite the
original with you. Since so black a lye was propogated, I think myself very
happy that you will be on the spot to contradict whatever Ignorance or Faction
may suggest.
"I have no copy of the paper I sent by you to Gen". ^Volfe concerning his
Scheme of landing between Point au Tremljle and St. Augustin, but the publick
orders are a suflicient proof of his intention to do it, and likewise of the sudden-
228 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
which suggests some unpleasantness with Wolfe, the conse-
quences of which they did not regard with satisfaction.
ness of the thought of landing when we did. Indeed his orders throughout the
campaign shows little stability, stratagem or fixt resolution, I wish his friends
had not been so much our Enemys, his Memory would probably have been dearer
to his Country than now it can be. We are acting on the defensive, you have the
Execution of the plan, I am well perswaded you will manage it with as much
tenderness to the memory of the poor Gen", as the nature of things will admit of."
Murray to Tovvnshend, 5th of October, 1759.
Townshend papers, p. 316.
1759] ADMIRAL SAUNDERS. 229
CHAPTER YII.
The remarkable feature of Pitt's administration was the
energy and despatch with which he carried out his purpose.
No sooner was the determination formed to proceed against
Quebec than measures were taken to organize the expedition,
detach vessels for the service and appoint the naval officers for
the chief positions.
The command of the fleet was given to admiral Saunders.
During the whole period of the siege his conduct was so
unexceptionable, as to establish his claim on the respect of
posterity : nevertheless with that perverse indifference to merit
so frequently manifested, when a great name has called forth
a nation's homage, the escutcheon of Saunders has obtained
little emblazonry from after-fame. Although of great promi-
nence and distinction in his day, no dictionary of biography
even records his name. The omission is the more striking
that during his whole life he was actively engaged, on all
occasions displaying pre-eminent ability, while the service
rendered by him in the Saint Lawrence was only secondary
to the masterly generalship of Wolfe. It is scarcely possible
to find a better example of professional skill, devotion to
duty, lo\-alty and hopeful co-operation in a common effort
than in the assistance rendered by the navy in the operations
of the siege, and yet modern biographical histories make no
mention of the admiral who performed this service.
We learn from contemporary writers that he first attracted
attention as the lieutenant of the celebrated " Centurion," of
which lord Anson was in command, when he left England
in 1740, in his expedition round the world. In February of
the following year Saunders became commander of the
" Tryal," sloop of war. In his passage round Cape Horn,
Saunders, out of his crew of eighty, lost thirty-four seamen.
230 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
When at the island of San Juan Fernandez, he made a
reconnaissance survey of the bays and inlets. Some Spanish
prisoners who were brought there expressed their surprise,
that in so short a time the British had built a brig, for they
could not suppose it possible, that so small a vessel could navi-
gate the stormy waters round cape Horn, when so many
of the large ships of Spain were obliged to turn back. He
accompanied Anson as far as Macao, in China, whence in
November, 1742, he was sent with despatches to England.
His presence in this position established his reputation, and
was the precursor of the good fortune and distinction which
he attained. In 1745 he was in command of the " Sandwich "
90. Subsequently, on being transferred to the " Yarmouth "
64, he took a leading part in the victory of Hawke of the 14th
of October, 1742. In 1750 he became member for Portsmouth.
In 1752, in command of the " Penzance," he proceeded to
Newfoundland to protect the fisheries. Two years later he
became treasurer of Greenwich hospital. In ]\Iay of that
year, on the election of the new parliament, through the
interest of Lord Anson, he was returned for Heydon, in
Yorkshire, which he represented in every change of parlia-
ment until his death. At the breaking out of the war he had
been appointed to the fleet of admiral Hawke. Subsequently
he was selected by Pitt to the command of the fleet in Wolfe's
expedition.*
On the 8th of January Saunders received his appointment.
Two days later he was instructed to send admiral Durell, one
of the junior admirals, to Halifax with not less than four
* It is gratifying to be able to state that Saunders, during his life, was the
recipient of full honour from the crown. On his return from Quebec, he was
appointed lieutenant-general of marines, and on taking his seat in the house of
commons, he received the thanks of the speaker. He was again appointed in
command of the Mediterranean tleet. In 1762, sir Charles Saunders became
knight of the bath. For a short period in 1766, he acted as first lord of the
admiralty. He finally rose, in 1770, to the highest rank, as admiral of the fleet.
He died the 7th of December, 1775, of gout in the stomach, leaving a large
fortune. Among his heirs were admiral Keppel, who was with him in the
"Centurion," and sir Hugh Palliser. The bulk of his property went to his niece.
He was buried in Westminster abbey privately, near the monument of Wolfe.
1759] SAILING OF THE FLEET. 23I
ships of the line. In a few days he was told that the
departure of these vessels was not to be delayed in the
" Downs " by the separation of the stores and arms deliverable
at Halifax, but that the ships should sail to New York, and
that, at that port, as the list directed, the stores and arms
should be given over to Amherst. The transports, fifty-nine
in number, with ordnance ships, were immediately to sail
convoyed by four sail of the line and as many frigates. The
spirit in which Saunders entered upon his duty can be con-
ceived,when we read that he recommended sending Folkeston
cutters "to examine creeks and bays in the Saint Lawrence."
Saunders was at Portsmouth until the 3rd of February.
On the 1 6th he wrote from Plymouth sound, under sail. All
the ships were together, with seven victuallers and four
months' provisions for five thousand men. The fleet, seventy
sail in all, weighed anchor on the 14th, and kept well
together until the 24th ; early on the 25th a storm, which
lasted for two days, separated the vessels, so that on the 2nd
of March they could number only forty-three. On the loth
Saunders wrote to Pitt that Durell had been ordered to the
Saint Lawrence to watch the mouth of the river ; he also
forwarded a copy of a letter to de Lancey, then governor of
New York, in which he pledged himself that men on the
ships bringing provisions to the fleet should not be pressed.
Seamen were, however, required, and Saunders called upon
the governor to obtain men by all legal means ; especially
pilots for the Saint Lawrence.
Although it was the end of April when the fleet arrived at
Louisbourg, owing to the ice the ships were unable to enter
the harbour, so they sailed to Halifax, where they anchored on
the 30th of the month. Durell was preparing to start, and
he left Halifax on the 5th of May. Saunders sailed on the
13th. The first transports with troops arrived under convoy
at Louisbourg on the 17th of May. Even at that date there
was an unusual amount of ice in the harbour. Indeed, the
severity of the winter had greatly retarded the expedition.
Cruisers were immediately despatched ; the " Lizard " to
232 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
move between the northwest of Anticosti and the southern
shore ; the " Nightingale " between North cape, cape Ray and
the Bird islands.
The letter of Saunders had the effect of obtaining some
additional strength to the navy. Two hundred and forty
seamen joined the fleet from Boston. Some of the victuallers
returning home, the opportunity was taken of sending to
France some I'rench prisoners and several of the inhabitants
who had remained at Louisbourg. When Saunders reached
Louisbourg fifteen transports had not appeared.
The object in ordering admiral Durell to the Saint
Lawrence was to prevent the construction of fortifications at
lie aux Coudres,* by means of which the ascent of the Saint
Lawrence might be made more difficult through the waters
west of it known as the " traversed This island is opposite
Saint Paul's bay, about thirty-six miles east of the island of
Orleans ; the ile aux Grucs intervenes in the middle of this
distance, and is succeeded by a series of smaller islets.
Accordingly, the channel is directed across the river towards
the south of the island of Orleans, and, although wide and deep,
is in many spots intricate, and a knowledge of these difficulties
is indispensable to its safe navigation.
The opinion had been formed that this part of the river
might be fortified by the French, and that resistance at this
point might be experienced. Durell's expedition had been
sent to prevent any such attempt, and it was accompanied by
a land force under the command of Carleton,the quartermaster-
general. Durell arrived at the ile aux Coudres on the 6th of
* He aux Coudres was so named by Cartier in his second voyage, 6th June,
'535- [Voyages, Que. Hist. Doc, p. 27.] It attracted the attention of Champlain
in his first voyage of 1603. He speaks of the island as if it were well known :
" qui iappdUUe aux Coudres'''' [p. 87, Laval Champlain], suggesting that some
mariners were with him, who had previously a';cen<led the St. Lawrence. It
is not possible to suppose that it could have been identified from its mention in
Cartier's narrative of seventy years previously. So far as our knowledge goes,
Canada had been abandoned during the whole of that period, but the language
of Champlain .suggests the continuation of such voyages. Champlain again
described the island in his voyage of 1608. The name of the island is attributable
to the profusion of hazel nuts originally found there.
1759] ^LE AUX COUDRES. 233
June* The fact was immediately made known at Point Levis
by the lighted beacons. The first report magnified the force,
but the true strength was soon known : ten British ships of
war convoying the transports.
Durell landed some of his force on the island, and securely
established himself there. The consequence was that it was
abandoned by the inhabitants, who passed over to the north
shore. Their property was in no way injured, but the houses
were taken possession of by the troops.
It was soon noticed that the new occupiers wandered care-
lessly about the island, and some of the inhabitants of the bay
of Saint Paul saw that the opportunity was offered of taking
some prisoners. A few of them landed unobserved, and,
placing themselves in ambush, surprised three young officers
who were riding about the island, among them the grandson
of Durell. They were mounted, and were proceeding to place
the British flag on a height. Their horses were shot, and
they were made prisoners and carried to Quebec. The\' were
interrogated, and the information given by them did not tend
to quiet the public feeling. They informed them that there
would be twenty-five vessels of the line, twelve frigates and
two hundred transports, and that the army would amount to
twenty thousand men, and had little doubt of its ultimate
success. After having been kept some da}'s at Quebec and
kindly treated, they were sent to Three Rivers.
The effect of this news was to cause great vigilance on the
island of Orleans, whence the women and children were sent
to the woods with the cattle. De Lery was selected to carry
out the duty. Durell was too late to prevent the arrival of
the spring fleet, and eighteen vessels, with recruits and
provisions, convoyed b}- two frigates, reached Quebec. It
was in one of these ships de Bougainville arrived. Durell
was, however, fortunate enough to take two victualler ships,
which contained some stores and supplies, which proved
of much use. An attempt was made with two barges to land
* De Vaudieuil's intercepted letter, 7th of June, Can. Arch., A. .S: W. I.,
5S, p. 131.
234
THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
in the bay of Saint Paul. But the small force was so vigor-
ously opposed by the armed inhabitants, that the effort was
discontinued.
Durell lost no time in buoying out the channel of the
traverse, and attempting its passage. On the 26th of June
some of his ships were seen from the city * and their appear-
ance hastened the establishment of the camp at Beauport.
As there was no attempt to ascend the river, and the seamen
were busied with its survey, the truth began to dawn upon
the defenders of Quebec, that Durell's squadron was only the
forerunner of a larger and more powerful force.
De Courtemanche, with six hundred men and some Indians,
was placed on the island of Orleans to observe the boats
engaged in sounding, to intercept them or destroy them,
as might be practicable. It is astonishing that in every
operation the Canadian mind clung to the theory of la
petite guerre, and never could be induced to abandon it. The
results which it obtained had no influence on the contest,
beyond the unfortunate consequence of greatly embittering
all who suffered from it. It never had any effect beyond the
destruction of those who were surprised, killed and scalped.
It was regarded with detestation by every able French officer
present with the troops ; nevertheless, it was persevered in
until the final surrender at ^lontreal. De Courtemanche
could in no way hope to impede Durell's operations ; he
might kill a few of the seamen. Watching his opportunity,
he succeeded in surprising a boat containing eight men, which
had become separated from the rest, and in carrying them
away prisoners.
A more legitimate attempt was made to destroy Durell's
squadron, but the means taken failed entirely to effect
what had been anticipated. Le Mercier, with some artillery,
established himself at the eastern point of the island, and
discharged red-hot shot at the ships. The guns were ot
insufficient calibre, or possibly Durell was careful to keep out
of their range. His own fire was equally ineffective. So far
* Journal de Levis, p. iSo.
1759] THE TROOPS IN THE FIELD. 235
as he was able, Durcll continued his examination of the
channel. On his arrival he had seized some vessels, out of
which he had taken the pilots, and they were forced to assist
in pointing out the channel under the threat of being hanged.
Beyond the petty operations I have detailed, there was no
attempt to interfere with Durell.
When Wolfe's force was organized in England, it had been
determined, that it should be increased, by a strong contingent
of the regiments in garrison in Nova Scotia. On examining
the condition of the troops obtainable in the province, Wolfe
found that the number was less than he looked for. When
the regiments detailed for the defence of the province, five
hundred in number, had been deducted, two thousand could
only be added to the strength of the expedition. Wolfe
stated the case clearly to his uncle.*
In England his army was called 12,000 men, it did not reach
9,000. The total number of Wolfe's force on leaving Louis-
bourg was 8,535.-f- There were some marines, if the admiral
* 19th of May, 1759.
t Embarkation return. Expedition general Wolfe. Louisbourg, June, 1759.
Regulars.
Rejjimciit.il Non-commissioned Rank
Number. Rittalion. Name. Officers. Officers. and 1-ile. Total.
' 15th Amherst's 34 36 524 594
2Sih Eragg's 26 27 538 591
35th Ot way's 36 40 823 899
43rd Kennedy's 29 30 656 715
47lh Lascelies' 36 40 603 679
48th Wolf's 36 39 777 852
58th Anstruther's 27 28 561 616
60th 2* Monckton's 27 34 520 581
3 Lawrence's 29 34 544 607
7Sth Simon Eraser 50 51 1 168 1269
3 Companies Louis-
bourg Grenadiers, Murray 13 13 300 326
Rangers, Capt. Gorham 7 5 83 95
Stark 3 4 88 95
" Brewer . 3 4 78 85
Ilazzans 34 82 89
" Rogers 4 4 104 112
Royal Artillery, Wilkinson 21 • 18 291 330
3S4 41 T 7746 S535
236 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
could spare them. For his engineering assistance he reh"ed on
Carleton. The remaining acting engineers were indifferent,
and of Httle experience. The army Wolfe looked upon as
too small for the undertaking, but it was well composed, the
men having been brought under fire at the siege of Louisbourg.
There is a passage in this letter to be read with the greater
interest when Wolfe's death is considered. As the general in
command, he had clearly no business to be where he was, when
he fell at the head of the bayonet charge of the Louisbourg
grenadiers, and it could only have been the desperate
circumstances in which he was placed, that caused him to
lead the attack.*
A correspondence between Wolfe and Whitmore, which
took place at Louisbourg, may be accepted as typical of the
sentiment of many officers towards Wolfe. In certain quarters
there was great jealousy of his success, and envy added to this
ill feeling. On :\Iay the 1st he had written to Amherst asking
to be reinforced, giving him the extraordinary information
that he was totally unprovided with funds. The condition of
the force in this respect will be seen, that when the fleet, after
the conquest, was leaving Quebec, owing to the want of money
the officers of the army and navy were appealed to by iVIurray,
to advance to the government, as a loan, all that they could
spare from their pri\-ate means. Wolfe asked, that instructions
should be given to XA'hitmore to transfer to his command the
company of light infantry, for that any serious loss would
reduce the expedition to a division.f Amherst promised to
furnish three hundred pioneers from the Boston militia ; they,
however, arrived too late to embark with Wolfe. With regard
to the light infantry, Amherst stated that he had received no
instructionSjbut he was convinced brigadier general Whitmore's
zeal in the service would induce him to grant them.
* " \oa may be assured that I shall take all proper care of my own person,
unless in the case of the last importance, where it becomes a duty to do otlierwise.
I never put myself unnecessarily into the way of daiij^er. Voung troop> must be
encouraged at first. What appears hazardous sometimes is really not so, to people
who know the country " [? contrary.] Wright, p. 499.
t Wright publishes this word as 'diversion.' The letter is in Can. Arch.,
A. \:. W. I., 90, p. 233.
1759] BRIGADIER WHITMORE. 237
Wolfe consequently earnestly addressed Whitmore, asking
him for the company of light infantry omitted in the orders
sent from England. He had been disappointed in the regi-
ment expected from the West Indies. Several regiments
were weaker, than in England they were thought to be, and
he pointed out that it was good troops only which can make
amends for want of numbers. He continued : " It is there-
fore my duty to signify to you that it would be much for the
public service to let the other two companies of light infantry
embark with the army under my command, upon condition of
being replaced, man for man, by some of the rangers and
some of Frazer's additional companies, who are not so proper
for the field, though very efficient for the defence of a fortified
place. If there was any reason to apprehend that this change
might have the least ill consequence, I should not venture to
propose it. Mr. Lawrence, who has a very bad fortress and a
very weak garrison, accepted of the sick and recovering men
of the two American battalions as part of the 500 regulars
intended for the defence of Nova Scotia, knowing very well
that upon the success of our attacks in Canada, the security
of the whole continent of America in a great measure
depends."
To this appeal, setting forth the emergency with manliness
and dignity, and only in view of the public service, which it
was the duty of Whitmore to safeguard, as it was that of
Wolfe, Whitmore returned the coldest and most official denial.
The letter was forwarded by Wolfe to England.*
Whitmore had previously received instructions from England
to use the utmost diligence in executing the orders he should
* If brigadier Whitmore is to be remembered, it is proper that this answer
should be preserved. His answer is, therefore, given entire.
" Louisbourg, 19th May, 1759.
" Sir, I have the Honor of yours of this date wherein you acquaint me that
in the Distribution of the Forces for the Invasion of Canada, it was regulated that
Bragg's Regiment, three companies of Granadiers and one Company of Light
Infantry besides the rangers should be taken from Louisbourg. By His Majesty's
Instructions to me, I am to obey tlie or<lers I shall receive from Major General
Amherst or the commander-in-cliief of His Majesty's Forces in No. America.
" I have not as yet received any orders from Major General Amherst to detach
238 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
receive from the commander-in-chief. By his instructions of
January the iSth, 1759, the words had been added "or other
his superior officers." They were not included in the sub-
sequent letter. In spite of what passed, Whitmore wrote to
Pitt with reference to the Quebec expedition, remarking " that
the inferior force of the enemy renders it extremely improba-
ble that any inconvenience can arise by the exchange of
regulars for provincials ;" himself furnishing the condemnation
of his conduct.
It has been said that Amherst wrote to Wolfe that he would
send him three hundred Boston pioneers, and, accordingly, he
appealed to Thomas Hutchinson, the lieut.-governor of Massa-
chusetts to obtain them. Hutchinson greatly exerted himself
in despatching them and wrote to Wolfe advising him to
borrow the troops from the provincials of the Louisbourg
garrison, to be replaced by the Boston pioneers. Wolfe
accordingly applied for them. Whitmore again shewed his
bad spirit ; instead of making a selection and ordering the
men to join Wolfe's corps he contented himself with asking for
volunteers. As none offered to go he would give no orders
and none went.
On the 1st of June the fleet sailed out of Louisbourg har-
bour. The soldiers were in excellent spirits and they cheered
with all their hearts as the bands played what may be called
the national air as troops are sailing from home, " The girl I
left behind me." Knox, who was a captain of Kennedy's, the
43rd, tells us that at every mess table that night, of every rank,
the toast drunk was, "British colours on every French fort, post
and garrison in America."*
a Company of Light Infantry from this Garrison. Bragg's Regiment, three
Companies of Granadiers and all the Rangers are ordered to embark when you
see fit.
" Ed. Whitmore.
" Major Gen'. Wolfe."
Can. Arch., A. &: W. I., SS, p. 7S. Whitmore's letter is not given by Wright.
Whitmore was drowned in a voyage from Louisbourg to Boston, in January,
1762. The ship, by stress of weather, put into Plymouth. Whitmore is
represented as accidentally falling overboard.
• The name of captain R. N. Knox will frequently appear as an authority during
1759] THE SAINT LAWRENCE. 239
Previous to sailing Wolfe wrote at length to Pitt. He
related the rebuff he had received from Whitmore, and he had
the generosity to sa}' that it had proceeded from a scrupulous
obedience to orders. He explained the reason of his applica-
tion, that he found the four new companies of rangers so bad
that he expected no service from them unless mixed with the
light infantry. Several transports had not arrived, but he
had taken flour from Louisbourg. He had applied for money
to Amherst, " but he could send me none. This is one of the
first sieges perhaps that ever was undertaken without it."
There were one thousand of the Boston militia at Louis-
bourg. It was from this body he asked for one hundred
pioneers. After the fleet had left he heard that three hundred
Massachusetts men were preparing to embark.*
' The fleet under Saunders' command came in sight of the
coast of Newfoundland on the 29th of June. The snow still
lay upon the hills. Sailing between Newfoundland and the
north headland of Cape Breton, the ships pas.sed the Bird
islands on the 9th, and on the 12th they reached the inhos-
pitable island of Anticosti, which for the centuries it has been
known is avoided by all but the lighthouse-keeper, the sports-
man, and the occasional fisherman, remaining to this hour
in its isolation. The fleet had now reached the waters within
a few miles of the scene, forty-five years previously, of the
Wolfe's campaign. He belonged to Kennedy's, the 43rd, and was born in
Edinburgh; finally he established himself at Dalkeith, where he died in 1790.
In 1769 he published two quarto volumes, the "Historicaljournals of the Campaigns
in North America, for the years 1757, 58, 59 and 1760, etc."
* Hutchinson, in his history of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, describes
these 300 men as "sent to Quebec." They do not appear to have gone further
than Louisbourg. The corps is not shewn on the several states, especially that on
the I2th of October, when the full force is given, amounting in all to S,Si7, in
which the only provincial regiments named are 5 companies of rangers. None of
the rangers were present before Quebec on the morning of the I3lh of September.
Of the 6,500 men raised by .Massachusetts, 2,Soo were in Louisbourg and Nova
Scotia, the remainder served with Amherst. Wolfe spoke liiglily of Hutchinson's
zeal for the public service and very great knowledge of the affairs of his province.
His history of .Massacluisetts is one of the most valuable works we possess of
the annals of the American continent.
240 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
dreary failure of sir Hovenden Walker and " Jack " Hill, who
commanded the land troops. There was the same difficulty
for the British fleet in ascending the river, but admiral Saunders
had not been selected as the brother of the man midwife who,
in interesting circumstances, had attended the queen's female
favourite. On the i8th the ships arrived at Bic, where the
" Richmond," with Wolfe on board, had previously anchored.
By the 20th the fleet was at the mouth of the Saguenay.-
A storm threatened for a time many of the transports, the
anchors of which were dragged, but the wind changed, and
the fleet arrived on the 23rd at ile aux Coudres. Here they
met admiral Durell, whose arrival has been recorded.
As the ships advanced, the signal fires were seen from
height to height, announcing at Quebec that the main English
fleet was in the Saint Lawrence. x-\t that date Canada was
settled as far as Rimouski on the south shore. On the north
shore settlement reached ]Malbaie, some sixty miles below the
island of Orleans. The population, however, was scattered,
and not numerous.* As little faith could be given to the
pilots who had been pressed to perform their duty ; sound-
ing boats were sent in advance of the fleet, and the
navigation was undertaken by the seamanship of the several
* On the north shore settlement extended to the ile aux Coudres, being some-
what continued to Malbaie, Les Eboulements and the bay of .Saint Paul. In 1739,
the total population of these last-named parishes is given as 445. [Census 70-71,
vol. IV., p. 60.] In 1765, two years after the conquest, the following parishes are
named : lie aux Coudres, Eboulements, Bale St. Paul, Petite Riviere, St.
Joachim, St. Fereol, Ste. Anne du Nord, Chateau Richer, L'Ange Gardien,
Beauport and Charlesbourg, with 901 familes and 4,946 of population. On the
south shore, below the island of Orleans, there were the parishes of St. Thomas,
Montmagny, ile aux Grues, LTslet, Port Joli, Ste. Anne de la Pocatiere, St.
Denis, Kamouraska, Riviere du Loup, lie Verte, Trois Pistoles and Rimouski.
By the census of 1765, settlements in addition are named at St. Valier, Berthier,
St. Francois du Sud, Cap St. Ignace, St. Roch and Riviere Ouelle. In 1739 the
population of the island of Orleans was 2,318, and from the island of Orleans to
Rimouski was 3,323- In 1765 the population of the island of Orleans was
2,303. No parishes are named after Riviere du Loup suggesting that the settle-
ments east of that place had been abandoned. Including Riviere du Loup on the
north shore from St. Vallier, there were at that date 1,425 families and 7,890 of
population. [lb., pp. 64-65.]
1759] "OLD KILLICK." 24I
captains* The channel was laid off by different coloured
flags, and the ascent was successfully accomplished. On the
25th of June the vessels reached the east of the island of
Orleans, and advanced to the village of Saint Laurent. On
the afternoon of the 26th, Wolfe from the " Richmond,"^ gave
* As the fleet was ascending to Quebec Knox was in the " Goodwill " transport,
the master of which was an old sailor named Killick. The pilot, who had been
one of the men taken prisoner, was orelered to carry the vessel through under
penalty of death ; he was very angry and showed so much ill-will that the sailors
would have thrown him overboard, except from admiral Saunders' order that no
prisoner should suflTer ill-treatment. Knox understood French : had the pilot known
the fact he might have been more guarded. "Some of your ships," said he,
"may return to England, but they will have a dismal tale to carry, for Canada will
be the grave of the whole army, and I hope ere long to see the walls of Quebec
decorated with English scalps." Killick rightly gauged the situation or possibly
understood the man. The story cannot be better told than in Knox's own words :
" He would not let the pilot speak, but fixed his mate at the helm, charged him
not to take orders from any person but himself, and going forward with his trumpet
to the forecastle, gave the necessary instructions. All that could be said by the
commanding officer and the other gentlemen on board was to no purpose ; the
pilot declared we should be lost, for that no French ships ever presumed to pass
there wiihout a pilot. " Ay, ay, my dear," replied our son of Neptune, " but,
damn me, FU convince you that an Englishman shall go where a Frenchman dare
not show his nose." The " Richmond " frigate being close astern of us, the
commanding officer called out to the captain and toid him our case ; he enquired
who the master was, and was answered from the forecastle by the man himself,
who told him " he was old Killick, and that was enough ! " I went forward with
this experienced mariner, who pointed out the channel to me as we passed,
shewing me by the ripple and colour of the water where there was any danger,
and distinguishing the places where there were ledges of rock (to me invisible)
from banks of sand, mud or gravel. He gave his orders with great unconcern,
joked with the sounding-boats which lay off on eacii side with different coloured
flags for our guidance, and when any of them called to him and pointed to the
deepest water, he answered: "Ay, ay, my dear, chalk it down, a damned
dangerous navigation, eh ? If you don't make a splutter about it, you'll get no
credit in England." After we had cleared this remarkable place, where the
channel forms a complete zigzag, the master called to his mate to give the helm
to somebody else, saying, " Damn me if there are not a thousand places in the
Thames fifty times more hazardous than this ; I am ashamed that Englishmen
make such a rout about it." The Frenchman asked me if the captain had not
been there before. I assured him in the negative, upon which he viewed him
with great attention, lifting at the same time his hands and eyes to heaven with
astonishment and fervency."
This passage has been already published, and is well known, but it is too
remarkable to be omitted, *'
R
242 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
orders for the landing to be made on the following morning.
At midnight he sent lieutenant Meech, of the rangers, with
forty men, to feel what was before them. They came upon a
party of Canadians, who were burying their property. Meech,
believing himself to be surrounded, ordered his men to fire,
when the Canadians retired. jMeech made no attempt to
pursue, but took possession of a house, and at daylight sent
in search of one of his men, who was missing. He was found
dead, and scalped. The rangers followed the trace of the
Canadians to the north of the island, where it was seen that
they had embarked for the north shore.
The troops landed, and parties marched over the island to
find it deserted. On the church door was a letter from the
cure to the worthy officers of the British army, "asking their
protection for the church and his dwelling, regretting that they
had not arrived earlier, so they could have enjoyed the
asparagus and the vegetables in his garden." The ornaments
and the plate of the church, together with all that could be
removed, had been taken away.
The island of Orleans is twenty miles in length and six
miles at its greatest breadth ; the main channel runs to the
south of it ; at its western point the harbour of Quebec
commences. From thi^ spot Wolfe first looked upon the
fortress he was present to attack. The Beauport shoals lay
to the north of the seven miles of water between him and
Quebec ; to the south, Point Levis projects to approach
Quebec on its western side within a mile and a half; to the
east of Point Levis the channel is two and a half miles wide,
the chord of the projecting point being four miles from east
to west. The French intrenchments extended along the north
shore to the falls of ^Montmorency ; the left of the line being
protected by the rapid current of the stream descending to
the falls, making its passage impracticable. The right of the
line rested upon the river Saint Charles, bridged to admit of
access to Quebec. Before him stood the fortress with the flag
of France waving in the sunlight. On the same morning
there was a violent storm ; fortunately, the troops were dis-
1759] THE FIRE-SHIPS. 243
embarked. Some of the transports were driven from their
moorings and were cast ashore ; others suffered injury by being
dashed together. No permanent damage, however, was caused,
and no Hfe was lost. The storm was of short duration, and
during the following day, the 28th, the water was perfectly
calm, and the troops quietly established themselves in their
quarters. During the night of that day the fire-ships were
sent down from Quebec. They failed most egregiously in
their purpose : they had been prepared in anticipation of the
arrival of the British fleet, and much had been hoped from
them. They were seven in number : three consisted of large
merchant vessels ; the remainder were schooners and bateaux,
and had been constructed under one Oclouches, the master of
a merchantman. It had been determined that the fire-ships
should be directed against the three frigates which were in
advance, and that the remainder should be sent against the
sixty transports lying at Saint Patrick's cove, in the island of
Orleans. Oclouches set fire to his ship after passing Point
Levis. The frigates sent out boats to meet the danger, and
the vessel was safely towed to Beaumont, seven miles below
Point Levis. Of the six others, three only made their way to
the island. One exploded when the match was lighted ; two
burst into flames before leaving Quebec. The shouts of the
English sailors, on the failure of the attempt, reached Quebec
to add to the discomfiture which succeeded the vain hope of
success.
The appearance of these fire-ships so struck with terror the
guard at the western point of the island that the men ran from
their posts and spread alarm in the ranks. They were sternly
rebuked by Wolfe in his general orders and the officer placed
under arrest ; he was, however, subsequently released at
Monckton's intercession.
The storm which had been experienced suggested to the
admiral the insecurity of his moorings ; he determined, accord-
ingly, to anchor his ships in the basin of Quebec. Previous
to so acting, Saunders brought to Wolfe's notice the necessity
of taking possession of Point Levis. On the night of the
244 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
29th, Monckton, with his command, crossed over to Beau-
mont on the southern shore. The 15th, 43rd and 78th,
with some rangers, constituted the force. They lay on their
arms until morning. The outposts were attacked by some of
the militia ; the skirmish, however, was unimportant. Three
of the French were killed and were scalped by the rangers in
retaliation ; three were taken prisoners. The British loss was
one mortally, two slightly wounded. Monckton attached to
the church door the proclamation issued by Wolfe. It set
forth that the object of the invasion was the conquest of the
country. He offered his protection to the habitants provided
they took no active part in the contest : should they refuse
these terms then the law of nations would justify their
experiencing the fate of war.
On the morning of the 30th of June, Monckton's force
advanced towards Point Levis : after having proceeded about
four miles, they were fired on from the woods. A halt was
made and the march was then continued through the open
fields, until Point Levis was reached and the church taken pos-
session of Montcalm had advised that this position should
be held and fortified. The influence of de Vaudreuil, however,
prevailed with the council, to reject the proposition on the
ground that although some injury might be done to the lower
town, artillery from the point could not harm the city. On
the 1st of July some floating batteries were sent from the city
to attack the British force. They were quickly silenced by
a frigate, sent by the admiral to drive them off A battery
en barbette was established without delay, and the safety of
the fleet was more thoroughly assured, by the same precaution
being taken at the western front of the island of Orleans.
The attack of the floating batteries had not been without
effect ; of the British force four were killed and seventeen
wounded, many mortally, but it in no way interfered with the
permanent establishment of the detachment. A fort was
constructed on the island of Orleans for provisions and stores.
Several old men, women, and children had been brought in
prisoners from the south shore. Wolfe gave them their
1759] MONTMORENCY. 245
liberty, and sent them to Quebec with a flag of truce. Infor-
mation was also sent that the ladies were on board, whom
Durell had brought from Miramichi. Opportunity was taken
to inquire concerning the three young officers surprised at ile
aux Coudres. De Vaudreuil replied that he had treated the
prisoners with distinction, and when he heard that Wolfe was
about to depart he would send them back to him.
There were now 300 Ottawas and 400 Iroquois and
Abenakis with the French. Many had arrived early in the
siege, and their presence in attacking and scalping any
stragglers was soon felt. In any considered plan of opera-
tions they were of little account.
The French lines closed with the falls of Montmorency.
Wolfe, perceiving that the ground to the eastward was higher*
than that held by the French, considered that it offered a
favourable point for attack. There was also a ford below the
falls, which for some period between the ebb and flow was
passable. \\'olfe hoped that there might be a fordable place
in the river above the falls by which he might pass his troops.
In modern times this ford is well known, and some writers
have imagined that it was from ignorance that Wolfe did not
avail himself of it. \\'olfe was well aware of its existence. "' In
reconnoitring the river Montmorency," he says, "we found it
fordable -^ at a place about three miles up, but the opposite
bank was intrenched, and so steep and woody, that it was to
no purpose to attempt passage there." Wolfe doubtless
recollected the defeat of Braddock, and the repulse of Aber-
crombie from the impenetrable abatis, and he was not one to
risk his force in so unequal a contest. It was the spot by
which the Indians passed to attack the British lines ; during
the two months' occupation of the north shore, forty officers
and men were killed and wounded in the encounters with them.
On the evening of Sunday, the 8th of July, the three regi-
ments at Point Levis, the 15th, 43rd and 63rd were ordered to
strike their tents at one in the morning, and admiral Holmes,
* L)e Levis' expression is "scdiiit par la h.iutcur."
t Can. Arch., A. ^\: W. I., SS. p. S3.
246 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^759
with some vessels of his squadron, came to anchor on the west
side of Montmorency and bombarded the French camp.
Before dayh'ght the troops at Point Levis marched behind a
little hill, out of sight of Quebec, where they lay on their arms
until evening. Whatever was the object of the movement
they returned to Point Levis. Doubtless they were held in
reserve to support Townshend's brigade, which had been
detailed to take possession of the ground east of Montmorency.
On the 7th, the 28th, the 47th and 60th were served out with
three days' provisions, with orders to march on the 8th.
Owing to the ships not being able to take up their position
the embarkation was delayed. It took place, however, at five
o'clock of that evening.
On the force being landed the Louisbourg grenadiers were
ordered out to obtain fascines, and the rangers were sent to
guard the skirts of the wood. They were surprised and sur-
rounded by a large force of Indians, who killed thirteen,
wounded the captain, lieutenant and nine men. The French
force likewise killed and wounded seventeen of the 22nd, 40th
and 60th. The British could only take three prisoners and
two of the Indians. The latter immediately retreated when
confronted with the larger reinforcement which came upon
the scene. Wolfe was greatly chagrined at the affair. In
relating the result he described the company of rangers as
almost disabled for the rest of the campaign.
Deserters were now and then leaving the British camp and
carrying extraordinary stories to the French. One of these
stated, that there were eight hundred of the troops at Point
Levis, among whom was the Royal American regiment, who
had declared that they would neither work nor fight, for they
had not been paid for thirteen months, and that they had
only been brought to Canada to establish themselves.
Another reported, that a landing would at once be made at
Saint Joachim of fifteen hundred men, who would join the
force at IMontmorcncy. The French themselves saw the
ridiculous impossibility of many of their stories.* One
* " Qui suivaiit k-ur ordinaire pour etre bien reyu nous faisoient des contes
a rire." Panel's Journal.
1759] ATTACK ON POINT L£VIS. 247
deserter told them that Louisbourg had been retaken by the
French. Another that the king of Prussia had lost twenty
thousand men in a battle ; that Maria Theresa was in the
repossession of Silesia, and that the electorate of Hanover
was in the hands of the French. What the French did accept
as serious was, that the admiral had given Wolfe until the
end of the month, to make his last effort to obtain possession
of the place.*
Among those who had been dispossessed of his property at
Beaumont was one M. Charcst, and he continually asked for
a force to be sent, to drive the British from Point Levis. He
was informed that he could undertake the operation if he saw
fit. He went over accordingly with a few men, and an unim-
portant skirmish took place. His success, mentioned in the
British journals of the time as the discovery near the camp, of
the bodies of some stragglers which had been scalped, was
represented by him at Quebec to be of the highest importance.
The council determined that an expedition of fifteen hundred
men should be organized against Point Levis. It was deferred,
owing to a prisoner being brought in by some Abenakis, who
gave the information that an expedition was designed against
the country around Beauport. On the 4th, Charest, who was
sent as a scout to reconnoitre Point Levis, returned with the
information that there were not eight hundred men there, and
he recommended they should be attacked. It was seen in the
city, that the batteries were being constructed, and fears were
felt of their destructive effect. Charest again visited Point
Levis. There were, he said, eight hundred workmen, and a
covering party of five hundred. On the loth the new batteries
which had been established at Quebec were opened against
Point Levis, but they had no effect. As their uselessness was
evident, and the consequence of the bombardment from Point
Levis was greatly dreaded, it was resolved that a powerful
organization should be made, in order to drive the British
from that position. On the iith the assembly took place.
* '* Je ciois que c'est sur cette deposition que nous pouvions le plus compter."
Panet's Journal, p. 13.
248 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
Five hundred Canadians came in from Beauport, with one
hundred colonial troops and sixty volunteers from the regi-
ments, under Dumas. On the 12th, as the enthusiasm rose to
a higher pitch, the numbers were increased by three hundred
and fifty of the city militia and inhabitants. They were
assembled and marched to Sillery, where they remained
during the day. Embarking in their boats at nine o'clock,
they arrived without accident on the southern shore. The
advance guard had commenced to move forward to the assault,
when recklessly, without orders, shots were fired by some stu-
dents of the seminary who had joined the expedition, under the
belief that they had fallen into an ambush of the enemy. Six
hundred turned and fled. Shortly afterwards some soldiers
of the Royal Rousillon gave the alarm that the British
cavalry was coming up, when another desertion took place.
About three hundred men approached the intrenchment. and
"went back again." It is Wolfe's expression after having
previously stated that they fell into confusion, " by which,"
he adds, "we lost an opportunity of defeating this large
detachment." *
The bombardment of the city commenced on the night of
the 1 2th of July ; from that date to the iSth of September it
was maintained. In this period many churches and convents
and two hundred and fifty of the best houses were reduced
to ashes, and the greater part of the city shattered and cast
in ruins.
On the 1 8th of July two men-of-war, two armed sloops and
some transports passed above the city. The " Diana " was
not so fortunate : she ran ashore and was so much injured
that she was sent to Boston for repair. The presence of these
vessels suggested to the French that an attempt would be
made at some spot to the west. A force was organized
under Dumas of six hundred men and t\vo pieces of cannon,
whose duty it was to follow the passage of these vessels up
and down the tide. Wolfe's object was to reconnoitre the
country above the city. He found the same difficulties before
* Can. Arch., Series A. i.S: \V. I., 8S, p. 82.
,739] POINT AUX TREMBLES. 249
him as he had experienced at Beauport ; he feared if he
attacked between the city and cap Rouge, that the detachment
first landed could not be reinforced, before the whole French
force was turned against it. He relates that he had thought
of making the attack at Saint Michel, three miles above the
town, but he was deterred from the attempt from the great
danger attending it, and for the time the project was laid aside
as too hazardous.
Wolfe imagined that the enemy had penetrated his design,
and it became one of his objects in this movement to divide
the French force. On the 2ist an expedition started for
Point aux Trembles, above Quebec, under the command of
Carlcton. It consisted of the 15th, 48th and 63rd regiments;
the design was to capture some prisoners and to discover
papers of importance. The party was fired upon b>- a few
Indians, who were, however, soon dispersed, and a landing
was effected. They brought away sixty prisoners, principally
women. Dumas endeavoured to intercept the assailants, but
he was too late.*
On the same day a frigate came sufficiently near to examine
the one remaining fire-ship; it appeared undefended, so some
boats were sent out, and the sailors set it on fire. There yet
remained the fire-rafts ; they were, however, incomplete, and
not charged with combustibles. The French at this date
* The French believed that the expedition had been sugfjested by Stobo. It
will be remembered that he was one of the hostages given by Washington, on his
surrender at fort Necessity, 1754, and that among Braddock's baggage the plan
of fort Duquesne, drawn by him, was found. He was arrested and sentenced to
be hanged. The court ordered the suspension of his sentence, and .Stobo was
temporarily set at liberty. When in this position, he took the opportunity of
e.-cnping. Whitmore mentions his arrival at Louisbourg during June. [Can.
Aicii., A. ^: W. I., So, p. 30]. lie escaped with lieutenant Stevens, and some
othLMs, in a canoe. They were well armed, and descended the Saint Lawrence.
Tliey saw the fleet, in which de Bougainville arrived, sail by. Lying concealed
until the ships had passed, they resumed their journey. They met a schooner,
which they took, by which they reached Prince Edward island. Tlience tliey
proceeded to Louisbourg. As Stobo offered his services in Wolfe's expedition,
.ind from his local knowledge his presence being considered desirable, \Miitmore
sent him on the first opportunity to Quebec.
250 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
received some reinforcements, by the arrival of de Boishebert
with 300 Acadians and Indians.
On the 24th, on the south side, parties were Retailed east
and west to take prisoners and bring in cattle. Major Bailing,
of the light infantry, returned with 200 prisoners, mostly
women and children, and thirty men, with 300 cattle, horses,
cows and sheep. A few prisoners were brought in two da)s
.later with 200 head of cattle. On the 25th some gun boats
attracted the attention of the fleet at the anse de Saint
Michel. Boats started in pursuit, and two of them ascend-
ing to cap Rouge were taken. The noise of the guns caused
the report to be spread that an attempt had been made to
land, and great an.xiety had been felt, soon to pass away.
On the night of the 29th another attempt was made to burn
the British ships, by sending down the fire-raft. Like the
previous attempts, it proved a failure. The fleet was con-
stantly on its guard against enterprises of this character, and
every night boats were placed on duty to watch for such a
descent. As the outlines of the raft approaching them were
discernible, the men in the boats fired upon it. Those in
charge at once set fire to and abandoned it. It commenced to
burn fiercely, but the British sailors took it in tow, and carried
it past the shipping, to burn out harmlessly on the shore.
During these operations a flag of truce was sent from the
fleet to convey the offer that the women taken prisoners would
be restored on condition that a small boat laden with wounded
and sick was allowed to pass. The offer was accepted. The
women, escorted with great politeness, accordingly arrived at
three o'clock in the afternoon. The names of the officers, who
had made each set of them prisoners, had been given to them.
The British undertook not to begin the cannonade from Point
Levis until nine o'clock, so as to give them the opportunity to
retire to where they thought fit. At that time the bombard-
ment recommenced. During the night the parish church was
burned, with the block of houses extending from Fabrique to
Saint Joseph street.
Within the city there were so many thefts by the soldiers,
1759] DE RtPENTIGNY. 25 1
militia and sailors, that it was considered necessaiy to issue a
commission for their repression, entrusted with the duty of
summarily hanging any one taken in the act ; before the last
of July three were so executed.
On the 25th an event occurred to the north of Montmorency,
which is related, in by no means the same language, by French
and English writers. As the British loss was 5 officers and 32
privates, 12 of whom were killed, the affair must have been
sufficiently serious. The facts appear to be that a large force
of Indians, under de Repcntigny, crossed the ford and caused
themselves to be seen, and retired to place themselves in
ambush. The British turned out a large force against them.
According to Panet, the Indians remained three hours lying
flat on the ground. It is difficult to accept his statement
because he describes the British loss at sixty killed. It is
plain, however, that they watched the opportunity to make
their attack, and, as the 35th came up without precaution, fired
into them. We are told that de Repentigny sent a messenger
to de Levis for a reinforcement of two thousand men to follow
up his success, and that the latter, in his turn, referred the
request to Montcalm, consequently the troops came too late.
.The story is inadmissible. De Levis is himself silent on the
subject ; a proof that the event was without importance.
Moreover, he was in command at the extreme left, and on his
own responsibility could have sent the troops to de Repentigny
as he deemed expedient. AH that he might have required
was that their absence might be temporarily supplied. The
Indians immediately rccrossed the ford, the British account is
that they were driven back, and as they were passing the
stream, they received three rounds by which sixty-five of them
were killed.
On the 25th Wolfe published a second proclamation from
Saint Henri, a village on the Etchemin river, which enters
the Saint Lawrence a few miles west of Point Levis. It was
immediately known at Quebec, for it is given in full by Panet.
Wolfe complained of the inattention of the habitants to his
previous demands, consequently he had determined no longer
252 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
to listen to the appeal to humanity which had made him
desirous of solacing their distress. The Canadians by their
conduct had made themselves unworthy of his consideration.
He had given orders accordingly for prisoners to be seized.
As he was anxious to avoid the barbarous conduct of the
Canadians, he would defer until the ist of August* to decide
what reprisals he would make on the prisoners he might take,
unless the Canadians submitted to the terms of his previous
proclamation.
The fire from the English batteries at Montmorency greatly
troubled the left of the French line, in spite of the cpaulcmcnt
which they constructed for protection against it, while the
well-directed artillery service prevented the completion of a
battery against the British camp which had been commenced.
Wolfe now determined on an attack against the extreme
left of the French lines at Montmorency. The plan was
carefully considered with admiral Saunders ; special provision
had to be taken with regard to the assistance given by the
fleet The large ships of war, owing to the want of depth of
water, could not approach the enemy's intrenchmcnts. The
mode of attack determined on was, that two flat-bottomed
boats t with guns should be sunk opposite the redoubt at the
extreme east of the French lines, to some extent commanded
by the cannon of the British batteries. The " Centurion "
frigate was placed in the north channel to sustain them.
They came into position about eleven o'clock, and at twelve
the firing commenced. De Levis, who was in command in the
French lines, about one o'clock formed the opinion that some
movement was threatened against the upper ford, where de
Repentigny was in command, as a strong column marched in
that direction. Accordingly, he directed five hundred men to
proceed thither with some Indians, and he ordered Duprat, a
captain of volunteers, to watch the operations. He observed,
however, that the boats from Point Levis and also from the
island of Orleans were making their way to the western point
* Dussieiix makes the period the lOth. I have followed the date of Panet.
t The naval term is "catamaran," generally abbreviated to "cat."
1759] THE 3IST OF JULY. 253
of the island. The corresponding locality on the northern
shore not being strongly defended, he changed the direction
of the troops and ordered the officer in command to com-
municate with the Montreal battalion. As no offensive
movement had yet been made by the British, he resolved
carefully to watch where the real attack would be directed,
and to hold in hand a strong force to meet it. The battalion
of Beam on the left was reinforced, the Montreal battalions
were extended along the intrenchment, the Three Rivers force
of one hundred men was kept in reserve {en panne) if neces-
sary to reinforce de Repentigny. Montcalm came upon the
ground and discussed the probabilities of the attack, when
the plan of defence was determined. De Levis placed himself
between the two redoubts and ^lontcalm returned to de
Vaudreuil.
The British boats moved across the waters, threatening the
different points which appeared accessible, and the French
were greatly puzzled where the attack would be made. In
the meantime the guns from the British intrenchments east
of the falls were directed against the French redoubt, in
addition to the cross fire from the batteries on the sunken
" cats " and the guns of the frigate. Little loss was, however,
experienced. Towards five o'clock the boats came between
the two vessels and advanced up the channel, to disembark at
the eastern point of the French intrenchments. The low tide
had made the ford below the falls passable. As the boats
were advancing towards the shore, some of them grounded on a
ledge of mud. ■ It threw them into disorder, and some time was
lost in re-forming them, consequently an officer was despatched
to Townshend, at the falls, to delay his march. The boats
were got off, and again formed in rank, and Wolfe, accom-
panied by some'naval officers, approached the shore to search
for some fitting place to land, taking with them one flat-
bottomed boat. It was now about six o'clock, but in the long
evenings of July, when' there is light until after nine, it was
considered that there was time enough to make the attempt.
The troops accordingly disembarked. The thirteen companies
254 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
of grenadiers, and 200 of the Royal Americans, were ordered
to form into four columns to make the attack supported by
Monckton's corps, so soon as the troops passed the ford.
Monckton had not landed, and Townshend's force, although
on the march in perfect order, was at some distance, when the
grenadiers, without waiting for orders, rushed upon the
redoubt below the escarpment ; it was at once abandoned.
At the same time the French were seen to line the upper
intrenchments, and de Levis moved up the Royal Rousillon
to take part in the defence.
The success, if it can be so called, had the effect of causing
the force to throw aside all discipline, and in confusion the
men rushed forward to attack the intrenchmcnt. They had
difficulty in the ascent ; it had rained heavily for the four days
from the 21st to the 24th. During the succeeding period the
ground retained much of its moisture and the heavy clay bank
was clammy and slippery. Accordingly, there was little
regularity and much confusion. It was the oft-repeated story,
^' some one had blundered." *
The whole force of the French was now concentrated at
this point. Panet tells us that there were 1,500 regular troops
and 1,500 Canadians posted to defend it. The whole 12,000
were placed to sustain them. Be the number of defenders
what it may, the troops were effectually checked by the first
fire, and fell back to the redoubt. Several officers made the
effort to reform them. At the same time a furious storm came
on, which, de Levis tells us, hid the British from the French
view. It was impossible to ascend the clay bank, full of
gullies and deep holes ; it had become perfectly slippery.
Wolfe accordingly directed the re-embarkation of the troops,
seeing it impossible to persevere in the attack. The wounded
were placed in the barges, and the men whom the other boats
could not bring away joined Townshend's force, and marched
across the ford to the Montmorency camp. There was no
* The movement has never been accounted for. It has been attributed to a
misconception of orders tlirouglr the cheers of the sailors. Another explanation
as, that a captain without orders caused the advance to be beat.
1759] CArXAIN OCHTERLONV. 255
interruption on the part of the French to the retreat. The
two " cats " were burned.
According to Knox, the loss was 443 killed and wounded,
including 33 officers.
On the 2nd of August de Vaudreuil sent a flag of truce,
with a letter stating that he had buried fifty dead. The
officer gave the French loss as thirty-two killed and wounded.
He was the bearer of a letter from captain Ochterlony, who
had been severely wounded, in which he said that he owed his
life to a French grenadier, who had saved him from being
.scalped. Wolfe replied by sending money for the use of the
wounded man, and he enclosed twenty guineas to be given to
tb.c grenadier. Montcalm felt himself called upon to refuse
the money, saying that he hoped every soldier in the French
army would do the same.* Wolfe also wrote to the Supt'rieiire
of the hospital, asking her particular care of Ochterlony. In
spite, however, of all that could be done, he died on the 24th
of August. His baggage was returned with a flag of truce.
There were at this date one thousand Indians serving on
the side of the French. Without exception, when they could
do so, they took their enemy's scalp. On this day, as the
repulsed British troops retreated to their camp, swarms of
figures were seen descending to where the dead lay, it was
supposed to assure the possession of this trophy of victory.
* I cannot look upon this proceeding as an "absurd piece of affectation," as
it is called by Knox. It appears to me a profound act of policy, for to receive the
money would have been an admission that the French recognized the Indian
practice of scalping. Montcalm must have remembered that his own reputation
had been compromised at Chouaguen by Indian cruelty, and that the massacre
by the Indians at William Henry, by many was looked upon as a blot on a name
otherwise honourable. By the refusal he repelled the idea that scalping was
countenanced by the higher ranks of the army.
256
THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
CHAPTER VIII.
The failure at Montmorency was a serious matter, inasmuch
as it created grave doubts if the Beauport shore was the spot
where the attack was to be made. Townshend admits that
he made a protest against its repetition.* It had, however,
this advantage, that when the troops were repulsed it was easy
to regain the ships. At the same time, if the landing were
made good, there would have been still a battle to be fought
before Quebec was reached. This truth was apparent to
Wolfe, for he states that he desired to drive ^Montcalm to fight
him on equal terms, and he had little doubt as to the result.
He must have felt great anxiety when he reflected on the
advanced season. It was August, and in a few weeks, from
the severity of the approaching winter, the fleet must leave.
At one time he thought under these circumstances, of in-
trenching himself at ile aux Coudres, and remaining there
until reinforcements should reach him in spring for the
renewal of the attack. On one point he had no uncertainty,
the necessity of not permitting the spirit of the men to become
depressed by inactivity ; accordingly he organized an ex-
pedition to destroy the French ships. They were then at the
foot of what was then called the Richelieu rapids, some seven
miles above the Point aux Ecureils.f where they had been
stopped by the wind. Wolfe resolved to attempt to destroy
them, so that he could open some communication with general
Amherst. Admiral Holmes was charged with the naval part
of the duty. On the 5th of August, twenty flat-bottomed
boats were sent up the river to the " Sutherland," which was
• " Refutation of a letter to an honourable brigadier-general."
+ These rapids have ceased to exist in modern times, the projecting rocks
which caused them having been removed. There is still on occasions some
slight increase of current.
1759] ^E BOUGAINVILLE. 257
above the town, to embark twelve hundred troops, under the
command of Murray. The force consisted of detachments of
the 15th regiment, the Royal Americans, the light infantry,
and the rangers. His instructions were to assist admiral
Holmes, and to seek every opportunity of fighting the enemy,
provided he could do so on tolerable terms.
The advance of the British ships up the river pointed to the
necessity of protecting the various places on the river bank,
many containing provisions and propert}'. De Bougainville
was selected for the duty of defending them with a picked
corps of fifteen hundred men. Some troops had previously
been under the command of Dumas, but he was recalled and
the number increased. De Bougainville's instructions were to
watch the advance of the ships and to oppose the landing of
any force, concentrating his own detachment to do so. Accord-
ingly, when Murray made the attempt on Point aux Trembles,
on the 7th of the month, he found a large body*of men pre-
pared vigourously to resist him. He made the descent at four
o'clock in the afternoon, opposite the church. It appears to
have been a feint and that the real attack was directed near a
stream known as la Muleticre, half a league above the river
Jacques Cartier. De Bougainville was present with one
thousand men and had thrown up some intrenchments. The
boats advanced only to be beaten back with much loss.* On
the following da\', the 8th, Murray landed on the south shore.
There was a feeble attempt at resistance by a hundred
halntants, but Murray had no difficulty in establishing himself
at Saint Antoine. As it was found impracticable to proceed
up the river, Holmes, being unwilling to risk his ships, sailed
back to his station above Quebec.
On the nth an armed schooner passed the city, and its
appearance must have puzzled de Bougainville, for he failed
to be present on the 1 8th, when Murray attacked Decham-
beau, about fortv-one miles from Oucbcc. A large house,
* Panel says 200 killed and as many woundetl. The total nuniher of casualties
in the cainpai<;n shows that this number is i^reatiy exaggerated. The loss, however,
was suthcicnt to lead Murray to desist in his attack.
258 THE IlISTOKV OF CANADA. [l759
occupied by a Mdc. Ruffio, one of the mistresses of Cadet,
contained a large amount of stores of the army, and several
officers had left their baggage tliere. It was burned. Mont-
calm, on hearing of the loss, went to the spot in person. He
was accompanied by Dumas and 1,200 troops. He found the
British had reimbarkcd without losing a man,* carrying with
them a great many cattle, and, according to another authority,
several women as prisoners, and obtaining possession of many
important papers. The British recrossed the river to Saint
Antoine and Saint Croi.x, which on the 19th they burned. On
the 25th Holmes and his ships returned. Early in the month
Wolfe had issued a third proclamation, which had been taken
to Quebec by some Canadian prisoners who had been released.
Wolfe referred to his two former appeals to the population,
and he threatened them with severe reprisals if tliey failed to
lay down their arms by the 20th of August. As Murray had
been attacked in his outposts at Saint Antoine, he destroyed
the country in its neighbourhood. There had always been a
difference of opinion between Montcalm and de Vaudreuil.
Montcalm was opposed to weakening his force by sending
out detachments, de Vaudreuil advocated la petite guerre,
according to the Canadian custom. Some of the Canadians
who had been set at liberty by Wolfe came to Quebec, and
spoke of the kind treatment they had received, and it is plain
that many desired to remain quiescent. This course, how-
ever, was not permitted to them. The Indians were encouraged
to continue their surprises, their destruction of stragglers, the
attack of outposts, and the concomitant scalping ; indeed, to
carry on the war as was the custom in the time of de Fronte-
nac. Towards the end of July, de Vaudreuil received a letter
which was unsigned, complaining of this mode of warfare. He
was induced to reply directly to Wolfe, proposing a parley,
adding that the use of such meetings was becoming too fre-
quent. Colonel Barrc replied on the part of Wolfe, express-
ing his astonishment at the remark, and entering his protest
against the enormous cruelties already committed, by which
* JoaniiLS, i)u>ieux, p. 3J57.
1759] REVERSES ON LAKE CHAMPLAIX. 259
the British troops were greatly exasperated. Such acts if
repeated, he said, would hereafter meet with the severest re-
prisals, and there would be no difference made between French
Canadians and Indians when taken prisoners. Barre related
that by an intercepted letter Wolfe read that three grenadiers
of the American regiment were destined to be burnt alive.
Wolfe desired to be informed what had become of the men.
The letter was answered by de Bougainville, to the effect
that the tale was soldier's gossip ; the fate of the prisoners
had been the same as others taken by the Indians, they had
been ransomed by the king at considerable expense. De
Bougainville had not been instructed to reply to the menaces
made, for nothing of that sort would make them cowards or
barbarians. Barre had alluded to the infraction of the capitu-
lation of William Henry, de Bougainville answered that the
French were justified by the facts of that event through-
out Europe.
On the /th of the month it was known in Quebec that
Niagara had surrendered. Following so soon the news of the
abandonment of Ticonderoga on the 27th of July, and of
Crown Point on the 31st, the public mind of the town was
cast into great dejection. The news had already spread
among the people. It was feared that an advance by the
Saint Lawrence would be immediately made upon Montreal,
it not by ile aux Xoix. There was nothing to oppose the
descent of the river, and it will be my duty, when I ^ have to
record the operations, to examine why this course was not
taken. Except some weak garrisons at Detroit on lake
Michigan and on the Illinois, every vestige of French power
west of Oswego had been swept away. There were no
longer any .Ohio forts. These garrisons had been defeated in
their advance to succour Niagara, and had swelled the number
of prisoners which, on the conquest of that fort, had been
taken and sent down the Mohawk. The only troops to
oppose the descent of a British force was to be found in the
few men at La Presentation and about eight hundred men
stationed at " Galops " island, at the head of the rapids of
26o THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
that name, under St. Luc de la Corne. The place was utterly
indefensible ; de la Corne had himself written that it was not
tenable. So desperate did the situation appear, that it was
resolved to reinforce the western frontier even at the expense
of Quebec, and as de Levis put it, to trust somewhat to fortune.*
Eight hundred men were detached from the forces defending
Quebec, one hundred of whom were regulars, and de Levis
was appointed to the command of the frontier of Montreal.
He left Quebec on the 9th of August, taking with him la
Pause and Le Mercicr. He arrived at Montreal on the 12th
and left on the 14th for the West. Accordingly the operations
of Amherst had some influence on the defence of Quebec, for
it led to the removal of this able and distinguished soldier
and the force I have named.
On the 25th the Saint Francis Abenakis brought in two
officers and seven Indians whom they had seized. They were
messengers from Amherst to Wolfe. By these desp^itches
Amherst informed Wolfe that his movements would be guided
by those before Quebec. There were many private letters
from lake Champlain to officers of Wolfe's force ; as they
freely criticised the abandonment of the fortifications at
Carillon, they could not have been pleasant reading to those
perusing them. Holmes again received orders to endeavour
to destroy the French ships. The " Lowestoffe," the " Hunter"
sloop, two armed sloops and two " cats," with provisions, were
ordered to pass Quebec to join the " Sutherland," but the
wind was against them. It was only on the fourth attempt
that they succeeded, and it was not until the 27th that they
made the passage.
The appearance of these vessels caused much anxiety.
The French had hitherto brought much of their provisions
by water; even after the British vessels had sailed above the
town the supplies were so carried to Saint Augustin, thirteen
miles above Quebec. The principal storing point was Batis-
can, sixty-seven miles above the city. Nevertheless provisions
began to fall short, and, if the troops were to be kept together,
* " Oil rtsolut (.le donner un peu a la bonne fortune." Journal, p. 192.
1759] EAST OF THE TOWN. 261
additional bread and meat was required to feed them. As it
was dangerous to continue to send the boats beyond Saint
Augustin, it was determined to bring the provisions by land ;
but there was the difficulty that there were no men to drive
the waggons, for they were with the army. The only alter-
native was to take the old men, women and children of
sufficient age to perform the duty of teamsters. Two hundred
and seventy-one carts were laden with several hundred lbs. of
pork and flour, and by these feeble means subsistence from
twelve to fifteen days reached the troops ; but the women
and children suffered such hardship that it was felt that the
attempt could not be repeated, especially as the nights were
commencing to turn cold. It will be seen that this fact had
great influence on the subsequent operations. There was so
much difficulty felt, owing to the presence of the frigates above
Quebec in their interference with the delivery of provisions,
that the project of bringing up the French vessels to attack
them was discussed. A second proposal was to cut out the
ships, but the more it was considered it was found the more
impracticable.
While Murray was engaged with his force to the east of
Quebec, Wolfe determined that some steps should be taken
with regard to the country cast of the island of Orleans.
Parties had frequently issued from the bay of Saint Paul to
fire upon the boats sent out from the shipping, and to surprise
any small parties detached from the camp at Montmorency.
In consequence, captain Gorham, with three hundred men,
landed at three o'clock on the morning of the 4th of August,
and forced two parties of twenty men who fired from the
houses to take refuge in the woods. He then burned the
village, which consisted of twenty houses. His loss was one
killed and two wounded ; the enemy left two dead behind
them, and they retreated carrying away several wounded.
Gorham proceeded easterly to Malbaie, and destroyed the
settlement there. Crossing to the south shore, he burned the
villages of Saint Roch and Saint Anne ; he returned to the
island of Orleans on the 15th. On the same day a party of
262 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
about one hundred and seventy of the 78th regiment was
moved to the island of Orleans and bivouacked in Saint Peter's
church. On the i6th they were marched to the eastern end
of the island opposite Saint Joachim, where they embarked in
boats. On attempting to land on the north shore, they were
fired upon, but the resistance was ineffectual, and the place
was taken possession of From time to time shots were fired
from the woods. The force remained at Saint Joachim till
the 22nd, when they were joined by one hundred and forty of
the light infantry and a company of rangers, under captain
Montgomery of the 43rd. On the 23rd the force marched to
the village west of Saint Joachim, which they found occupied
by two hundred Canadians and Indians, who commenced
firing from the houses. The troops protected themselves by
lying behind fences, while the rangers were sent forward to
turn the French left. As the movement began to take effect,
the defenders of the village made for the woods, pursued by
the British. Several were killed and wounded ; man}^ pris-
oners were taken. Montgomery acted with brutality, ordering
them to be shot. Two of the prisoners had been promised
quarter by, Frazer, then a subaltern, who records the fact with
expressions of horror. The houses were burned. They
marched on the following day to I'Ange Gardien, being joined
there by a detachment from Chateau Richer. Possession was
taken of the houses which were fortified ; the two following
days were passed in felling the fruit trees and cutting the
wheat. On the evening of the 27th some Indians were dis-
covered skulking about the houses, and one man of the force
was shot. On the 28th the detachment proceeded to Chateau
Richer, where they fortified the church. On the 31st they left
Chateau Richer and burned down the village, leaving the
church 'untouched, and marched to the camp at Mont-
morency, burning everything that lay in their path. Such
was the retaliation that Wolfe felt himself called upon to
inflict, to deter a continuance of the cruelties oi la petite guerre
of the Canadians and Indian;^-.
By the middle of August the anxieties which Wolfe had
1759] WOLFE'S ILLNESS. 263
undergone had told upon his health. Hitherto, in the conduct
of the campaign, he had consulted only his own judgment and
there were not wanting those, who considered that the cam-
paign presented the hopeless prospect of closing in failure.
Of this number was brigadier Townshend, and there is a letter
of Murray's extant to show that he participated in this feeling.
Not so Monckton, and it may be regarded as a misfortune that
his severe wound at the action of the 13th of September made
his departure for New York a necessity. The admiral, however,
remained perfectly staunch; he wrote on the 5th of September,
during the illness of Wolfe, and before victory was assured :
" the enemy appear numerous and seem to be strongly posted,
but let the event be what it will, we shall remain here as long as
the season of the year will permit, to prevent their detaching
troops against general Amherst."*
On the 22nd Wolfe was ill with fever, while his constant
maladies, from which he was never entirely free, became more
active. From his sick bed he sent a confidential letter to the
brigadiers, and for the first time submitted to them his secret
instructions. In his memorandum he states, that in order the
public service may not suffer from his indisposition the briga-
diers are to meet and consult on the best method of attacking
the enemy. Wolfe foresaw that if the French army were
defeated the town must surrender, as it was without provisions ;
he therefore considered that Montcalm should be attacked in
preference to the place itself There were three modes of
making the attack : the ]\Iontmorency could be forded eight
miles above its mouth, before daylight, and an advance made to
Beau port. If the march were discovered, and the intrenchments
maimed the consequence would be plain. Secondly, if the '
troops from Montmorencx' passed the lower ford and by night
marched to Beauport, the light infantr}' might succeed in get-
ting in, and Monckton would attack in front. The third plan
was a general attack of all the troops against Beauport.
On the 29th of i\ugust the three brigadiers met, when they
gave the opinion that the probable method of striking an
• Can, Arch., A. W. L, 88, p. 41.
264 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
effectual blow was to transfer the troops to the south shore
and carry on the operations above the town
r.n^".-'^,'"'^, °^ September Wolfe wrote to the minister
reportmg this decision. He was then still weak. He had con-
sulted with the admiral and engineer ; they had found that
he passages leading from the lower to the upper town were
intrenched The lower guns would soon be silenced by the
fleet, but the upper batteries could still do much injury to the
shippmg. He proceeded to state the reasons whv he had laid
waste the country ; one design was to induce Montcalm to
fnfl't^T to prevent further ravages ; to return the insults
inflicted by the Canadians; and also to obtain prisoners as
hostages Major Balling had surprised 380 prisoners in one
of the villages, and he intended to keep them, and not permit
any exchange until the end of the campaign. It was In this
letter he informed the minister, that in case of a disappoint-
ment, he had intended to fortify ile au.x Coudres, and establish
there a garrison of 3,000 men for its defence; but the season
was too far advanced, for sufficient material to be obtained to
numb." r7^^;- ' '?''■ °' '''""P" '-"^ ^'^P^^'-^ that the
numbei of Indians, always on scout around the posts, made it
impossible to execute anything by surprise. There were
def^'. T " "'■'' '''"' '" "^^"^ '""^y --- g— Ily
defeated. He gave a return of the casualities durin^^ the
campa,gn,_which, in all ranks, were 1S2 killed, 651 wounded
and 17 missing. It was in this memorable letter he said •
In this situation there is such a choice of difficulties that I
own myself at a loss how to determine."
Wolfe criticised his own generalship in the operations of
the , 1st of July. He wrote to the admiral: "The great
fault of that day consists in putting too many men into boats
who might have been landed the day before, and might have
crossed the ford with certainty, while a small bod^- i-emained
afloat, and the superfluous boats of the fleet employed in a
feint that might divide the enem>-'s force. A man'sees his
errors often too late to remedy." *
* Wright, p. 551. "~ - .
1759] MOVEMENT OF THE SHIPS. 265
In the plan of making the attack above the town, the risk,
which had wcicjht in his mind, was the difficulty of regaining
tiie boats in case of a repulse. Wolfe well knew that he had
only a few weeks before him to achieve his purpose, he
cxprcssh' so states, " Be\^ond the month of September, I con-
clude our operations cannot go." Accordingly, he hastened
his preparations for an attack above the town, and determined
that it should be made with 5,000 men. With this view he
resolved to abandon the camp at Montmorency, at the same
time to maintain several vessels in the north channel, and
c\cr\- three and four days to send seamen and soldiers round
the shore of the island of Orleans, to prevent any attempt on
the part of the French at its repossession. On the last of
August he wrote his last letter to his mother, in which he
described the difference bctw een himself and [Montcalm, whom
he represented to be " at the head of a great number of bad
soldiers, and himself at the head of a small number of
good ones."
The movement of the ships during the next twelve days
shews the design of Wolfe to conceal his own plans, and to
awaken the fears of the enemy in every part of his defences.
There was, however, little prospect of disarming Montcalm's
caution : the one hope of the defenders of Quebec was that
they could prolong their resistance until, at the latest, the
middle of October, when the first snow would warn the ships
that navigation would soon be closed by ice, and that they
could no longer remain in safety before the town. • Six weeks
of dogged defence was all that was necessary to set at naught
the attempts of the British general, for winter, in all its
severity, would then decide the issue of the campaign. Both
sides knew, that what was to be done could not be deferred,
and that the issue must immediatcl)- be determined.
1 he French were much exercised on the last day of August
by an unusual movement at Point Levis. At the same time
two vessels which were lying at Saint Augustin ascended to
Point aux Trembles. The fear -was entertained that an
attempt was really to be made on the French frigates. Two
266 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
days previously it had been shewn that a ship of the Hne
could ascend the Richelieu rapid. What added to the general
anxiety was that one of the French frigates had run aground
at Grondines ; the force, consequently, now consisted of two
king's frigates and three armed vessels. On the night of the
31st five more vessels ascended above Quebec, as if to join
the expedition.
During this period of excitement the news from Montreal
was of a character to calm the fears which prevailed. It had
become plain to dc Levis that no further advance bej-ond
Crown Point would be attempted by Amherst that season.
As" he describes the situation in his journal, the French
schooners were peaceably cruising about lake Champlain, and
Amherst as peaceably pushing on his works at Saint Frederick.
That fort had greatly suffered when blown up on its evacu-
ation, and Amherst was rebuilding it. De Bourlamaque
looked upon himself as impregnable at ile aux Noix. He
had closed up both the channels of the river ; and a wide
morass extended along the shore, to lead to the feeling that
the place could not be assailed by land.
There were evident signs of the intention of the British
to abandon the camp at Montmorencv'. It was the only
explanation of the constant passage of boats to and from the
island to the north shore. On the 2nd the movement was
continued, and, as during the day the fleet returned to Siller}-,
fears for the vessels up the river were no longer felt.
The boats continued to move up and down in front of
Beauport as if endeavouring to find out some weak spot where
a landing could be made. Early on the morning of the 3rd
the operations of the British showed increased activity. ' One
hundred boats, with troops, left Point Levis for the fleet and
about fifty proceeded towards Montmorency. The whole
French line was placed under arms. By night it was known
that the British camp at Montmorency had been evacuated,,
and that the entire force was now divided between Point Levis
and the island of Orleans. -Alontcalm began to entertain fears
for his right ; early on the 4th he removed some regiments
1759] THREATENED ATTACKS. 26/
from the left to strengthen it. He likewise marched the
battalion of Guienne from Beauport to Sillery to protect the
river line above Quebec. It remained there forty-eight hours
when it was recalled. Had it continued in that position who
can speculate on the consequence ?
The fire in the meantime had not been intermitted from the
guns at Point Levis. On the 5th additional batteries were
opened and the cannon thundered with increased force against
the shattered and ruined city. A frigate ascended to the
Ktchcmin. Everything portended some attempt above the
town. De Bougainville was reinforced, with instructions to
watch the shipping, and to be present at any attempt made by
the troops to obtain a footing. But there were so many ships,
and their movement was so constant in every direction, that it
became a question of doubt and uncertainty where the danger
lay. During the 5th a schooner arrived at cap Rouge, bring-
ing provisions from Montreal. The vessel was fired upon by
the frigate but she managed to make her way and land her
cargo. Without this supply the defenders would have been in
desperate straits ; many of them would have had to be sent
away. On the 6th the movements continued to be most dis-
quieting, while the power of interference by the batteries of the
town was so limited, that a schooner passed upwards, towing
two barges, with no practical interference.
On the 7th there were eighteen vessels opposite Sillery ;
they ascended to cap Rouge, accompanied by sixty boats.
They made a semblance of landing, and after rowing in all
directions, as if engaged in a reconnoissance, they returned to
the south shore. De Bougainville followed their movements
during the night of the 7th and 8th, and remained underarms
to observe the vessels which had joined the ships at cap
Rouge. On the other hand, an opinion had gained ground,
that the attack would be directed to the spot on the town side
of the Saint Charles, known as la Canardiere. It rained
heavily all the night ; nevertheless, to guard against the
attempt, the whole force remained in bivouac until da\-light.
All the provisions which the ability of Bigot had collected
268 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
at Quebec had been consumed, and the troops now depended
on the supph'es which could be brought from Montreal. Great
difficulty was experienced in the delivery of them at Quebec.
It had been a matter of unusual effort to gather in the harvest
at Montreal. De Levis, on his arrival, detached four hundred
men to aid in cutting it. He encouraged everyone to turn to
the work ; women, priests, reiigiciiscs, children, and all who
could aid. De Rigaud had also sent as many of the militia
as could be spared, and a large quantity of wheat had been
harvested. There had lately been much rain, and although
the crops at Three Rivers and Quebec had a promising look,
fears were entertained for their ripening ; consequently for the
time the reliance for food was on what could be sent from
Montreal, and the obstacles to such supplies reaching Quebec
were many and serious. There were no longer any carts
available, the horses having been taken for the artillery, and
therefore the only means of transit was by water ; and the
absence of the British ships had to be watched, so that the
passage of the boats, bringing it, could be effected.
The fire still was directed against Quebec ; the attempt was
even made to reach Saint Roch by the Point Levis guns. On
the loth the firing was continued, while the fleet was kept
passing between cap Rouge and Point au.x Trembles. On the
nth there was great activity apparent on the part of the
British force. The fire from Point Levis was persevered in,
and the fleet ascended the stream as if threatening the whole
river side to Point aux Trembles. De Bougainville was again
reinforced ; some Indians even were added to his column on
the 1 2th. His detachment followed the ships up the river,
prepared to meet any offensive movement on their part when-
ever it would be made.
On- the 4th a letter had been received from Amherst, which
could not be considered cheering to the leaders of the attack-
ing force. It was dated the jth of August from Crown Point.
It gave no promi.se of his future movement to aid them in
their now desperate undertaking. A second letter, addressed
to the admiral, was confined to the request that transports
1759] ^ON CO-OPERATION OF AMHERST. 269
should be sent to New York to carry to England the six
hundred and seven prisoners taken at Niagara. Saunders
received it on the day he despatched the flat-bottomed boats
to embark the troops which had been marched up the south
shore, to proceed with Holmes to destroy the enemy's ships:
an attempt which could not be made.
There was thus no hope of aid from Amherst. There is
scarcely an instance in history, where an expedition undertaken
in accord with a settled plan of operations, was left so unaided
as that of Wolfe. The secret of the inactivity of Amherst
can only be attributed to his belief that Wolfe would fail in
h\^ enterprise. When Niagara had fallen there was nothing
lo prevent his descent of the Saint Lawrence. He had
destroyed Carillon and fort Frederick, and why he should
waste time in building vessels to attack ile aux Noix is
inexplicable, except in the belief that if he reached Montreal,
owing to Wolfe's failure, he would have the whole French
force upon himself Amherst would risk nothing. His
nature was eminently a cautious one. He placidly passed his
time establishing himself at fort Frederick and in constructing
vessels to cope with those of the French in lake Champlain.
His campaign will be described in the following chapters. I
cannot but think, whatever the risk, it was his plain duty to
have left a sufficient garrison at fort Frederick to finish the
fort and to continue his ship-building, and in August to have
descended the rapids. It was the true generalship, and he so
acted the following year, for, Montreal taken, ile aux Noix,
with the forts at Chambly and Saint John, could not have
resisted for twenty-four hours. The exigencies of the opera-
tions on lake Champlain do not furnish a satisfactory explana-
tion for his want of support of Wolfe in the hour of trial. It
was not by his aid that Quebec fell. Amherst, and undoubt-
edly he was a man of a high calibre, cannot be recognized as
the conqueror of Canada, although the final movements of
the campaign were made under his command.*
* The letter of Guy Carleton, afierwanls lonl Dorchester, to lord George
Gerniaine, of the 20th of iMay, 1777, must be looked upon as a part of Canadian
^^° THE HISTORY OF CAXADA. n-r^
For a few hours the army was depressed by the news that
Wolfe was again prostrated by sickness and confined to his
TT''-u '' '"^' '^' '''''''^ ^'^'"- "P^" '^'^ ^^^y ^vhich caused
Wolfe siUness. His nature, however, was not one to yield to
depressmg influences. Although the painful impression must
have been present that his future was at stake, and that f^dlure
was only another word for ruin, he never quailed before the
desperate character of his position, and in every respect rose
to the he.ght of the demand upon his courage and genius
Aever was a more conspicuous example that " courage mount -
eth w,th occasion ;" * his stout heart in a few hours triumphed
over physical weakness and debility, and he was again among
the troops, superintending the arrangements for his final
effort. On the 5th, the 28th, 35th, 47th and 58th were moved
along the south shore and embarked on the vessels above the
78th followed to the Etchemin, a.id, having crossed that river
took their place on the transports. Thus on the 7th there
were four thousand men on board the ships. The vessels
were much crowded, so much so that manv of the men "had
to remam on deck, even when the weather was bad, and there
■was h^avy rain on the 7th and 8th. Wolfe had ordered a
feigned attack to be made on the Beauport shore on the
mornmg o the 8th, but the weather led to its postponement
beemg that the troops would suffer by being overcrowded
•on the transports, Wolfe ordered sixteen hund;ed of them to
be placed on shore, so that they could obtain rest and refresh-
ment. He hmiself was on board the "Sutherland" off cap
Kouge. It u^as from this vessel that he wrote his last despatch
history [z.We report. Can. Archives, 1S85, p. cxxxiii.]. for it is his protest against
thet^-eatment he received when superseded by the inco.npetent Bun^oyne Tie
pomtsout that seldo. had a co-operatin, general stron.e'r n.otive tfexert h
endeavours 'to d.w off part of those ,reat nu.hers whl-h opposed Mr. Wolf^
• • • yet Mr. Amherst did not pass this same lake Cha.nplain nnd
Zrllrr""-,'' '^"""^' "^^"^'^"'^ only .ncdentali; made of An/he^rs
^^Ire to advance, h.s want of co.o,,eration nith Wolfe in remaining at Crown
Pont, strongly condemned. The whole passage is well worthy of cotsideration.
l--g] WOLFE'S LAST ORDER. 2/1
to lord Holderness. After recapitulating the events of the
campaign, he continues : " The weather has been extremely
unfavourable for a day or two, so that we have been inactive.
I am so far recovered as to do business, but m\- constitution is
entirely ruined, without the consolation of having done any
considerable service to the State, or without any prospect
of it." *
It was resolved that the attempt should be made on the
iii'^ht of the 1 2th ; the final orders were issued on the evening
of the iith. The troops were directed to embark at five in
the morning, with the exception of the light infantry and the
R('\-al Americans, who were to go on board at eight. All that
the soldier took with him was two days' provisions, with his
canteen of rum and water ; an extra gill being served out
owing to the night duty. As the order set forth : " Their ships,
with their blankets, tents, necessaries, and so forth, will soon
be up."+
The whole day of the I2th the men were engaged in clean-
ing their arms and examining their accoutrements. At nine
at night the troops were to take their position in the boats.
As the boats were moving forward, the " Sutherland " would
show two lights in the main-topmast's shrouds, one above the
other. The men were ordered to keep silent and not to dis-
charge their muskets from the boats. The officers of the navy
were not to be interfered with, and the frigates were not to fire
until broad daylight.
On the afternoon of the I2th Wolfe issued the last order he
was ever to publish. It was to the eff"cct that the foremost
party, on reaching the shore, should attempt to ascend the
height, and, on succeeding in the attempt, was to march upon
the enemy and drive him from his post. Officers must be
careful that the men following on the path to the summit
should not fire on those who had gone before. A detachment
was to be left to secure the landing-place, the rest were to
• Wriglu, p. 565.
+ Orders Gen. Wolfe, p. 52.
272 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^759
march on and endeavour to drive the French from their ground
and take possession of it.* " The officers and men will
remember," Wolfe continued, and his words may be looked
upon as addressed to posterity, " what their country expects
from them, and what a determined body of soldiers, inured to
war, is capable of doing against five weak French battalions,
mingled with disorderly peasantry. The soldiers must be
attentive and obedient to their officers, and the officers resolute
in the execution of their duty." f
It had been resolved that during their operations a demon-
stration should be made against Beauport, to awaken fears of
a descent in that quarter. As evening wore on, the ships of
the line approached the shore as near as they possibly could.
Boats full of soldiers, marines, and blue-jackets were lowered
and placed in order, as if contemplating a landing. As the
evening advanced the ships of lighter draft sailed up the
river, and joined the vessels at cap Rouge, and when darkness
came on, the detachments were moved from the island of
Orleans to Point Levis, and the whole force unperceived
proceeded to the spot appointed.
At midnight one light was shewn from the " Sutherland,"
and the troops embarked and rendezvoused between that
vessel and the south shore. When the two lights appeared
the boats commenced to drop with the tide. The point
selected for disembarkation was the anse au Foulon, about
two miles above the town. It had been examined on the
lOth. Wolfe, with Holmes, ^Tonckton. and Townshend recon-
noitred it from the south side, below the Etchemin river from
a rising ground. The bank at that time, at spots covered
* Wright, p. 572.
t On the evening of the 12th he sent for his old schoolfellow, John Jervis,
then in command of the " Porcupine," to be known in history as earl of St.
Vincent. During tiie conversation, Wolfe said that he had a presentiment that he
should fall in the action, and accordingly gave Jervis Miss Lowther's miniature,
to be sent to her if such should happen. He had already made his will. His
plate he left to admiral Saunders ; his camp equipage to Monckton ; his books
and papers to Carleton.
1759] FIRST HOURS OF THE I3TH OF SEPTE.MBER. 273
with small bush, was naturally precipitous, and it had been
regarded by the French as impracticable for ascent. A picket
of lOQ men only had been detailed for its defence. On the
night of the 12th the outpost was under the command of de
Vergor, who had obtained an unfortunate notoriety by having
been the commandant who surrendered Beausejour. In all
national misfortunes some explanation is generally offered.
In this case the endeavour has been made to trace the
successful landing to individual neglect. French Canadian
indignation has been abundantly heaped upon de Vergor's
memory. The study of his career does not convey the idea
that he was a man of high character, that possibly he was
self-indulgent ; but tho.se who calmly examine his conduct on
this occasion, and will judge him with justice, cannot attach
to him any particular blame. As Wolfe examined the
northern shore from the opposite side, it was seen that a path
passed up this height, and it was to command this path that
de Vergor's picket had been established. The path itself had
been broken and impeded by abatis, but it still could serve as
the means of communication with the lower level. Wolfe's
examination had further given him a view of the country to
the plains of Abraham, and he saw that when in possession
of the height, he would be able immediately to form his troops
in line of battle. The boats detailed for service were only
capable of holding seventeen hundred men. The first
detachment was to consist of 400 men of the light infantry,
and 1,300 taken from the 28th, 43rd, 47th and 58th, with some
of the 78th highlandcrs. Two of the brigadiers, Murray
and Monckton, were present. The ships containing the
troops for the second landing were to follow the boats. They
consisted of three frigates, a man-of-war sloop, three armed
vessels, two transports, with some ordnance vessels. These
ships contained the 15th, the Loui.sbourg grenadiers, the
remaining companies of the 78th, the 35th, the 2nd battalion
Royal Americans : amounting to 1,910 men. The total force
of Briti-sh troops which stood in line before Quebec on the
274 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^759
morning of the 13th was, of all ranks, between 3,600 and
3,800 men.*
It has been f stated that captain Smith, an officer of the
light troops, informed the brigadiers that the naval officer had
stated to him, that by following the south shore there was
danger of being carried past the landing place; and that not
being able to communicate with Wolfe the brigadiers gave the
* The state of "the strength of the army 13th September, before tlie battle
of Quebec," is given in Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., vol. 88, p. 116, viz. :
Regiments. Ui-; So— UJj<C'u:S u: Z X h
15th, Amherst's I 3 14 3 20 2 279 322
28th, Bragg's I •• 5 7 7 18 7 300 345
3Sth, Otway's i i 511 10 28 . . 406 462
43rd, Kennedy's I 6 6 5 .. .. I .. .. 19 1 1 256 305
47th, Lascelles' I .. 58 8 21 7 196 246
48th, Webb's I .. 5 15 8 i i 33 14 649 727
58th, Anstruther's i 4 7 6 19 2 300 339
60th (2), Monckton's 2 6 6 21 10 218 263
60th (3), Lawrence's. . .. l .. 4 il II ., 28 14 474 543
78th, Frazer's 6 il 5 23 12 532 5S9
Louisbourg Grenadiers ..I.. 28 .... i 94 216 241
Staff
. . 6 4 47 104 69 . . I I I I 239 83 3S26 43S2
13
4395
From the total number the 3rd Eatt. Royal Americans, placed to guard the landing-
place, must be deducted. They amounted to 543 in strength, which would place
the numbers at 3,852. In "A short authentic account of the expedition against
Quebec in the year 1759," published at Qudec in 1S72, the numbers are given at
3,610. The difference is not serious, and it is not improbable that the latter
number may be correct, owing to the absence of many included in the state. This
MS. is known as the "Thompson MS." For many years it was in the pos-
session of d^p. com.-genl. Thompson. The author is generally considered to have
been Mr. James Thompson, who died at Quebec the 25th of August, 1830, in his
98th year. He arrived in Canada with Wolfe's force, and after the peace re-
mained at Quebec. SuJjsequently he became overseer of works, to which office
he was appointed by. Haldiniand. He was known to the duke of Kent, and
received much attention from lord Dalhousie. Some dispute has arisen with
regard to the authorship of this MS., into which I do not consider it necessary
to enter.
t Townshend papers, p. 322, " Rough notes relating to the siege, etc."
I759J THE BOATS GO FORWARD. 275
order to descend by the north shore. I cannot myself accept
the story as being even probable. Wolfe accompanied the
first division to cap Rouge, where the " Sutherland " lay, about
five miles west of the landing place, and it seems hardly possi-
ble to suppose that any other course would have been followed
than the north shore. *
I have mentioned the distress which the French were suffer-
ing from want of food, and so urgent was the situation that it was
determined to attempt to bring the provisions by water from
Saint Augustin. The night of the 12th and 13th was selected
for the attempt. The belief has been expressed that a deserter
gave this information to Wolfe. The fact is so mentioned by
de Levis in an uncertain way ; other writers are silent on this
point. It may be said that information of this character would
scarcely be known to the class of men, with whom desertions
take place. On the whole, I think this story must be rejected.
It is more probable that provisions had been sent in this form
previously, and that they were again expected.
De Bougainville with his force was at cap Rouge ; the
manoeuvring of the preceding day had led him to believe that
the landing would be attempted, if not at cap Rouge, at some
point between that locality and Point aux Trembles. Some
bateaux and a sloop were in the small river, available for any
emergency. The inaccessible character of the river bank east
of cap Rouge removed the probability that an attempt would
be made lower down. The activity in the " Sutherland " and
the other ships was displayed in front of the shore he was
observing; and at two o'clock in the morning there was nothing
to lead him to fear that a movement would be made elsewheref.
De Bougainville was simply out-generaled.
Between cap Rouge and Sillery there were three posts to
be passed by the British boats. It was expected that barges
with provisions would ascend the river, and an order had been
given to allow them to proceed unchallenged. No countersign
* The well known story of Wolfe repealing some lines from Grey's " Elegy,"
on the authority of professor Robinson of Edinburgii, at that period a midshipman
in the navy, establishes the presence of Wolfe in the first division.
276 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
had been agreed upon ; it was, perhaps, not possible to give
one. The ascent of these boats, by one of those fataHties in
war, had been delayed until the following day. The three
posts were those of the chevalier de Rumigny of " la Sarre,"
of M. Duglas, of " Languedoc," and of de Vergor. The
sentries of the first two challenged the leading British boat.
A captain of the light infantry who spoke French answered
the challenge by " la France ;" being considered to be the
provision boats, they were allowed to pass. The first boat,
driven by the tide, actually passed the point of landing ; as it
was difficult to contend against the strong ebb tide, it was
resolved to make the attempt where the men were. It was
an hour before daybreak when the gallant little band began
scrambling up the rocky height. After some short interval
the noise alarmed the sentries, who commenced firing down
the pathway. The other troops had now landed, and prepared
to climb the steep rock. The troops in the first boats were
the light infantry under Howe, picked men, in the first years of
youth and strength. With dauntless despatch they persevered,
soon to reach the crest. It took them but a few minutes to
form and charge the picket. The French, taken by surprise,
for they were only looking for an approach by the path,
made slight resistance. De Vergor was wounded and taken
prisoner with half his picket ; the remainder rushed towards
the town, giving the alarm to sentries on the bank, who fired
down on some of the boats that had dropped beyond the
landing-place. These boats were brought back by Wolfe
himself, who directed his men to row after them. The
ascent was now clear from obstruction, and the troops, unem-
barrassed by resistance, followed it to the summit. One
gun was carried up the height and made ready for action.
Wolfe now detached some of the light infantry to examine
the neighbouring woods and to scour the front of the bank
towards the town. There was a four-gun battery which was
commencing to be troublesome, which Howe was ordered to
take. A small body of troops had established themselves in
a house, from which they were firing, and some Indians in an
1759] THE LINE OF BATTLE. 277
adjoining thicket became aggressive ; after a few shots both
parties were dispersed. It was now about six o'clock. The
British were formed with their right to the town, facing the
Saint Louis road. Wolfe, seeing the enemy increasing in
numbers before him, changed his position, and placed himself
in their front. By this time the 48th regiment and third
battalion of Royal Americans had landed, bringing the
expeditionary force to its full strength. This battalion of
Royal Americans did not take its position in the field, but
was placed to guard the place of landing.
Monckton was in command of the right. It consisted of
the 2Sth, the 35th and the 43rd. On the extreme left the
3Sth was formed en potencc* with the 48th in reserve. The
centre, commanded by Murray, included the 47th, the 78th
highlanders and the 58th regiment. Brigadier Townshend
was on the left with the 15th en potence, and the 2nd 60th or
Royal Americans, in reserve. His command was to act as a
second line.
De Ramezay, lieutenant pour le roi, was left in command of
the city, with 1,500 men, generally composed of the land troops,
the militia and the crew of the ships which had been told off
to serve the batteries. The alarm had been early given by the
musketry shots heard at the anse au Foulon. De Ramezay
was absent and the chevalier de Bernetz, who was in command,
ordered some militia out to meet the attack. On the Beauport
lines the troops had been on bivouac all night, from hour
to hour, looking for an attempt to land. Montcalm, himself,
had remained with them until one o'clock. About six o'clock,
when the troops had gone off duty in the trenches, after drink-
ing " some dishes of tea," Montcalm ordered the horses to be
saddled to ride to de \''audreuirs quarters, and it was between
six and seven he first heard of the landing. He said a few
words to de Vaudreuil, and remarking to Johnston, his aide-
de-camp, that the affair was serious, sent him with orders to
colonel Poulariez that he should remain at the ravine with
two hundred men and despatch' the remainder of his force to
* Troops formed wilh two fronts, in the form of the letter V.
278 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
the plains as fast as they could march. Montcalm himself
assembled all the troops that were available and led them
across the Saint Charles. The distance to the battle field is
about six miles. The two Montreal battalions, amounting to
fifteen hundred men, were left to guard the camp at Beauport.
Montcalm arrived on the ground before nine, and his line
of battle was rapidly formed. The Indians had already fired
from the wood and had been troublesome, while the militia
with some Indians had lined the bushes in front and com-
menced an irregular fusilade. Townshend described this force
as formed of the best marksmen.
Montcalm placed a thousand Indians and Canadians on
the flanks, who somewhat "galled" the British, while the
fire of some skirmishers proved equally effective. It was
returned from the British line, but the ranks remained un-
broken ; and the one field-piece forced up the height was
rapidly and admirably served. The French brought two
pieces into action. On the right some colonial troops were
placed with the regiments of " la Sarre " and " Languedoc ; "
the centre was held by the regiments of " Beam " and
"Guyenne," succeeded on the left by the "Royal" Rousillon,
some colonial troops and the Canadian militia. The French
force amounted to between four and five thousand men.
Without pretensions to exactness, it may be said that they
must have amounted nearly to the latter number.*
* It is exceedingly difficult to form a correct estimate of the troops brought into
the field by the French, on the 13th of .September.
There is a memorandum attached to the despatch of Townshend of the 15th
September [Can. Arch., A. & W. I., vol. SS, p. 147] which places the force at
3.440-
rLa Colonic 350 "i
Right. . .J La Sarre 340 I i^-pounder.
I Languedoc 320 I
V i.oioj
iBearn 200
La Guienne 200
4C0
( Roval Rousillon... 230 •) , . , , ,
T ^ff \ X '^ , • ( I i2-pounder mtended to be
Left ... 5 La Colonic 300 l u , , . , ,
I -,Q ) here but was not placed.
1759] THE FRENCH LINE. 279
To Montcalm there appeared no alternative ; both duty and
policy consisted in immediately engaging the enemy. Every
hour would strengthen his numbers and render him more
formidable. Even as the battle was being fought, sailors were
Militia in the bushes
and along the face
of the bank 1,500
Total 3,440
f 5 companies Grenadiers, |
I 150 Canadian Volunteers, I ™ , , ,„„ „„
M. Bougainville's command- I Cavalr '-Total 1,300 men.
[870 Militia. J
Bigot describes the number as 3,500," ne formoient que 3,500 hommes ou
environ." [Letter of the 15th October to Marechal de Belle-isle, Dussieux, p. 402.]
De Levis gives the number from 3.50010 3,600 men, [Journal, p. 20S.] " Pour la
garnison de la ville on n'en fit aucun usage, de sorte que lorsque tout fut assemble,
il ne se trouva que trois mille cinq a six cent hommes pour combattre, dont tres peu
de troupes reglties."
The writer of the memoir " Evenements de la Guerre en Canada durant les
annees 1759 et 1760," published by the Historical Society of Quebec, and which
is partially translated in New York Documents [vol. X., pp. 1016-1046], calcu-
lates the force at 4,500 [p. 66.] It appears to me that we have the means
approximately of judging the French numl)ers. This writer gives the original
strength of the French force as follows [p. 3'1 =—
. Land Troops 1,600
Marine 600
Canadians 10,400
Volunteers 200
12,800
Indians 9'8
Total 13.718
We have of the fighting force of 12,800
Left in Quebec as garrison 1,5°°
Sent to Montreal with de Levis I.OOO
With de Bougainville 2,300
Killed and wounded during the siege, say 1,000
Left in garrison at Beauport 1,5°°
7,300
Leaving effective 5>500
Montcalm did not commence the action until ten o'clock, so it may be inferred
that he strengthened his force as much as possible. It is on this data I have given
the numbers in the text. No account has been taken of the Indians.
280 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
forcing up the height, guns and stores. There was a large
reserve force on the ships which could be landed in a few
hours. It was in Wolfe's power to intrench himself where he
was, and to cut off all supplies of every kind coming from the
The extent of the casuahies has also some relationship with the numbers
brought into the field.
The French loss was reported by Townshend in his letter of the 20th of
September to Pitt. " I believe their loss that day might amount to 1,500 ; they
have at least now 500 wounded in their Plospital General." On the i6th of
October Saunders wrote Pitt [Can. Arch, A. & W. I., p. 45] that 1,000 French
officers, soldiers and seamen had been embarked on board some " cats " to pro-
ceed to France. De Levis in his journal gives an account of the losses of the 13th,
which refers to the regular troops only [pp. 21S-9]. It is somewhat difficult to be
understood, but if I read it aright, 1 1 officers were killed, 2S were wounded, who
were made prisoners ; 7 wounded officers remained with their regiments, 137
rank and file killed, 352 wounded and prisoners, 423 are reported as sent
to France.
The official report of the British loss is : —
Killed.
Officers (general Wolfe) I
Royal Artillery i
Captains 6
Lieutenants 1
Ensigns i
9
Sergeants 3
Rank and file 45
48
58
Wounded.
Staflf 6
Captains 13
Lieutenants 26
Ensigns 10
49
Sergeants .... 25
Drummers 4
Rank and file 506
535
Artillery 7
597
Killed and wounded 655
All writers agree in the imperfect resistance made by the French line.
De Levis in his Journal, p. 209, thus records it : " Notre droite plia et fut
suivie successivement de toute la gauche avec la plus grande confusion."
Bigot remarks [Dussieux, p. 402], "la notre pVit malheureusement la fuite a la
premiere decharge desennemis."
1759] MONTCALM'S DIFFICULTIES. 281
west ; below Quebec the country had been devastated as
far as Malbaie, so that it could not furnish a bushel of wheat.
The whole daily food of the garrison could only reach the
troops from Three Rivers and Montreal. The enemy's fleet
commanded the river. With several thousand men' within
the city and intrenched east of it, not a mouthful of bread or
meat could reach the force. Why, it has also been asked, did
Montcalm not wait for the arrival of de Bougainville, who
had twenty-three hundred men with him, and among the best
troops of the army ? He virtually so acted, for he did not
attack before ten o'clock. De Bougainville had no more dis-
tance to pass over to engage Wolfe, than Montcalm himself had
to march. From Montcalm's head-quarters to the battle field
is about six miles. It was no further from cap Rouge than
it was from Beauport to the plains of Abraham. De Bougain-
ville had been on bivouac all night, watching the operations
of the fleet before him, not knowing where the landing would
be attempted. His fears had been directed to the country
above, rather than anticipating danger below. It was not
unreasonable for him to suppose that, so near to the city, the
garrison and the outlying pickets were sufficient to guard
agamst danger. As has been shewn, the first ascent by Howe
was east of the known path, where an attempt at landing was
looked upon as impossible ; the picket was surprised ; and it
De Ramezay in his " Memoire," p. S, states, " des la premiere decharge notre
armee fut m.se en deroute . . Les debris de notre armee retournerent en
cesordre a Beauport."
The writer of the '« Evenements de la guerre en Canada durant les annees
1759 et 1760, p. 67,' gives this description of the action: "Us [the British]
nposterent ensuite avec beaucoup de vivacite, et le mouvement qu'un detachement '
<le leur centre d'environ 200 hommes fit en avant, la bavonnette au bout de fusil
suffit pour fane prendre la fuite a presque toute notre armee ; les Canadians
accoutumes a reculer a la maniere des Sauvages (et des anciens Parthes) et a
retourner ensuite a I'ennemi avec plus de confiance qu'ai.paravant se rallierent en
quelques endroits, et a la faveur des /.///. io^■s dont ils etaient environnes ils
lorcerent differens corps a plier, mais enfin il fallut ceder a la superiorite du
nombre."
The two last-named references are in accordance with the publications of the
Hist. Soc. Quebec.
282 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [175^
was in hand-to-hand encounters of this character the weakness
of the Canadian militia was felt. It was said of them in bush
fighting, one Canadian was equal to three French soldiers, but
in the regular operations of war one French disciplined man
was of more account than three men taken from their farms.
The explanation of every proceeding of the French appears
to me to be simple ; they were bewildered by the masterly
generalship of Wolfe, by his readiness of resource, and by his
multiplicity and rapidity of movement, which made his designs
impenetrable. Moreover, while Wolfe's genius could combine
and direct, he felt the confidence of the experienced soldier,
that the disciplined force he commanded would achieve all
that could be hoped from courage and steadiness. What
personal gallantry and military capacity could supply to the
French force, was efficiently furnished by Montcalm and de
Senezergue, the second in command. The troops were led
forward gallantly to the attack. They fired a volley and
marched onwards. They appear to have been pressed for
room. With steady and disciplined troops the consequence
would not have been serious, but with the militia of which
Montcalm's force was to some extent composed, it caused
confusion and disorganization. The advance was made
irregularly, and cohesion in the ranks was broken. The
attack on the left, where Townshend commanded, was reportd
by him to have been " brisk and animated." Wolfe's instruc-
tions to his soldiers had been earnest and plain, not to throw
away their fire. Early in the morning he had directed his
men to lie down until the attack should commence, in order
to spare them from the dropping fire which came from the
Canadians and Indians, and to give them, rest, throwing out
pickets on his flank to prevent surprise. They had been
somewhat harassed by some Indians in a corn field on the
right, but Monckton dispersed them. Wolfe's men were
accordingly comparatively fresh, for they had had two
hours' inaction.
There could have been scarcely a man in the British ranks
who did not feel how much depended on his own manhood.
1759] THE BATTLE. 283
The situation was essentially one to call forth those qualities
which, from the early days of English history, have become
traditional. Even in modern times many of the greatest
victories of the British race have been obtained under adverse
circumstances. The meanest capacity present must have seen
that the British soldier, as he stood, an invader before the town,
could only look forward to victory or annihilation : that as he
sowed he must reap. Such an hour had long been in con-
templation, for the dawn of coming events had unmistakably
appeared on the horizon. The teaching of the 31st of July,
when the impetuosity of the grenadiers was publicly reproved
in general orders as the cause of failure, must have come to
every man's mind to enforce the thought, that steadiness was
as indispensable as courage. It is no figure of speech to say
that they were present to conquer or to die, and each individual
of that serried band must have felt that the enemy was to be
hopelessly defeated, or their own bones must whiten the plains
on which they stood.
The British troops steadily came forward, receiving the
French fire without any return, until within forty yards, when
they fired. The volley was repeated, and with such terrible
effect, that the enemy gave way without further resistance.
Wolfe early in the action had been hit in the wrist, but he
simply tied his handkerchief round his wound. Giving the
order to fix bayonets, he placed himself at the head of the
Louisbourg grenadiers to lead the charge. As they advanced,
he was struck by a musket ball in the breast. The wound
was mortal ; he could not stand. He asked the officer beside
him to support him, and begged to be carried to the rear,
requesting that the fact might be concealed. " The day is
ours," he continued, " keep it." As they reached a redoubt
which had been captured in the morning, he requested to be
laid down. One present proposed to run for a doctor, when
he told them it was useless, for all was over. He lay there
motionless, doubtless from physical weakness ; but what was
the thought which, while the flickering flame of life was
passing away, still animated that noble, highly organized
284 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
nature ? As this comatose condition continued, it was thought
he was dead, when one of those present exclaimed, " They
run ! They run ! " " Who run ? " cried Wolfe, with an effort
of earnestness as if he were awakened from stupor. " The
enemy, sir," was the reply ; " they run away everywhere."
As he heard the words, Wolfe said, " Go one of you, my lads,
to colonel Burton, tell him to march Webb's regiment with all
speed down to Charles river to cut off the retreat of the
fugitives from the bridge." He turned on his side as if to get
relief from pain, but the end came only too soon. Wolfe's
last words were, " God be praised : I die in peace." Wolfe
was in his thirty-third year.
1759] MONCKTON. 285
CHAPTER IX.
The aide-de-camp who informed Monckton that the com-
mand had fallen upon him, found him prostrate with a severe
wound. When leading on the 47th he had been struck by a
ball, which entered by the right breast, passed through part
of the lungs, and was afterwards cut out under the blade
bone of the shoulder.* The French were then giving way,
and in the space of fifteen minutes the whole line had retreated
in disorder. The fugitives rushed down the hill to the Saint
Charles, while others endeavoured to enter the city. On the
left of the French line a small body for a time stood their
ground, and served a gun, in the hope of checking the pursuit;
on the right about nine hundred of the Canadian militia
attempted a desultory attack, skirmishing from the woods, but
they were driven from their position by an advance of the
28th and 43rd.
At this period Townshend assumed the command. His
first orders were to recall the troops, and to re-establish his
line. During the whole morning the weather had been
threatening and portended a storm, but as the British were
reforming, and taking up their ground, the sun appeared, and
the whole landscape was gilded with the brightness and charm
of the Canadian after-summer.
By this time de Bougainville's detachment appeared in the
rear, and was seen advancing. Two battalions were directed
against him ; de Bougainville, however, had both heard and
seen that the battle had been fought and lost ; he immediately
retreated from the field, and on the part of the British there
was no attempt to interfere with him.
In the action Montcalm was mortally wounded. Senezergue,
the second in command, was struck down, and was carried a
• Can, Arch., Series A. Ji: \V. I., 88, p. no.
286 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^759
prisoner on board ship to die. St. Ours, the next in rank,
was killed. Montcalm, nevertheless, was endeavouring to
rally the troops, when he received a bullet in the lower part
of the abdomen. The injury was so serious that he could not
sit on his horse, and was carried into Quebec to the house of
Arnoux, the king's surgeon. The elder brother was absent,
the younger examined the wound, and Montcalm heard the
opinion that it was mortal. He asked how long he could live.
Arnoux replied that he might hold out until three in the
morning. The writer * of the narrative sent to Montcalm to
say, that if he could be of use, he would come immediatel)' to
Quebec. The man returned with the message that Montcalm
had only a few hours to live, and that it was his advice for
the writer to remain at his post with Poulariez, until the
arrival of de Levis. Montcalm passed the remaining hours of
his life conversing with those around him with calmness, and
with his senses unimpaired. " I die content, he said, since I
learn ( ? leave) the affairs of the king, my dear mastci', in good
hands. I always had a very great consideration for the
talent and capacity of M. de Levis." Montcalm peacefully
breathed his last during the early hours of the 14th of
September.
The loss of the French amounted from twelve to fifteen
hundred men. Two hundred and fifty prisoners were taken
in the field, among them ten captains and six subalterns.f
The French were pursued to the walls, and many killed in the
glacis and ditch. The 28th, 43rd, and Louisbourg grenadiers
charged with their bayonets, while the 78th highlanders,
drew their broad swords, that terrible weapon in the pursuit
of an enemy, and sustained by the 58th, caused great havoc.
There were two houses in which a detachment of the light
infantry were stationed, from which they repeatedly sallied to
dislodge the Canadian militia as they gathered from time to
time to renew an irregular fire; finally, the 15th regiment
* Que. Doc, IV., p. 231.
+ Saunders to Pitt, without date, after" the action. Can. Arch., Series
A. ScW. I., SS, p. 46.
1759] ^E RAMEZAV. 287
attacked their front and dispersed them.. They were a body
of men who had been detached to attack the British rear.
The British troops in possession of the ground set parties
to work on the road by which the ascent would be made
practicable ; at the same time the seamen were engaged in
bringing up cannon to the front. The wounded were sent to
the ships, the killed buried. The casualties had been 58 killed,
597 wounded, making a total of 655. The force commenced
to intrench itself, and tents, stores and provisions were carried
from the ships. Strong pickets were also sent out to cut off
communication with the town.
The three days succeeding the action passed without any
movement on the part of the British. They were generally
engaged in providing fascines and pickets for the prosecution
of the siege. As it became necessary to appoint other briga-
diers, colonels Burton, Frazer and Walsh were nominated. On
the night of the i6th a redoubt was commenced about four
hundred }'ards from the works, to protect the attack against
the bastion of Saint Ursule. On the 17th much rain fell, and
the works for the time were discontinued. During the after-
noon a white flag appeared with proposals for a capitulation.
As the French left the field those who did not enter the
city gathered on the works of the bridge on the Beauport side
of the Saint Charles. They were there ordered to proceed to
their quarters. A council of war was held with what officers
remained, when it was resolved that the position at Beauport
should be abandoned that night, and that the troops should
march to Jacques Cartier.
The commandant at Quebec was de Ramezay, the son of
the officer of that name mentioned in this history, who, after
being governor of Three Rivers, was during twenty years
governor of Montreal, until the period of his death. There
were four sons, three of whom died in the service. De
Ramezay entered the marine corps in 1720, consequently he
had been nearly forty years actively employed. In 1745 he
was in command at Xcpigon ; the following year he was
selected to command a body of eighteen hundred men to take
288 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
part in the expedition of d'Anville. In 1749 he was named
major of Quebec, and in 1750 he had been appointed lieutenant
de roi of the town.
In the memoir published by him he expresses his astonish-
ment that this decision was arrived at ; his opinion was that
the enemy should have been attacked on the same day or
the following morning, troops being gathered from all parts
of Canada. It was the course which de Levis endeavoured
to take six days later. Whether the tents were left standing
for the purpose of deceiving the enemy, or abandoned in the
haste of despair, on the morning of the 14th, as they were
seen from Quebec, the general belief was that the troops
remained in their position : dc Ramczay had no such illusions.
During the 13th, after the action, he had written to de
Vaudreuil, setting forth the unfortunate position in which the
town was placed, asking for reinforcements of men, and a
supply of food, of which the city was utterly destitute. At
six o'clock he received his instructions ; he was told that, in
consequence of the position of the enemy above Quebec,
and from the failure to remove the British force, each hour
becoming stronger by intrenchments ; from the check which
the army had received, and from the utter want of provisions,
a retreat became absolutely necessary, as the only means of
saving the colony. De Ramezay was not to wait for an
assault, but so soon as the want of food was felt he should
send his ablest and most intelligent officer to propose terms
of capitulation. A paper was appended, containing the eleven
articles he should ask. De Ramezay at six o'clock received a
second letter from de Vaudreuil, acknowledging the receipt of
de Ramezay's two letters, in which he repeated that he was
forced to retreat. A third letter was sent, in which de Vaudreuil
notified de Ramezay that he was leaving that instant, not to
write after that date, that he would give him news on the
morrow, and bidding him '' good-evening." *
* " Comme je pars dans le moment je vous prie de ne plus m'ccrire des ce
soir, je vous donnerai de mes nouvelles demain. Je vous souhaite le bon soir."
Memoir, p. 24.
1759] THE CITIZENS' MEMOIR. 289
The only force on wliich de Ramezay could depend was one
hundred and twenty land troops. They had arrived on the
14th, but unaccompanied by supplies. He, himself a Canadian,
declares he could in no way rely on the bad militia : artisans
who had never been out of the city ; mostly married men and
above the age of service ; moreover worn out with the bad and
insufficient diet, to which they had long been subjected. The
hundred sailors, who were in the town, were of some use ; they
had, however, a bad character and had been addicted to pillage.
Almost all trace of discipline in the city had disappeared and
there were but few officers to aid in its re-establishment. Not
a single engineer was present to conduct the defence, and the
place was provided with neither provisions nor munitions of
war. While the belief existed that the troops remained at
Beauport the town was not without hope. When the inhabit-
ants heard that captain Barrot, of the regiment of Beam, had
received orders to retire from the place with the good soldiers
he could collect, the truth could not be concealed. There
was universal depression and discouragement. It became a
general outcry that they had been abandoned by the army. A
public meeting was called at the house of M. Daine, the
lieutenant general of police and mayor of the city : it consisted
of the leading merchants, the militia officers and the principal
citizens, when it was resolved that a capitulation was necessary,
and that this opinion should be communicated to the governor.
The memoir in the names of the mayor, M. Daine, the
royal notary and king's attorney, Panet, and Jean Tachet, the
syndic of the merchants on behalf of the citizens, set forth that
they had not been intimidated by a bombardment of sixty-
three days, that many hours of duty and a weary service had
not depressed them, and if their strength had suffered from
insufficient food, the hopeof conquering the enemy had revived
it. The loss of their property had not affected them, and they
had been insensible to all privations from the desire of preserv-
ing the city. This feeling had been sustained by the army ;
but, alas ! it existed no longer, and they saw, with extreme
sorrow, that the three-fourths of their blood which had been
u
290 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
shed would not prevent the remaining part from becoming
sacrificed to the fury of their enemies. Their only resource
was to make their yoke as light as possible. They gave three
reasons for this view : there was only food in the city to furnish
half rations for eight days; there were no means of obtaining
any further supply; and there were no troops to defend the
town. Under the circumstances they were placed, no course
was open to them but an honourable capitulation. The
memoir concluded with " Finally preserve the little which has
escaped fire. It is not disgraceful to yield when it is impossible
to conquer. The citizens, sir, flatter themselves that they have
proved what they say, and they hope, from your humanity,
that you will not expose them to the hardships of an assault
and of famine."
De Ramezay did what any one would have done in his
place. He called a council of war, producing the orders of de
Vaudreuil to capitulate when there was no food. It met on
the 15th ; it consisted of fourteen officers.* With the excep-
tion of an officer named de Piedmont, the vote was unanimous
for an honourable capitulation. Had dc Ramezay immediately
acted on this decision, he would have been spared much of
the calumny which has been unjustly thrown on his name.
That he did not do so, he has written with some bitterness,
was the only cause why he could reproach himself
While these events were taking place, de Ramezay received
a message from de Vaudreuil to the eftect that he was about
immediately sending food, which was to come by water ; but
time passed, and none arrived. On the morning of the 17th
de Ramezay sent to Beauport to gather what had been left,
but the camp had already been pillaged by the habitants.
The flour stores had been plundered and everything thrown
about in disorder. It is strange to relate that in these four
• The only name familiar at this date in Canadian life is that of de Celles; the
present representative of the family is the general librarian of the house of com-
mons at Ottawa. I will lake this opportunity of thankfully acknowledt^inc; the
many obligations under which Mr. de Celles has placed me during my labours
on this work.
1759] THE CAPITULATION. 29I
days the British had in no way interfered with the standing
tents. Would such have been the case had Wolfe lived, or
Monckton had not been helpless from a wound ? Townshend,
however, was now in command, and the admiral doubtless felt
it did not fall within naval duty to deal with the emergency.
Saint Laurent, the aide-major of de Ramezay, was sent to
collect the tents to prevent them becoming a British troph}' ;
two officers were likewise despatched to the army at Jacques
Cartier to report on its condition. They returned with the
information that there was little discipline and great disorder,
and they formed the conclusion that there was no hope that
assistance would be sent. The depression hourly increased ;
every night, and often in da\-timc desertions took place.
Some of the men returned to their parishes, a few joined the
army at Jacques Cartier, others deserted to the British ; a
sergeant even carried with him the keys of the gates. The
batteries were abandoned, the weak points of the fortifications
left unguarded. There were not sufficient officers to carry
out the orders, for de Ramezay felt that the militia officers
could not be trusted. On the 17th de Ramezay heard that a
British detachment in boats was advancing to the lower town,
and that ships of the line were sailing to the front of the city:
at the same time a strong column was marching towards
the palace-gate, by which free access to the town was attain-
able. De Ramezay caused the assembly to beat ; an aide-de-
camp returned to tell him that the militia were unwilling to
fight, and shortly afterwards the officers presented themselves
and declared they would not sustain an assault ; that they
knew his orders were in a contrary direction ; that they would
carry back their arms to the arsenal, so that when the British
troops entered they would be found unarmed, for now they
looked upon themselves as citizens, not as soldiers. In this
dilemma de Ramezay. by the advice of his officers, sent out
a white flag with offers to capitulate.* W^e learn from
* This statement is distinctly corrobocated by Saunders, and fully vindicates
the good fame of de Ramezay. Saunders relates that the attack was organized,
and steps taken to carry it out. [Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., SS, p. 4S.]
292 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
Townshend how the offer was received : " I sent the officer
who had come out back to town, allowing them four hours to
capitulate or no further treaty. He returned with terms of
Capitulation which," says Townshend, "with ye Admiral were
considered, agreed to & signed on both sides by 8 o'clock
in ye Morning of y^ i8th instant." *
The capitulation was drawn up in French ; there is no
authenticated copy in English. The terms granted were that
the troops should march out with the honours of war, with
arms and baggage, and drums beating, with two pieces of
artillery, the troops to be embarked and landed in France;
the inhabitants, on laying down their arms, to retain their
houses, property and privileges, and not to be molested for
having carried arms ; the effects of absent officers and citizens
not to be touched ; the inhabitants not to be obliged to aban-
don their homes until the conditions should be settled by the
two monarchs. Article 6 as asked by de Ramezay was as
follows : f " That the exercise of the catholic, apostolic, and
Roman religion shall be maintained ; that safeguards shall be
granted to the houses of the clergy, and to the monasteries
and convents, particularly to his lordship the bishop of
Quebec, who, animated with zeal for religion, and charity for
people of his diocese, desires to reside in it constantly, to
exercise his episcopal authority in the town of Quebec freely
and with that decency which his state and the sacred offices
of the Roman religion require whenever he shall think proper,
until the possession of Canada shall be decided by a treaty
between their most Christian and Britannic Majesties." The
amended condition was worded : " The free exercise of the
Roman religion is granted, likewise safeguards to all religious
persons, as well as to the bishop, who shall be at liberty to
come and exercise, freely and with decency, the functions of
his office, whenever he shall think proper, until the possession
of Canada shall have been decided between their Britannic
and most Christian IMajesties."
* Townshend papers, p. 326.
+ N.Y. Doc, X., p. 1012.
1759] THE BRITISH FLAG UNFURLED. 293
Artillery and military stores were to be given up, the sick
cared for, guards to be posted for protection of convents and
churches, and permission was to be given to send intelligence
to the French governor and to the minister in France.*
On the evening of the i8th the Louisbourg grenadiers and-
three companies of the light infantry took possession of the
gates, and a force was sent to preserve order. On the morn-
ing of the 19th fifty of the artillery, with one field-piece,
marched to the grand parade. The commanding officer of
the force followed, to whom the keys were delivered.
Captain Palliscr, with a detachment of seamen, landed in the
lower town, and they established themselves there. Detach-
ments were then sent to take possession of the forts and stores.
It fell to the duty of the commanding officer of the artillery
" to fix the union flag of Great Britain at y most conspicuous
place of the garrison." The three regiments, the 15th, 28th
and 35th, marched into the town, or, as Murray states, " the
ruins of it." The soldiers and seamen who had surrendered
as prisoners were embarked upon the vessels to proceed to
France. On the 21st, it was resolved to hold the town, and
Murray was appointed governor. A form of oath of condi-
tional allegiance was drawn up, and those who took it were
permitted to depart, their names being registered.
As de Vaudreuil was retreating to Jacques Cartier on the
night of the 13th with the entire force which was at Beauport,
he wrote to de Levis to join him. De Levis was then at
Montreal ; on the 15th he heard of the battle and the wound
of Montcalm. He immediately left, and arrived at Jacques
Cartier on the 17th. The broken army of de Vaudreuil had
arrived there on the evening of the 15th. The number of
fugitives which de Levis began to meet at Three Rivers pre-
pared him for the disorder he should find. " I never saw
anything," he said, " equal to their condition."- Everything
had been abandoned on leaving the camp at Beauport; tents,
kettles and equipage. The army was in want of the most
common necessaries. De Vaudreuil informed de Levis that
* The original text in French is given at the end of this chapter.
294 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
Quebec had not been taken, and that it still contained a
strong garrison : with what truth the details I have given
establish. De Levis earnestly entreated de Vaudreuil to
repair the fault which had been committed, and to march
"back to succour the place. It was the only means to prevent
the flight to their homes of the Canadians, and the abandon-
ment of the French cause by the Indians, and to restore the
general courage and confidence. De Levis argued that in
their march they would pick up many stragglers, that the
habitants in the neighbourhood would rejoin, that the French
had a knowledge of the country which the enemy did not
possess, and that they could safely approach closely to the
British, and, if advisable, attack them. By these means they
would prolong the siege and could send reinforcements and
food. If it became necessary to evacuate the town, they
could burn and destroy it, so there would be no place for the
enemy to find shelter during winter. Bigot sustained de
L^vis in his argument, and, with the energy and ability which
he possessed, obtained subsistence for four days, so that
the march could be commenced. The army started at day-
break on the 1 8th, the morning the town had surrendered.
Its destination was Point aux Trembles, while de Bougain-
ville, with the advance guard, was sent to cap Rouge.
A messenger had been despatched to de Ramezay, giving
him information of the proposed movement : he only arrived
when Joannes had started a second time with the acceptance
of the conditions Townshend would grant. No written com-
munication had been entrusted to him ; his mission was to
deliver a verbal message, telling de Ramezay that provisions
would be sent to him, and that the army would return to
occupy the town. There was nothing definite. " What hope,"
says de Ramezay, " could I have upon such vague assurances,
when I had seen every expectation I had formed end in dis-
appointment ? " The British, moreover, were then intrenched
and fortified, and were bringing into position their formidable
artillery, of which the town had had such painful experience
to threaten bombardment.
1759] WANT OF FOOD. 295
In order to carry out the promise of help, de Rochebaucourt,
commanding the cavalry, had orders to take one hundred
men, each trooper to carry, attached to his saddle, a sack of
corn of the largest possible quantity. De Bougainville was to
follow, convoying the provisions gathered for the relief. De
Levis relates that he wrote to the chevalier de Bcrnetz, an
officer of some reputation, who had remained at Quebec, to
sustain de Ramezay in his efforts to defend the town ; and
that on his arrival at Point aux Trembles, on the i8th, he
received a courier from de Rochebaucourt, that he had de-
livered one hundred and fourteen sacks, and had given
assurance of the presence of relief, but de Ramezay had
replied that it was too late, he was treating for surrender.
This account is manifestly incorrect. De Bernetz was one
of those who, at the council of the 15th, advocated a capitula-
tion, owing to the total want of provisions.* De Ramezay is
careful to state the fact that the supply of food was not
received until the capitulation had been signed, and that the
total quantity was from eighteen to twenty sacks of mouldy
biscuit. So denuded was Quebec of provisions, that one of
the first duties of the British governor was to furnish the
people with food in the shape of twelve hundred pounds of
biscuit.-|- When the hospital was taken possession of, it was
without provisions. In the first instance Murray declined to
furnish any food, as he had only sufficient for his garrison,
stating the French must provide for their own sick. :J Bernier,
* " J'opine, atteiulu la disette iles vivres qui nous manquent totalement, de
capituler aux conditions d'tihteiiir du general Anglois la meilleure capitulation et
la plus honorable." A Quebec le 15 ybre, 1 759. Sii^ne, Le chevalier de Bernetz.
t " Si.x boucaults [hogsheads] de biscuits pesants douze cent livres." Certificat
de Perthius.
X The battle was witnessed from the windows of the hospital by the nuns.
" The dead and dying," says the journal of the religieuse, " were brought into us
in hundreds, many of them of our close connections. . . . Loaded with the
inmates of three convents and the iniiabitants of the neighbouring suburbs, which
the approach of the enemy caused to fly in this direction, you may judge of our
terror and confusion." She relates that after loud and repeated knocks at the
door, an officer entered, keeping liis guard outside. He asked for the Superior,
and assured the nuns of his protection : troops were sent for that purpose. " We
296 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
who was acting as commissioner, appealed to "the well known
British humanity," and finally Murray consented to give 1,000
pounds of flour and 1,000 pounds of biscuit, which were to be
returned. Murray also agreed to furnish food for the sick on
condition that Bigot would repay him in kind after the har-
vest ; he would take Bigot's word that he would do so, but he
must send an officer as an hostage ; and if Bigot failed to
keep his word, Murray would hang him. Murray undertook
to allow supplies to be received at the hospital, and Bernier
received a passport to proceed to de Vaudreuil to communicate
these conditions.
Murray informed Bernier that the Jiabitaiits who were
present in Quebec could return home to gather their harvest,
and what they had to sell would be paid for in current English
money.
De Levis continued his march until he joined the advance
guard of de Bougainville, who informed him of the capitula-
tion. Notwithstanding this intelligence, he advanced as far
as Saint Augustin, within thirteen miles of Quebec, sending
on the advance guard to cap Rouge. He remained three days
in this position with his broken, dispirited, half-starved army,
in no way interfered with by Townshend. The inactivity of
the British force during these events furnishes a striking con-
trast to the continual movement and enterprise under Wolfe,
and must have surprised the French. De Levis was even able
to send a detachment to Beauport, to gather what munitions
of war could be found. In other respects the camp had been
plundered by the habitants, and all that was of value to them
carried away. What was left, de Levis obtained. It was
resolved to withdraw to Jacques Carticr, and there intrench
the force. De Bougainville was left at Point aux Trembles,
with an advance guard at cap Rouge, with instructions to
could not,' adds the religutisc, " without injustice, complain of the manner in which
they treated us." The English general visited the hospital, and to place it in
safety, a guard of thirty men was sent there. This protection was not without the
"atiiari aii(jiiiti.'' We learn from the reitgieuse that on being relieved the guard
carried off many of their bl:inkets. " Our greatest misfortunes," adds the writer
of the diary, " was to hear them talking during divine service."
1759] LORD COLVILLE. 297
harass the garrison on every opportunity and de Vaudreuil
proceeded to Montreal to assume the government, and to send
reinforcements to ile aux Xoix.
Now that the stores and supplies were landed, and the
garrison which was to hold the town placed on duty, the ships
with the troops not detailed for further service prepared to
take their departure. Lord Colville was sent with the
*' Northumberland " and four ships of the line and some
frigates to Halifax. A captain was named to the " Northum-
land " and Colville was instructed to hoist a broad pennant
and take command of the squadron. His instructions were
to remain there during the winter, and at the earliest opening
of the navigation reappear in the Saint Lawrence to sustain
the garrison. The transports were sent off in different
divisions under convoy. To admiral Holmes was assigned
the duty of seeing them out of the river. Twenty cannon,
ten 24-prs. and ten 12-prs. were supplied to the new garrison.
The policy of attacking the French frigates above Quebec
was considered ; it was not the difficulty of the attempt, but
the time to effect any result that was the point weighed. The
French army was intrenched in the neighbourhood, and for
the ships to, force their way to destroy the frigates, the con-
clusion was formed that the enterprise would interfere with the
departure of the ships. The season was now so far advanced
that it was indispensable for them to sail away without further
delay. The middle of October was passed, and the risk of
descending the river in storms of snow and through ice was
strongly felt. Saunders, with the first division of his fleet,
sailed on the iSth. One of the passages in his last despatch
from Quebec to the minister was : " I have not heard from
general Amherst, therefore have not been able to confer with
him upon any further operations this year." * Brigadier
Monckton left with the remaining ships on the 26th.
* Even wlien tlie American expedition was closed for the season, Saunders
did not consider that his work was done. On his way home he met captain
Philipps, in the "Juno." On speaking with the vessel he heard that the French
fleet was at sea, and sir Edward Ilawke was after it. Saunders immediately
steered away from the course to his native lanil, for which he and his crew had
298 THE HISTOIiV OF CANADA. [l759
The inhabitants began to bring in provisions of all kinds to
the town. One want they seriously felt, they were without
salt, and they preferred to receive it in preference to payment
of money. There was a great quantity of salt in the king's
stores, and Murray divided it according to rank among the
troops.
There was an extraordinary want of money. The expedi-
tion had started with an insufficient amount, a defect which
Amherst had been unable to remedy ; indeed, he himself
suffered from the like official poverty. The military chest
was so ill-furnished, that it was unable to meet the require-
ments of Murray. In ordinary times as governor he might
have issued notes redeemable in a few months ; but the
French card money had so fallen in value, and was held in
such detestation, that to have introduced another paper cur-
rency would have been most impolitic. Consequently a
proclamation was issued calling on the friends and well-
wishers of the government to lend what sums they could
furnish from their private funds; money for which bills would
be given on the home authorities, at six months payable with
interest. ^8,000 was thus obtained from the troops, the non-
commissioned officers and private men of the 63rd contribu-
ting ;^2,ooo. Saunders made the same appeal to the navy,
and collected ;^4,ooo.
The last service of the navy was to destroy the houses and
stores at " Seven island harbour," which was a king's post, and
to inflict the same chastisement at Mingan.
During the progress of the expedition public feeling in the
mother country had passed through the alternations invariably
called forth when any important result is unassured. There
are two classes of minds : those which look upon life hope-
fully, those which can only contemplate disaster. As time
so yearned, and with the " Devonshire" and " Vanguard," sailed to join Hawke
in his operations. When at ile Groas on the 22nd of November, he heard that
Hawke had beaten the Fre.nch at Quil)eron bay on the 20th : one of the most
gallant actions in the naval records of England. Saunders accordingly sailed
homewards, and by adverse winds was drfven into Cork, finally to reach
Portsmouth.
1759] THE NEWS IN LONDON. 299-
wore on, and no favourable news arrived, a foreboding ot
failure took possession of many. The real difficulties of the
enterprise had not been fully estimated : even Chatham could
not have foreseen their magnitude. Men from New England
had so confidently written and spoken of the facility of the
conquest, and they had created the belief that no formidable
opposition would be met. To them the power of New France
was a constant threatening reality, and the destruction of its
power the first element of their safety ; they were thus
prepared to consider as unimportant the obstacles to be
overcome. A different feeling now sei;^ed the more general
public, and the difficulties which had been underrated were
held to be insuperable. Doubts began to be felt of Wolfe's
capacity ; the very character of the expedition was assailed ;
and a spirit of despondency was exercising its depressing
influence. The old fears of a French invasion were renewed ;
even early in July it was reported the French had landed.
The victory of Minden, on the ist of August, restored confi-
dence. Wolfe's despatch, however, of the 2nd of September,
which recorded his repulse before Beauport on the 31st of
July, again depressed the public expectation. Wolfe himself
gave no promising view of his own hopes, and sanguine men
read in his words, as it were, a preparation for the failure
of the expedition. Horace Walpole foretold its collapse.*
Three days later he recorded the victory, adding that " if their
[the French] army had not ammunition and spirit enough
to fall again upon ours before Amherst comes up, all North
America is ours."
The news reached London on the 17th of October ; the
revulsion of feeling led to the greatest exultation, for the
* " You must not be surprised that we have failed at Quebec, as we certainly
shall. . . . Two days ago came letters from Wolfe, despairing, as much as
heroes can despair. The town is well victualled, Amherst is not arrived, and
15,000 men encamped defend it. We have lost many men by the enemy, and
some of our friends,— that is, we now call our 9,000 only 7,000. Mow this little
army will get away from a much larger, and in this season in that country, I don't
guess — yes, I do."
Letters lion. Horace Walpole. Letter CCC-XLII.
300 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
success was unlocked for. It penetrated all classes, and the
sorrow for Wolfe's death was universal : mourning was worn
by the poorest, and his exploit was regarded with as much
astonishment as admiration. His remains were landed with
all the marks of official respect, with lowered flags, minute
guns, and troops with reversed arms ; while a large crowd
with deep emotion looked upon the ceremony. Wolfe's body
was placed by the side of his father, in the vaults at Green-
wich church. A vote of the house of commons unanimously
prayed the king to erect a monument to his memory in
Westminster abbe}'. His epitaph in a few words records he
was " slain in the moment of victory " ; but his memory is
still more imperishably written in the great heart of the em-
pire, to pass from generation to generation.
The capture of Quebec proved to be the conquest of
Canada ; for the events of 1760 can only be considered as its
consequence. The courageous attempt of de Levis against
Quebec in the early months of the year is a striking contrast
to all that otherwise happened before the final surrender : but
it was the enterprise of desperation, and never had a prospect
of success. The death of Wolfe has embalmed his personal
memory, to overshadow his genius as a soldier. Owing to his
untimely fate, the early age at which he achieved his great-
ness, and the personal interest attached to the narrative of
his life, the merit of his generalship has been lost sight of in
the personal admiration of the general. There was a party in
the army opposed to Wolfe, who would not acknowledge in
his earnestness and capacity any title to consideration ; who
looked upon his selection for the position as unjust to them-
selves. It was a violation of the principle of routine ; and
they recognized no right but seniority. Their own family
relationships had secured their early advancement, and it was
accordingly a pretension which they could safely advance.
The nobler minds, endeavouring to obtain distinction by
ability and conscientiousness, were looked upon by them as
intruders. The representatives of these opinions were princi-
pally found among those connected with the powerful political
1759] AFTER WOLFE'S DEATH. 3OI
families, rather than with the ancient gentry of the land.
Merit belongs to no particular order ; envy, likewise, is to be
met in every condition of life, and no human being is exempt
from its malignancy. Men of the highest social, even of
exalted rank, are not spared by its remorselessness. The
possessors of power will never see it pass from their grasp ;
and they are ready by innuendo and sneer to detract from
merit, wherever it may be found out of their set, often a
reproach to them, or what is worse, they feel it to be an inter-
ference with their interests. Possibly no one more suffered
from this adverse feeling than Wolfe. His genius enabled
him to outlive and master it during his life : it is certain that
no trace of its existence clings to his memory.*
* It is painful to record the treatment which the family of Wolfe received
after his death. While Pitt, in the house of commons, declared that "with a
handful of men he had added an empire to English rule," and the nation, or as
the epitaph strangely relates, " the king and parliament," dedicated a monument
to his memory as the "commander-in-chief" on an expedition against Quebec,
the conduct of the war office ofncials was marked by wrong and meanness, which
must bring a blush on the face of every man who has a sense of national
honour. In February, 1761, Wolfe's mother asked that her son's pay might be
estimated, as that of a commander-in-chief. George II. had died on the preced-
ing 25th of October, and the young king, George III., in his twenty-third
year, had had but little experience in public life. The application was therefore
left in the hands of the secretary of war. Lord Harrington, who opposed the claim
with the narrowest of official objections. If the old king had had the determina-
tion of the matter, there is little doubt that the answer would have been different
to the refusal given. It is not impossible that Barrington's correspondence with
the dead general [ante, p. 155] may have crossed his mind. This discreditable
want of justice of Barrington. for it was in his power to grant or refuse the demand,
and the amount involved was only about ;;^3,ooo, was subsequently sustained by
Charles Townshend, the brother of the general who thought Wolfe's generalship
was as bad as his health. In 1764, Mrs. Wolfe memorialized the king on the
subject. .She received a letter from the secretary of war, Welbore Ellis, written
in the perfection of official littleness. " I am to inform you," we read in this
document, "that his Majesty commanded me' to acquaint you, that when INIr.
Townshend was secretary of war, a full state of this demand was laid before him,
and his decision thereon taken, which was that his M.ajesty did not think the
General entitled to ;{,"io a day during the expedition, and his Majesty sees no
reason to alter that determination."
What would the world say, if this document, engraved in brass, was apjiended
to Wolfe's monument in Westminster Abbey ? Could any conclusion to Wolfe's
immortal services be more painful ? That this national disgrace exists, is
302 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
It is the duty of the modern writer to consider Wolfe as the
scientific soldier. The fact of the successful landing of his
army in a few hours after midnight, and before dawn, on a
•dark night in a rapid current, with a height to ascend looked
upon as inaccessible, in the face of defenders on the summit,
alone furnishes the proof that a great mind can achieve, what
to a common nature is looked upon as an impossibility. That
he was opposed only by a handful of men was owing to the
enemy having been, by the masterly movements of the ships,
diverted from the true point of attack both east and west. So
that in spite of every difficulty, his small army stood daunt-
less in line at dawn, of the morning of the 13th of September.
I have given the history of the eleven weeks' campaign as
simply as I could write it, from the feeling that it needed no
extrinsic glamour ; it is the narrative of a passage in history
which has become a household word in every rank of life.
Few know why or for what cause ; but for nearly a century
and a half the memory of it has been universally preserved, to
be mentioned with exultation, untinged by any of those pain-
ful episodes which disfigure many a triumph.
The success may likewise be attributed to the harmony
between the services. The memory of Saunders is entitled
to the highest honour. His name must be remembered by
the side of that of Wolfe, and there can be no greater praise.
It was, however, Wolfe's spirit which animated the humblest
men in the ranks. His goodness, chivalry and courage were
on the surface in every act of his life ; there was never a
thought of self His beacon star was duty; his guide, honour;
his principle, self-sacrifice ; his hope, the recognition that he
had faithfully served his country.
The British troops on that memorable day, arrayed under
his order, were sustained by the comnlon feeling that they
had to act with the manhood of their race, to fulfil the trust
attributable to the two ministers, who are answerable for it, Barrington nnd
Charles Townshend. Those who affect to fear the ads'ance of liberal principles,
would have difticulty in crealint:; the belief, tiiat such meanness and wrong were
possible, with the most democratic government.
1759] OPINION IN ENGLAND. 303
reposed in them ; if need be, to die in the ranks in which
they stood.
" A letter to an honourable Brigadier-General," which appeared as a
pamphlet in London in 1760, remains a portion of the literature of that date. It
furnishes a strong proof of the dissatisfaction felt with regard to Townshend's
pretensions in England : for it is to him the letter was addressed. He is there
spoken of as one whom fortune, in one short campaign, made a colonel, a general
and a commander-in-chief. The original text read a " soldier," but it was changed
in the ei-rata to the position of rank. I cannot resist the impression that the word
was in the first instance seriously written. The letter may be accepted as
representative of a large section of public opinion. Townshend is called to
account for signing the articles of capitulation when Monckton was present, and
appointing the staff of the garrison of Quebec. Townshend is twice accused of
having formally entered his protest of attacking the place ; nevertheless he enjoyed
all the honours of the conquest. He was told that lie " had prudently quitted a
Scene where Danger would have been too busy." He was arraigned for not
having written " one civil Compliment to the Memory of General Wolfe" or adding
even "one kind Expression of Esteem or Affection with regard to his person."
The absence of this sympathy was contrasted with the mention of the memory of
Prideaux at Niagara by sir William Johnson. The writer proceeds to say " That
they must have known very little of the Expedition to Quebec, who expected that you
would bear Testimony to the conduct of a General whose plan of Operations you
had the Honour both in public and private to oppose, and against whose last
desperate attempt you protested in form."
This letter has been attributed to the duke of Cumberland.
A refutation was publi.shed by some friend of Townshend : his brother Charles
has been named as the author. It is but a poor production. The writer argues
that Monckton was too ill to act. and that although Townshend did protest against
the plan of Wolfe, it was against the policy of attacking the intrenchments.
After reading the private letter of Townshend to his wife, we must look with
some suspicion on the published extract of a letter to a friend, setting forth his
admiration of Wolfe. It is given as a reply, to the complaint of his silence in the
despatch regarding the loss, which the nation had experienced. It may, however,
have merely been the want of good taste and good feeling which led to the omis-
sion of the general's name with proper respectful mention. Townshend was one
of those characters whose thoughts are selfishly confined entirely to their own
interests ; his cold, callous nature rarely looked beyond them. It will be fortunate
for his memory if he is only remembered as the signer of the treaty of capitulation
with admiral Saunders on the part of the British crown, for there is little else
in his career to call for respect.
304 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^7S9
WOLFE'S MONUMENT.
The memory of both Wolfe and Montcahn has been honourably perpetuated
at Quebec.
The first memorial is mentioned by Mr. Isaac Weld in his travels, published
in 1799, "A voyage to Canada and the United States." [I., p. 346.] Quebec
was visited by him in 1796. He tells us, "The spot where the illustrious hero
breathed his last, is marked with a large stone, on which a true meridional [sic]
is drawn." The place was also described by Lambert, in his travels, published
in 1816. His remarks are important in establishing the identity of the spot.
" The spot where Wolfe died I have often visited with a sort of pleasing melan-
choly. It is the corner of a small redoubt, which is yet visible, and was formerly
distinguished by a large rock-stone, upon which, it is said, he was supported after
he received the fatal wound. From this stone, strangers were frequently
prompted, by their feelings, to break off a sm.ill piece, to keep as a memento of
the fate of that gallant hero ; but the sacrilegious hands of modern upstart inno-
vators have removed that sacred relic, because it came within the inclosure of a
certain commissary-general, who had erected what he called a pavilion, and would
probably have soon planted potatoes and cabbages in the redoubt, had he not
been discharged from his office Vjy the present governor-general, for a trifling
deficiency in his accounts." [Vol. I., p. 44.]
In 1835 lord Aylmer, then governor-general, erected a monument on the site,
with the words :
HERE DIED
WOLFE
VICTORIOUS
The monument became dilapidated, and was attacked by tourists wiio annually
visit Quebec, by whom, the guide books tell us, it was carried away piecemeal.
In 1849 it was replaced by a column, at the cost of the officers of the army in
Canada, at the instigation of sir Benjamin d' Urban, with the same inscription. Lord
Aylmer also, in 1S35, erected a slab to the memory of Montcalm in the Ursuline
Convent, with the inscription :
Honneur
a
Montcalm
le destin en lui derobant
La Victoire
L'a recompense par
Une Mort Glorieuse
In November, 1S27, lord Dalhousie laid, in the public garden of Quebec over-
looking the river, the foundation stone of the world-famed obelisk to the memory
of Wolfe and Montcalm. Both names appear with th^ inscription :
WOLFE MONTCALM
MORTEM VIRTUS CO.MMUNE.M
FAMAM IIISIORIA
MONU.MENTUM POSTERITAS
DEDIT .
A. D. 1S27
The funds were gathered by a general subscription in the province of Quebec.
1759]
ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION.
305
The articles of capitulation, as they appear on this page, are taken verbatim,
with the abreviations from the series in the Canadian Archives [A. & \V. I., vofc
88, pp. 50-54. ] The perusal of these same articles as they are given in the journal
of de Levis [p. 215] and as they are placed on record by de Raniesay [Que. His.
Soc. Pub., p. 20] will shew the differences between the two. They have also
been published in the form of an English translation [N.V. Doc, X., pp. 1011-13.)
It may be looked upon as a matter of certainty that the articles were only drawn
up in French ; and accordingly reference must be had to the text in that language,
when their meaning has to be determined with precision. The text which I have
followed is the authenticated copy of the capitulation as given in the imperial
archives, and must be regarded as unimpeachable.
Les Articles de la Capitulation de
I'autre Cole ont ete accordces sous les
Conditions et de la Maniere suivante
par Mons^ Chas. Saunders Admiral
de I'Escadre Kleiie de la Grande
Bretagne dont la Flotte est actuelle-
ment devant les Murs de (Quebec
dans le Bassin de la d"^. Ville.
La Garnison de la Ville composee
des Troupes de Terre, Marines & Mate-
lots sortiront de la Ville avec Armes cV
Bagages Tambour Battant, Meches
allumees avec deux piece de Canon de
France et douze coups a tirer par piece,
et sera embarquee le plus commodement
possible pour etre mises en France au
premier Port.
2.
Accorde, en mettant les Armes bas.
Accorde.
Accordt
Articles de Capitulation demandes
par M. de Ramsay Lieuten'. le Roy
Commandant les haute et basse Ville
de Quebec, Chevalier de I'Ordre de
S'. Louis a son Excellence Mons'. le
General des Troupes de sa Maj'e.
Brifi""^. qui doit etre approuve par
Son Excell". Mon--. le Admiral de
I'Escadre Bleiie actuellement devant
Quebec.
Art. I.
Mons"". de Ramsay demande les hon-
neurs de la Guerre pour sa Garnison et
qu'elle soit ramenee a I'Armce par le
plus court Chemin avec Armes et
Bagages, six pieces de Canon de fonte,
deux Mortiers ou Aubuziers et douze
Coups a tirer par piece.
Art. 2''e,
Que les habitans soient Conservees
dans la possessions de leurs Maisons,
Biens effets & privileges.
Art. 3.
Que les habitans ne pourront etre
recherchos pour avoir portc les Armes a
la Defense^ de la Ville, aitendu qu'ils y
ont etc forces, et que les habitans des
Colonies des deux Couronnes y servent
egalement comme Milices.
Art. 4.
Qu'il ne sera [point] touchti aux effets
des Oft'iciers et habitans absens.
3o6
THE HISTORY OF CANADA.
[1759
Accord e.
Libre exercise de la Religion Ro-
maine Sauve-yardes accordus, a toutes
personnes Religieuses et surtout a
M'. TEveque qui poiura venir exercer
librement et avec decence les fonctions
des son etat, lorsqu'il jugera a propos,
jusqu'a ce que la possession du Canada
ait ete decidoe entre Sa Maj. Brit, et
Sa Maj. '1'. Chret.
Art. 5.
Que les d*". habitans ne seronl point
transferes ni tenus de quitter leurs mai-
sons jusqu'a ce qu'un Traite dcfinitif
entre sa M. T. C. & S. M. B, * aye
regie leur Etat.
Art. 6.
Que I'Exercice de la Religion Catho-
lique, Apostolique cS: Roinaine sera con-
servee, que Ton ortlonnera des Sauve-
gaides aux Maisons Ecclcsiastiques,
Reiigieux et Religieuses et particu-
licremeiU a Mon^ Evcque de Qu(jl)ec,
qui, rempii de zele pour la Religion et
de sa charite pourle peuple de son Dio-
cese, desire y rester constamment, exer-
cer librement et avec decence que son
Etat et les .Sacres Mysteres de la Reli-
gion Romaine son authovitc Episcopale
dans la ViJle de Quebec, lorsqu'il
jugera a propos jusi^u'a ce que la pos-
session du Canada, soit decidt'c par un
traite entre leurs M. T. C. & B.
Accord^.
Art. 7.
Que I'Artillerie et les Munitions des
guerre seront remises de bonne foy et
qu'il en sera dresse un Inventaire.
Accorde.
Art. 8.
Qu'il en sera use envers les Malades,
blesst^s, Commissaires, Aumoniers,
Medecins, Chirurgiens, Apothiqaires et
autres personnes employes au Service
des hOpilaux conforniement au Traite
d'Echange 6 fevrier 1759 convenu entre
S. M. T. C. & M. B.
Accorde.
Art. 9.
Qu'avant de livrer la porte & I'Entree
de la Ville aux troupes Anglais leur
General voudra bien niettre quelques
Soldats pour Ctre mis en Sauve-gardes
aux Eglises, Convents & principaies
habitations.
• Sa Majeste Tres Chretienne et Sa Majeste Britanniqu
1759]
ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION.
307
10. Art. 10.
Qu'il sera permis au Lieut', du Roi,
Commandant dans la Ville de Quebec,
d'envoier informer M^ le Marq^. de
Accorde. Vaudreuil, Gouver". General, de la
Reddition de la place ; comme aussi que
ce General pourra ecrire au Ministre de
France pour Ten informer.
11. Art. II.
Que la presente Capitulation sera exe-
• cutee suivante sa forme et Teneur sans
Accorde. qu'elle puisse etre Sujette a inexecution
sous preiexte, de Represailles ou d'une
Inexecution de quelque Capitulation
precedente.
Le present Traite a ete fait & arrete double entre nous au camp devant Quebec
le 1 8th Septembre, 1759.
CHARLES SAUNDERS.
GEORGE TOWNSHEND.
DE RAMESAV.
BOOK XIV.
From the Conquest of Quebec, 1759, to the Peace
OF Paris, 1763.
1759] THE COMING CAMPAIGN. 3II-cl^
CHAPTER I.
Amherst commenced his preparations for the coming cam-
paign of 1759 with great energy and determination. One
important duty had been removed by Forbes' success on the
Ohio, consequently his efforts could be concentrated on the
protection of the New York frontier. The best means by
which he could redeem the ill effect arising from the repulse of
Abercrombie, on the 8th of July, was by driving the French
from lake Champlain ; a movement only preliminary to the
advance upon Montreal, so that Canada would be assailed both
at the east and west. The French force would thus be divided,
and could be assembled in its full strength, neither at Quebec,
nor on lake Champlain. Consequently, Amherst's attack of
Ticonderoga formed a leading part of the plan of operations,
so that wherever the attack might be directed, the difficulties
would be lessened, by the imperious call on the resources of
Canada in every direction.
In addition to the expedition against lake Champlain, lake
Ontario equally presented claims to attention. If Oswego
were to be re-established, Niagara could not, with safety,
remain under French authority. This place, now strongly
fortified and well garrisoned, was important from commanding
the passage from lake Ontario to lake Erie ; it was the source
of supply of the posts on the Ohio, and formed the most con-
venient connection with Detroit and the Illinois. It was not,
however, the only connection with the west, another route was
available by the river Ottawa and lake Nipissing to lake
Huron ; but this fort possessed the advantage of being on
the more direct line of communication and thus became the
common centre of supply for the western and the Ohio posts :
at the same time it was a constant threat to Oswego. Since
the destruction of Cataraqui, French posts had been estab-
312 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
lished at La Presentation, Ogdensburg, and on ile Galops at
the head of the rapids, and a combined movement was at any
time possible against the British possessions on the lake.
Oswego was of the highest value to the British in every point
of view, being the termination of the only route by which lake
Ontario could be reached from Albany. The ascent of the
Mohawk had been protected by forts, and the carrying-place,
modern Rome, had been made tenable by the construction
of fort Stanwix. The eastern entrance to the river, leading to
lake Oneida, had been also fortified. The removal of troops
and stores to Oswego had thus become practicable; but there
was always the risk of its re-establishment being disputed, and
the point, from which any assault was to be feared was
Niagara.
Amherst determined to fortify the head of lake George,
and colonel Montresor having prepared plans for the work, it
was begun and carried on during the summer ; one bastion
was completed towards the end of September. The pro-
gress of events made its continuance no longer necessary.
Montresor was, accordingly, ordered to Crown Point to assist
in the re-establishment of the fort, and the work at lake
George was never resumed.
In the month of February there were 12,405 troops serving
in North America ; some 3,300 men were required to complete
the strength. The orders received from England somewhat
reduced these numbers, and at the end of March, Amherst
received his instructions with regard to the regiments which
were to be included in the expedition against Quebec, with
the information that Monckton was to command a brigade.
A fortnight earlier Amherst had heard of Forbes' death,* and
had designed Monckton to succeed him. As this arrangement^
could not now be carried out, Stanwix was sent to Pittsburg,
and Monckton with Fraser's regiment was ordered to join
Wolfe's expedition.
No active operations of any importance took place, except
• The date reported by Amhers*, the i ith of March, at,'rees with the statement
of Dr. Fogo, [ante page 216]. Can. Arch., Series A. & \V. I., 89. i, p. 215.
1759] THE PENNSYLVANIAN LEGISLATURE. 313
the French continued their system of la petite guerre, by
Indian parties directed against stragglers and detachments
weak in strength, or faihng to observe proper caution. A
corporal and four highlanders near fort Stanwix were surprised
and attacked by a large party of Indians : the corporal only
escaped ; and there were several such instances. Caution was
enforced on the soldiers of every garrison, and in the generality
of cases, it was disobedience of orders which entailed the
penalty of the loss of life. Amherst determined to make
reprisals for these attacks ; moreover, he was desirous of
obtaining information of the enemy's condition. Accordingly,
on the 3rd of March, Rogers was sent down lake George with
a force consisting of 200 regulars, 84 rangers and 52 Indians.
The engineer, who accompanied him, was enabled to make a
sketch of the fort and intrcnchmcnts at Ticonderoga. He.
reported that the abatis extended for twenty-five paces in front
of the breastwork. Rogers returned in a week with seven
prisoners and four Indian scalps. In these affairs thirty of
the enemy had been killed. Rogers' loss was two rangers,
one regular and one Indian wounded. We learn how
remorseless this warfare had become, when we read that two
prisoners who could not keep up with the party were killed.*
The New York privateers at this time were particularly active.
Out of twenty-two ships which sailed from San Domingo,
escorted by " Le Palmier," 74, and a frigate of 40 guns, eleven
were taken, the value of these prizes amounting to ;^i 20,000.
In April Amherst went to Philadelphia, to determine the
policy to be followed with the Indians, and obtain the passage
of the supply bill. As was usual in Pennsylvania, there was
a difficulty in this respect. Although the past campaign,
closing with the conquest of Pittsburg, had obtained peace,
and conferred protection against the assaults of the French
Indians, and how much is contained in these simple words,
and a large accession of territory for the enterprise of the
citizens of the province had been obtained, all that Pennsyl-
vania could recogni'/e was "the disagreeable necessity of
Can. Arch., Series A. eV W. L, S9. i, p. 216.
314 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1/59
representing, that the teamsters were unpaid for their service,
and the owners of the waggons and horses remained unsatis-
fied for their loss, the waggons being broken and the horses
dead." They remonstrated against the mode, in which the
teams had been obtained for the service of their own
province ; they protested against the issue of billets for the
soldiers fighting their battle ; and when supplies to assist in
carrying on the war were asked, the house of assembly
declared its readiness to grant them, but asked the governor
that in "discharging the duty you owe to the best of kings
and to the people of the province that immediate steps might
be taken for the redress of their grievances."
It was undoubtedly to be regretted that the debts due had
not been paid ; a few weeks, however, had only passed since
the return of the troops, and the illness and death of Forbes
had added to the complication. There was possibly much
private suffering from the non-payment of these obligations ;
but there were other modes, and certainly a more dignified
and honourable manner of advancing these claims, than the
threatening attitude taken by the province. The time was
one of war, when every feeling of patriotism should have been
called forth. To the Pennsylvanian the struggle was as much
one for existence as for the possession of territory. Neglect
of these obligations in previous years had caused great loss of
life and property, with much suffering. The indignant
frontiers-men, at one period of this crisis, needed but little
incitement to march upon Philadelphia, and obtain vengeance
for the neglect, by which they had suffered. The last four
years had seen the abandonment of homesteads, from the
inability of the province to defend its territory against the
Canadian and Indian incursions. The last campaign had
entirely changed the aspect of matters ; nevertheless, all that
the legislature could recognize was, that the wages of the
teamsters were unpaid, the compensation for the broken carts
and killed horses unadjusted, while complaints were made
that a roof had been found for the British soldier, when many
1759] PRIDEAUX. 315
of the troops had been wounded in the struggle to assure
Pennsylvanian pre-eminence.
Amherst appointed a committee to examine into and adjust
the claims : naming two commissioners, he directed the legis-
lature to select the other members. As the province hesitated
to respond to his appeal for troops, he called upon the legis-
lature to furnish the same number as were on service the
previous year ; otherwise he must abandon all thought of
carrying on any operations in the western part of the province,
and would reinforce the army to the east, with the troops
intended to act in Pennsylvania.
Leaving governor Denny to urge his legislature to pass the
supply bill and to vote the men, Amherst returned to fort
Edward, on the Hudson. He arrived at Albany on the 3rd
of May to meet sir William Johnson, who informed him that.
he could bring Soo Indians in the field, all of whom were
desirous of attacking Niagara. It was the policy which
Amherst had determined to follow ; he deemed it, however,
prudent to defer any expression of his views. He ordered
provisions for five thousand men for three months to be sent
to Schenectady by land. The supplies for fort Edward reached
the fort by water. In order to assure his communications, he
stationed Gage's regiment to the north of Albany ; he bridged
over the Hudson at fort Edward, and ordered the woods to be
burned between that place and lake George.
Amherst selected Prideaux, who had arrived at New York
in the " Diana" on the 7th of April, for the command of the
expedition against Niagara : the force to be taken from
the troops collected at the Mohawk, Abercrombie's, the 44th,
Thomas Murray's, the 46th, with 2,680 New York provincials.
Amherst sent notice of his intention to Stanwix at Pittsburg,
asking if possible that he should co-operate in the attack. In
the middle of May both Prideaux and Johnson were informed
that the expedition would be undertaken, and in anticipation
of the services of the Indians being required, Johnson assem-
bled a congress of the Six Nations. Not only these tribes,
but five other nations attended, and there were about five
3l6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
hundred men, women and children present. Johnson was
enabled to report that the feeling was unanimous against the
French, and that they warmly advocated the proposed attack.*
On receiving his orders regarding it, Johnson asked for ^^3,000
sterling to meet the preliminary Indian e.xpcnscs.
The operations he had resolved to undertake on lake
Ontario suggested to Amherst the opportunity of becoming
aggressive on the Ohio. He sent an officer to Stanwix,
urging him to push forward a column to attack Venango and
le Bceuf, believing that these posts would to some extent be
abandoned, and that they might be taken without much effort.
Stanwix expressed his readiness to co-operate in the move-
ment as he was directed, and despatched the ist battalion
Royal Americans to aid in the siege of Niagara. He com-
plained of his want of money, and reported the. difficulty he
experienced in supplying his posts, owing to his want of
waggons. It took a loaded waggon twenty days to go from
Carlisle to the Ohio, and ten to return empty. So a waggon
could only make one load a month, he required thirteen hun-
dred such waggons to bring the supplies he required. There
were 1,600 Virginians at Pittsburg, four hundred at Loyal
Hannen, and they had to be fed.
On the 20th of I\Iay Pridcaux set out for his command.
For a few days he established his headquarters at Schenectady,
which he left on the 31st. On the day of his departure the
Mohawk suddenly rose, so the bateaux and boats got adrift.
Many were carried down the river ; generally they were
regained, but several went over the grand falls. At fort
Edward, Amherst was endeavouring to establish discipline,
which was not readily accepted by the provincials, and there
was from time to time trouble with them. As desertion was
becoming frequent, Amherst determined sternly to repress it.
Two deserters of the regulars were hanged. Two of the
Rhode Island regiment were sentenced to death for the same
crime ; one was, however, pardoned, in the hope that the
extreme sentence in the other case \\H:>uld exercise its influence.
Johnson to Amherst, 2lst April, 1759. Can. Arch., A. ^: W. I., 90, p. 173.
1759] FREDERICK HALDIMAND. 317
The Indians still hung^ about the several garrisons to inflict
injuries on individual stragglers. The one object, in continuing
these merciless attacks, was to keep the Indian attached to the
French side. Parties were continually lurking about to
destroy all whom they could safely attack. Nothing was too
petty for their vengeance. In May, one man at fort ^^lillcr,
who, contrary to orders, crossed the river was seized. At fort
Stanwix, lieutenant Stevens and sixteen men were out uncon-
cernedly shooting pigeons, when they were surprised by a
strong party of Indians and shot down ; a volunteer officer
and four men were killed, one was taken prisoner, the sergeant
wounded. A party of twelve with a subaltern, coming from
Stillwater, marching carelessly, never suspecting attack, were
fired upon by twenty Indians ; the lieutenant and two men
were killed, three were wounded, and the corporal missing.
■Early in June some bateaux men carrying guns up the Mohawk
were attacked by Indians. Seven were killed, six of them
scalped, one wounded, and one missing.
On forming his force to proceed against Niagara, Prideaux
was instructed to increase the strength of the garrison at fort
Stanwix by one hundred and fifty men ; fifty men were to be
placed at the east end of lake Oneida, one hundred and fifty
men at the west end of the lake, and one hundred and fifty
men at the falls of the river : the whole line of communica-
tion would then be assured. After taking Niagara, Prideaux
was instructed to proceed with a sufficient force and establish
himself at La Galette. at the head of the rapids on the Saint
Lawrence. Having obtained the necessary boats and bateaux,
and otherwise perfected his organization, on the 1st of July
he started from Oswego, leaving behind a considerable force
to rebuild and re-establish the fort at that place.
The second in command was Frederick Haldimand.
Having been governor-general of Canada during the troubled
years of the American revolution, few men have rendered more
important service to the British crown ; but his name is
not recorded in any dictionary of biography. In Canada his
reputation has been made the target of every shaft of malignity
3l8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l7S9
and ignorance, by those who, too indolent to investigate, have
been ready to join, in the chorus of defamation. He is accused
of arbitrary illegahty in the administration of his government,
as being unscrupulous, unjust, and naturally insolent. Even
those who affect to treat him with consideration, describe him
as a martinet, a good soldier knowing no rule but the bayonet.
His character was the opposite to that of so repellant a per-
sonage. He was a man of rare administrative ability, of a
generous, frank, simple nature, sustained in the most difficult
positions by the desire of performing his duty. During the
period of his government he acted with remarkable firmness
and decision. He thoroughly repressed all sedition and every
attempt at disorder, and effected his purpose without the
extreme measure of hanging the disturbers of the peace.
This fact alone is sufficient to obtain respect for his memory.*
Haldimand was born at Yverdun, in Switzerland. We first
hear of him in a prominent position as being in command in
Philadelphia. He was thence transferred to the duty of
recruiting for the Royal American regiment, his headquarters
being Albany. He was also detached to this duty in New
England, the Carolinas, and Georgia. In 1757 he was en-
* Mr. lirymner, the Canadian Archivist, was the first to vindicate Haldimand's
•character [Report, 1S87], and it is by his researches that the main lines of his life
are known. Haldimand was a collector : with great pains and labour he gathered
all the papers accessible to him. These records extend from 1757 to 1765, and
-consist of 232 volumes. Bouquet's papers, which consist of 34 volumes, were left
to Haldimand. The whole were presented to the British Museum in 1757 by
Haldimand's nephew. They have been copied for the Canadian government, and
the volumes are now included in tlie Dominion records. These papers have been
calendared by Mr. Brymner with great industry and ability in a most thorough
manner. They extend over 2,405 Svo. printed pages, a labour invaluable to all
historical students. These papers have particularly attracted the attention of
writers in the United States desirous of obtaining correct information of the period.
Haldimand took part in the operations of the war till the surrender of .Montreal
in 1760. He acted for some months as governor of Three Rivers, and was sub-
sequently appointed to that po-ition. Three years later he was transferred to
Florida with tlie rank of brigadier. In 1773 he was nominated governor of New
York. In 177S he was appointed governor-general of Canada, which office he
held until 17S4. IlaKlimand died at Yverdun, prulwbly in May, 1791. I briefly
mention here Haldimand's subsequent career, for-without this notice much of the
interest attached to his name would be lost.
1759] ^^ LA CORNE'S ATTACK. 319
gaged in Pennsylvania in endeavouring to protect the frontier
against Indian attack. The following )-ear he was on the staff
of Abercrombie at fort Edward, but he did not join in the
unfortunate expedition against Ticonderoga. He was now
present with Prideaux. Amherst having given special instruc-
tions that he should be left at Oswego, he was placed in
charge to carry on the works, during the period that the main
expedition was absent before Niagara. His garrison consisted
of some companies of the battalion of Royal Americans, and
some of the New York regiments, the total strength being
about one thousand men.
Haldimand, left in command at Oswego, with the duty of
rebuilding the fort, proceeded to intrench himself as he was
able. A Krge quantity of flour and pork had been brought
for the subsistence of the army, as is customary, in barrels.
Haldimand availed himself of this means of defence, erected a
barricade of tiers of barrels.* Working parties were sent into
the woods to cut the timber necessary for the construction of
the fort. No particular caution was taken against surprise,
and the men carried on their labours without fear of interrup-
tion : an expectation not realized.
Saint Luc de la Come had remained on Galops island with
his force, from time to time sending out parties to distress
stragglers from the forts on the jNIohawk. His scouts bring-
ing him intelligence of the occupation of Oswego by the
British, he resolved to surprise them, and, if possible, inflict
such serious injury on the force before it was* established, as
to force an abandonment of the position. De la Corne had
no certain knowledge of the force he had to contend against,
and he undertook the expedition with ill-defined views of
what he could effect, and the opposition he must encounter.
His own detachment was composed of Canadian militia and
Indians of about one thousand in number. He ascended the
Saint Lawrence, and followed the southern shore of lake
Ontario. The movement escaped detection, for the British
had onh' bateaux and boats, most of whicii were engaged in
* Pouchot, I., 29S.
320 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
the transport of the troops. Xo canoe parties were out as
scouts. On the 5th of July, dc la Corne landed below the
fort. He was accompanied by the abbe Picquet, some of
whose Indians were in the expedition. The priest accordingly
had considered it his duty to be present ; a feeling which
accorded with his love of adventure and notoriety. If the
deserters who joined the British force are to be believed,
Picquet, in his exhortation to de la Corne's men, entreated
them to give no quarter.
The working parties taken by surprise, by a volley from a
concealed enemy, retreated to the intrenchment, the firing
having been returned by the covering party. The French
force partially surrounded the fort, remaining at some dis-
tance and carrying on a fusilade from among the cut wood.
It was a harmless display of hostility. At night they
retired ; next morning they advanced towards the left of the
intrenchment, where there were three pieces of cannon, and
commenced firing from the logs. On the discharge of the
guns a panic seized the French, and exclaiming that the
surprise had failed, made for their boats as rapidly as possible.
De la Corne had been wounded ; consequently Picquet con-
sidered it a part of his clerical duty to endeavour to rally and
encourage the troops to return to the attack. They would in
no way listen to him, and in the rush to the lake he was
thrown down, but he seized one of the men in the flight,
calling out : " Save at least your chaplain." * The men
regained their canoes, and rapidly paddled their wa}^ to the
head of the rapids. The deserters to the British reported
that they had expected no resistance, and that de la Corne
had assured them there were only five hundred men present,-f-
who would be taken by surprise and easily defeated. Besides
de la Corne being wounded, one officer of the marine service
was killed ; six men were found dead in the woods, and it was
believed many were wounded. The French retired without a
scalp or a prisoner. ' The expedition is principally remark-
* Pouchot, I., p. 209, translation.
t Can. Arcli., Series A. & W. I., 91. i, pp. S5-S6.
1759] POUCHOT. 321
able as being the last aggressive attempt of the French on
lake Ontario. The British loss was two killed ; two officers
and eleven men wounded. *
Prideaux, on leaving Oswego on the 1st of July, followed
the southern line of coast of lake Ontario ; the distance to
Niagara is about seventy miles. It would have been a navi-
gation attended with danger to the bateaux, boats and canoes
of which the expedition was composed, to have made the
transit direct, passing far into the lake. There was another
powerful motive for this proceeding. An armed schooner,
"I'lroquois," in the service of the French garrison, was con-
stantly cruising about lake Ontario, and might have inflicted
damage on the boats. As several of the bateaux wqvg mounted
with artillery, the fire of the schooner could have been
returned. The armed vessel, nevertheless, might have proved
troublesome, and that it failed to discover the expedition was
fortunate for the boats composing it ; the fact is even men-
tioned, as a matter to be blamed on the part of her captain.
The officer in command of the fort was captain Pouchot, of
the regiment of Beam, a good and experienced officer, and in
other respects a man of capacity.^ He had never anticipated
any such attack, having relied on his relations with the Six
Nations, and had felt certain that any contemplated movement
would have been communicated to him. The Indians had
moreover, assured him, that he had no cause for apprehension.
What, to some extent, also made the expedition a surprise, was
the belief that Amherst would descend the Saint Lawrence and
endeavour to effect all that was attainable in one campaign,
and it was greatly feared in the colony that this course would
be taken. He had, however, done his best to make the fort
* Both Pouchot and de Levis mention the panic with which the French troops
were seized. De Levis places it during the first attnck [Journal, p. 1S9.] From
the narrative of the events by Ilaldimand, who knew nothing of the panic, it
must have taken place immediately prior to their re-embarkation.
t In 1 78 1, at Yverdun, in Switzerland, he published a work upon the war,
"Memoires sur la derniere guerre de r.Vmcrique, * • * suivis d'observations
dont plusieurs sent relatives au theatre actuel de la guerre, de nouveaux details sur
les moeurs, les usages des .Sauvages avec des Cartes Typographicjues."
322 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l7S9
secure, and had extended and improved the defences so far as
his means permitted. The fort was situated on the spot occu-
pied by the present building, at the corner of the western
angle at the discharge of the river Niagara into lake Ontario :
it was defended by bastions, with guns en barbette, directed
towards the lake. On the land side the defences were more
elaborate : they consisted of two bastions and a curtain,
occupying the full extent of ground between the two waters.
They had been built of casks, filled with earth, while along the
lake shore, balks, fourteen inches square and fifteen feet long,
had been placed side by side. The garrison consisted of 149
regulars, 183 of the colonial troops, 133 Canadian militia, 21
gunners, the whole amounting to 486 men. There were two
posts connected with Niagara; one where Levviston now stands,
at the foot of the ascent, was known as the " fort du, portage:"
while on the height at the foot of Grand island, opposite to the
mouth of the Welland river,* known, after the conquest, as
Chippewa creek, a second post was established, afterwards,
called fort Schlosser. It was at this point that goods were
received from, or transferred to the canoes which ascended
between Grand island and the main land. The first post was
held by Joncaire de Chabert, a half-breed officer, with a small
force.
Pouchot, considering himself secure, had weakened his force
by sending detachments to the Ohio. The first intelligence he
heard of the landing was from a soldier, who, with two
comrades in the woods shooting pigeons, had been attacked.
He escaped, while the other men were seized. Pouchot, con-
sidering that it was the proceeding of some stray Indians, sent
out a party of ten. As they were marching with no anticipa-
tion of danger, they found themselves surrounded. Five were
taken prisoners, and two wounded ; thus Pouchot, for the first
time, knew that the British were upon him in force. He sent
out his scouts to examine the enemy's position. He was then
informed that Prideaux had established himself at what was
* By proclamation of 1792 this stream w.is oflicially described as Welland
river, it took some years for the name to be generally recognized.
1759] ATTACK OF FORT NIAGARA. 323
known as the little Marsh, with a portion of the force
encamped in the woods, the barges, under a guard, were drawn
up on shore.
Pouchot immediately sent orders to Joncaire de Chabert to
abandon the " fort de portage," and to join him by the east
side of the river, while he despatched an officer with orders to
the commandants at Presqu'ile and Machault, to come to
Niagara with all possible despatch, bringing what force they
could gather of French and Indians. Chabert found his way
to Niagara, first burning his fort as untenable. Having taken
these precautions, Pouchot resolutely prepared for the defence
of the place. On the afternoon of the 8th an officer appeared
with a white flag ; a captain of the Royal xA.mericans. Blind-
folded, he was led through the brush wood, and brought to
Pouchot, to whom he gave a letter from Prideaux, to the effi^ct
that the king had appointed him go\'ernor of fort Niagara,
and he was present to cause its surrender, if necessary, by
force. Pouchot replied he did not understand English, and
had no reply to make. However, he invited the officer to
breakfast, when he said that he felt himself in a condition to
defend the fortress, which he hoped Mr. Prideaux would never
enter ; and before making terms with him, at least he would
seek an opportunity of gaining his esteem.
Prideaux proceeded to invest the place; on the nth a
battery was completed but the fire was without effect : the
works had been commenced in the wrong spot. At this
time many of the engineer officers of the army are represented
as being ignorant and incompetent ; there were, doubtless,
exceptions to whom this censure did not apply. Often,
however, their work was worse than useless, for it was mis-
leading, and imposed on the troops much unnecessary severe
labour. A curious scene took place in the fort on the 12th,
between some Iroquois allies of the French and those on
the English side, when each party endeavoured to persuade
the other to abandon the cause it had embraced. A French
Indian had first visited the British camp, where he had
been received by a chief in Johnson's presence, who looked
324 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
upon the event in the light of a jest. Pouchot was present
at the interview in the fort. As might have been looked for,
the meeting was without result ; it had been acceded to on both
sides to conciliate the Indians. All that followed was that
Pouchot gave each of his visitors a loaf, as in the British camp
they had only cakes cooked in a pan.
The British continued to advance their lines, but the bombs
did little damage, and they themselves somewhat suffered
from the fire of the besieged. On the 15th and i6th a new
position was chosen, and the British commenced to fire
musketry from their trenches. The ground had been selected
with the design of the battery enfilading the covered way, and
so obtain protection against sorties. Shells were now thrown
into the fort with more effect. It rained heavily on the i6th,
and the following day was foggy. The British were, therefore,
enabled to push forward a battery within 780 yards of the
bastion angle, the fire of which was troublesome to the
defenders. On the following day the works were advanced
nearly two hundred feet, and a heavy fire directed against
the fort from cannon, mortars and howitzers.
An unfortunate accident happened on the 20th. A shell
burst on leaving the gun, a piece of which struck brigadier
Prideaux, causing instant death. Johnson consequently
assumed the command and energetically urged on the works ;
by the 23rd an eight-gun battery was opened within 150 yards
of the place.
Pouchot received a reply to his letter to the Ohio forts,
written by him to summon those garrisons to his assistance, in
which he was asked which was the best course to be taken to
relieve him. He had replied that the enemy was divided ; a
detachment was guarding the canoes, and the rest of the force
was on the side of the little marsh ; if de Ligneris thought
himself capable of successfully attacking the British in one of
these positions, he should make the attempt, for should he
defeat them, it would be the means of raising the siege. The
reinforcements accordingly started for Niagara. In addition to
the Ohio garrisons, they included several traders and Indians,
1759] DEFEAT OF THE FRENCH. 325
gathered from Detroit and the Illinois, nunnbering twelve
hundred men. The material was good as far as courage was
considered ; but it was an irregular force without discipline,
except on the side of the men sent from the garrisons. The
trader's wild and reckless life taught him to be daring, and he
had learned every stratagem which an Indian might practise ;
generally he was without that steady, sustained courage, so
necessary in an emergency.
Johnson's scouts gave him notice of the approach of this
reinforcement, and he determined to intercept it on its march.
He posted himself below the falls, and on the evening of the
23rd he advanced some light infantry pickets to intercept any
force descending the road. During the night he marched
some grenadiers and a part of the 46th to sustain the attack.
The French column reached the ground about half-past nine
in the morning. They were met in front by a strong body of
the British and Indians. As an attempt was made to force a
way through this column, an attack was made upon the flank.
It proved disastrous to the French : in an hour, after great
loss, they were completely routed. Many prisoners were
taken, among them nine officers, including Aubry, de Ligneris,
Marin, de Montigny, and de Repentigny.
The troops, scattered and broken, hurried from the field to
the fort above the falls, where Rochcblave, a trader, had been
left with one hundred and fifty men in charge of the canoes
and bateaux. Many made their way to fort Presqu'ile, where
they were joined by the few troops of that place and of fort
Machault, who had not taken part in the expedition. De
Bellaitre, who from illness had been unable to be present, now
assumed command. The loss in the action of those belonging
to the garrisons of these places had been two hundred and
fifty, mostly of the marine force. A great many of the traders
from Illinois had likewise been killed, or taken. What
remained, of those who had constituted the expedition,
ascended lake Erie, and made their way as rapidly as possible
to Detroit.
While the fight was going on west of the fort, a French ser-
326 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
geant, observing that the British trenches were quiet, imagined
that they were so far abandoned as to be unguarded, and asked
leave to make a sortie and take possession of them. Pouchot,
without attaching faith to the proposition, in order not to
depress the spirit of the men, granted the request, but placed
the force under the command of de Villars, with strict injunc-
tions to keep it under control The first indication of such a
movement disclosed the fact, that the trenches were manned
as usual; indeed, an unusually strong force was under arms, to
act as occasion would suggest.
The following day Johnson again sent a summons to sur-
render. The bearer of the letter was major Hervey, a son of
lord- Bristol. Johnson asked that his personal statement
might be accepted. Hervey related the defeat of the detach-
ment, and gave the names of the prisoners. In reply Pouchot
sent captain de Ccrvies, of the Royal Rousillon, to the British
camp. The messenger there saw the too painful evidence of
the truth, and so reported to Pouchot. The intelligence had
a most depressing influence on the garrison. The officers had
the greatest difficulty in restraining many of the troops from
abandoning the place ; there were many Germans in the
colonial corps, lately sent over from France, who were
exceedingly mutinous.
A council of war was held, and it was resolved to capitulate.
Major Hervey, who remained in the fort during the absence
of M. de Cervies, was called in by Pouchot, and the offer of
capitulation was made : the garrison to march out with the
honours of war, and to be sent to Montreal. Johnson, how-
ever, refused this condition.
The terms which he granted were : (i) That the garrison
should march out with the honours of war to embark in boats
to proceed to New York ; (2) abandoning their arms, but
retaining their baggage ; (3) the officers to retain their arms ;
(4) the women, children, and chaplain to be sent to the first
French fort, so they may proceed to Montreal, except in the
case of British subjects ; (5) the sick and wounded to remain
until they could support the journey ; (6) neither officer nor
1759] TERMS OF CAPITULATION. 327
soldier to be subject to any act of reprisal ; (7) an inventory
to be made of munitions of war and artillery, ships and boats,
and the men not to be separated from their officers ; (9) the
garrison to be protected by an escort against Indians ;* (10)
the employees to have the fate of the garrison; (11) the
Indians not to be ill-treated.
The last clause was accompanied by the recommendation
that the Indians would leave secretly.
The loss of the French during the siege was forty regulars,
forty-three of the marine service, twenty-six militia ; total,
one hundred and nine killed and wounded : there were thirty-
seven sick. The number of prisoners of all ranks, marched
from Niagara to New York was six hundred and seven. This
number included those that were taken at the action of the
24th of July. Forty-three cannon were ceded to the victors,
from 2 to 14-prs., nineteen of which were 12-prs., with a
quantity of round shot, hand grenades, intrenching tools,
15,000 lbs. of powder, 40,000 lbs. lead balls and shot, 2 cwt.
matches, 43 shells, 56 muskets and 50 bbls. powder.
On the death of Prideaux, Johnson, on the assumption that
he was in full command, wrote to Haldimand, calling on him
to proceed to Niagara. Haldimand immediately appealed
to Amherst, expressing himself astonished that Johnson
* The 9th clause calls for special attention. The following is the full text :
"La garnison sera condiulte (sic) avec un escorte jusqu'a I'endroit destine pour son
sejour. M. le General recommendra expressenient a TEscorte d'empecher que les
sauvages n'approchent et n'iiisultent tout ce qui compose le garnison et ne la
pillent ; lors qu'elle quittera ses annes et s'embarquera elle aura le meme soin le
long de la route partout, ou il pourra servi contre des Sauvages." The addition to
clause II, that the Indians should have liberty to go where they pleased is worjthy
preservation, " Accorde mais il est a propos qu'ils tachent a le faire en cachette."
It is plain that the garrison bore in mind the treatment received by the British
garrison at William Henry. The fact can be read in the stipulation, that the
escort should not allow the Indians to injure the French troops on the whole
length of the route or wherever they might be. This convention was i-trictly
carried out. Some criticism was afterwarils made on the observance of this clause
by Montcalm, who wrote that nolwiilistanding the great care of the Englisli ofticers
the Indians had pillaged the equipages at Niagara, to which Amherst replied that
he thouglit the reports were without ground. Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I.,
91.2, pp. 271-279, October, 1759.
328 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^759
should have arrogated to himself this position ; for when
Haldimand had been sent in the spring to the Mohawk,
Johnson was only looked upon as the head of the militia.
Haldimand, on the contrary, had been regarded as second in
command, and had remained at Oswego at Amherst's express
desire. Haldimand had, therefore, determined to proceed to
Niagara and assert his rank, but, sooner than make difficulty,
he would serve under Johnson. Amherst immediately replied,
complimenting Haldimand on his determination to act in this
spirit. Amherst heard of Prideaux's death on the 29th of
July, when at Carillon ; he immediately despatched Gage to
take command, thus removing all complications. Gage was
instructed, as soon as he could possibly do so, to take post at
La Galette.
While fort Niagara was garrisoned by the British, the two
upper forts were either destroyed or permitted to fall into
ruins. Fort Schlosser * was subsequently re-established, and
was held by a small party in 176 1.
The loss of Niagara was the destruction of French power
on lake Ontario. There alone remained to them, in the
west, Detroit, the Illinois, with the unimportant posts on lake
Michigan. The Ohio was as completely free from French
influence as when Celoron de Bienville, in 1749, entered on its
first exploration and warned off the English traders from its .
banks. In 1753 possession had been taken of the upper
waters by Legardeur de St. Pierre, and in 1754 fort Duquesne
was built. In 1758 Forbes regained fort Duquesne, for its
name to be no longer heard. French occupation of the Ohio
lasted scarcely six years, when it was forever swept away, and
the country left open to the colonist of Pennsylvania and
Virginia. The French had no longer a resting-place on the
shores of lake Ontario or lake Erie ; their only safe mode of
reaching Detroit was by proceeding up the Ottawa and by
* So named after a German officer of the Royal Americans, John Joseph
Schlosser. He had obtained a commission in 1756, and was present as a lieutenant
in Abercrombie's repulse from Ticonderoga of the 8th of July, where he was
wounded. lie was also at the siege of Niagara.
,759] FORT ROUiLLfi. 329
descending lake Huron. Fort Rouille, at Toronto, when the
capture of Niagara became known, had been destroyed. Its
shattered walls and charred beams were the only mementoes
of French rule on the lake ; and that this spot was not
occupied by the British race, was from the fact alone that
it was no longer of importance.
330 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
CHAPTER II.
It was now incumbent upon Amherst to complete the
organization he was himself to lead, in order to advance by
lake Champlain and attack Ticonderoga and Crown Point.
In one respect he found himself greatly embarrassed ; he was
without money and the credit of the imperial treasury had
already lost much of its prestige. From the inability to make
the payment incident to every-day life, public confidence had
become greatly impaired. In this emergency Amherst applied
to the legislatures of New York and Pennsylvania for some
assistance. He asked for a loan of ;^i 50,000 currency from
the former, from the latter ;^5o,ooo, " to enable His Majesty's
general to pay debts contracted " and to carry on the public
service.* Amherst wrote to de Lancey, then governor of New
York, on the 14th of June, on the subject, and the house was
specially called to consider the request. On the 26th the
governor sent his message, stating the necessities of the case^
the loan to be issued on bills of the province, redeemable in
twelve months after date, by money obtained on bills of
exchange on the imperial government. The amount was voted
on the 28th of June ; the province to be kept harmless and
to be indemnified from all costs, charges and damages.
Amherst thanked the assembly very cordially for their loyalty
to the crown and zeal for his service.
* The York shilling was the English sixpence, accordingly there were ten
shillings sterling to the pound, New York. On the other h.nnd, four shillings
were called a dollar, consequently there were two and a half dollars to the pound.
New York. Thus the ^150,000 currency was equal to $375,000, New York. The
;/^50,ooo, Pennsylvania, appears to have been sterling money. There was the
difficulty in Pennsylvania that the governor hesitated to act, as it was contrary to
his instructions from the propriety to strike paper money. Both Amherst and
Stanwix personally appealed to him, and undertook to represent the difliculties in
which the military authorities were placed, as a reason for his proceeding without
reference to the home authorities. Under these circumstances, Denny consented
to disregard the restrictions imposed upon him.
1759] AMHERST'S ADVANCE. 33 1
Stanwix wrote to Amherst on the 20th of June "Our credit
is so bad here from the people not being paid, that I have been,
and am obh"ged to deposit money in the hands of a creditable
person, to pay carriages before they set out." *
On the 20th of June Amherst's force left fort Edward.
Posts were established between that fort and fort George,-f- at
Half-way brook. Two months' provisions were taken for the
expedition. The provincial troops arrived slowly and it was
not until the 20th of July that the column was ready to go
forward. The artillery was embarked during the night and
orders were given for the tents to be struck at two o'clock. On
the 2 1 St they entered the boats at day-break and started at
nine. The army was formed into four columns, the boats in
each column rowing, two side by side. Gage's light infantry
covered the columns in front, the boats being abreast, while
Whiting's provincials were in the rear. There was no obstruc-
tion to the advance, indeed the magnitude of the force made
opposition impossible. In all ranks it amounted to 11,376.:^
• Can. Arch., Series A. &; W. I., 91. i, p. 75.
t The new fort built by Amherst on the site of the old structure, William
Henry.
X According to the return given [Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 90, p. 282],
the strengtli of Amherst's force was as follows : —
1st Battalion Royal Americans 974
17th " late Forbes 734
27th Inniskiiiings 744
42nd Royal Highlanders I>023
53rd Prideaux 728
62nd Montgomery's 960
Gage's Light Infantry 534
Rangers 724
Artillery 116
X, • ■, ^'537
Provincials.
Massachusetts 1,202
New Jersey 991
Lyman, Connecticut 661
Whiting, " 736
Fitch, " 636
Babcock, " 613
4,839
Total ",376
332 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
At daybreak on the 22nd the first landing was made on the
east side, within three miles of the enemy's post, and the
troops advanced directly to the saw mills. The whole of the
force was landed three hours later in good order, and as each
regiment disembarked it drew up on the beach, and marched
to the same spot. As the rangers crossed the bridge, they
were met by a party of French and Indians ; the latter, how-
ever, were soon dispersed, a few prisoners were taken, and
some Indians killed, whom the rangers scalped. The party
advanced, and took possession of the higher ground, on which
they commenced to intrench themselves. It was a hill which
commanded the fort, and was held by the Massachusetts
troops. From the information received from the prisoners, it
was known that the French only heard of the British advance
at eight o'clock in the morning, and that the report was dis-
believed. The road to the intrenchment was found encum-
bered with trees, which were removed, and two 12-prs. and
two 6-prs. were brought up to the saw mills. A party shewed
themselves on the height, fired, and rapidly retired. News
was brought that men were actively engaged in loading the
bateaux and sloops which were on lake Champlain. On the
morning of the 23rd the troops began their march towards the
intrenchment, when the scouts reported that the enemy had
abandoned their lines, only a few sentries appearing, and that
some buildings in the neighbourhood of the fort had been set
on fire, and were then burning: the fact that men were busy
loading bateaux was corroborated.
As the British came upon the intrenchment, the scene of
Abercrombie's repulse, it was found to be abandoned, so the
troops marched onwards towards the fort. They were here
received with the discharge of cannon. As the regiments
took up their ground, they formed banquettes for protection,
the enemy firing continuously and throwing shells among
them. That night the British troops lay on their arms; on the
following morning they commenced the construction of the
approaches. The men were, however, very fatigued, and on
that day little work was done. During the night some of the
1759] FORT CARILLON ABANDONED. 333
French Indians fired upon the advance posts. Contrary to
orders, the h'ght infantry discharged their muskets. The
instructions had been given to receive any attack with the
bayonet, and a needless alarm was given. An officer of the
17th was killed and some men were wounded. By the 25th
the fascines had been made, and six 24-prs. and some 12-prs.
moved to the front. Two batteries were erected ; one on the
right, 400 yards from the fort, and that of the left 450 yards,
with two mortar batteries. The flat bottomed boats and the
whale boats were carried across \.\iQ portage to lake Champlain
with a force to prevent the retreat of the enemy. Towards
the evening of this day colonel Townshend, the quartermaster-
general, was killed by a cannon shot ; some it.\v men fell, and
several were wounded. As night came on the firing ceased ; on
the 26th it was resumed with activity. Rogers was instructed
with a party to descend to lake Champlain, and cut the boom
placed across the narrow waters to the opposite shore. The
French Indians continued their system of war in watching for
small parties off their guard ; they attacked a few men of
Wooster's Connecticut regiment, killed and scalped them ; and
a party of waggoners crossing lake George, running negli-
gently in shore without keeping watch, was seized and every
man scalped. On lake Champlain the enemy's boats were
extremely active, and before dark the French troops in the
fort were observed getting under arms. A portion of them
appeared on the glacis as if contemplating a sortie. They
ceased firing, and some doubt was experienced as to what
would take place, when three deserters came into the camp.
They informed Amherst that the garrison was embarking to
abandon the fort, and were leaving a match in the powder
magazine, the fuse of which would be lighted when the last
man had left, so that the walls could be blown up. Amherst
offered a hundred guineas to any one of these three men who
would return and point out where the fuse was, but they
declined the offer; indeed, they stated they did not know where
it was laid ; it had been placed after they came out, and there
334 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^7S9
was so much powder in the magazine that they did not con-
sider the British were even safe in their encampment.
At eleven o'clock a loud explosion was heard, and the whole
fort burst into a flame of fire. The French colours were seen
in the blaze flying in the wind. To secure possession of them
a dashing young sergeant with four men of Gage's light
infantry undertook the perilous duty of rushing forward to
capture them, amid the fire and smoke and the half-ruined
walls. On the left of the British line a party of twenty men
under a cadet was captured. Their account of themselves
was, that they had been absent on particular duty, and that
they must have been forgotten, for they knew nothing of the
abandonment of the fort. The British learned from them,
that two battalions of Berri with a detachment of the marine
troops and the militia had been camped on the French line
under de Bourlamaque the day the British landed, but they
had at once retreated, leaving 400 men in the fort under
Hebecourt. No news of Quebec could be obtained. On
the 27th the fort continued to burn, when all the camp kettles
were put into requisition and the entire force employed in
•extinguishing the flames. It was found that the two sides
near the water were demolished ; the other portion remained
■entire, the fire only having reached the upper timbers.
Rogers was successful in taking two bateaux loaded with
powder, and had towed them ashore.
Amherst encamped within the lines, and remained at
Ticonderoga to fish up the sunken boats, and to take steps for
the construction of vessels to contend against the French
armed sloops on lake Champlain. Ticonderoga was the
place where the work must be performed, for there was the
sawmill, and timber could be obtained there. He also
prepared to rebuild the batteries and trenches and to restore
the shattered fort. On the evening of the 2Sth the fire was
totally extinguished.
These matters systematically commenced, Amherst sent
on five hundred men to Crown Point. On the 29th he heard
of the death of Prideaux and of the unpleasant relations
1759] CROWN roiNT. 335
between Johnson and Haldimand. He accordingly sent
Gage to take command.
The French force at Crown Point could be clearly seen
from Rattlesnake mountain. Two armed sloops and a
schooner still remained there. The operations were tempo-
rarily discontinued, for the rain fell so heavily on the 30th
that the bateaux could not be forced over the portage.
The damage which the fort had received was now made
known. There was only a part of the walls injured, and all
the work of importance required was the restoration of one
bastion and a part of the curtain. The glacis and covered
way were still good, the casemates uninjured. Eleven excel-
lent ovens remained standing in good condition, and they
proved of the greatest use to the conquerors, for bread could
be baked.
On the ist of August the scouting party returned to report
that Crown Point had been abandoned and destroyed.
Another party brought in a prisoner in French uniform ; the
unhappy man was recognized as a deserter, one too who had
lately been pardoned : he was immediately hanged. On the
evening of the 4th of August news arrived of the capitulation
of Niagara. It was the day that the detachment left to take
possession of Crown Point, where it arrived at two in the morn-
ing. Amherst followed and colonel Eyre was sent to trace
out the lines of a fort, for the injury to the fortifications was
very great. Amherst himself proceeded with his organization
to continue the ascent of lake Champlain, and to force his way
forward to Montreal.
Amherst, hearing of the capitulation, again urged Gage to
descend the Saint Lawrence. Not only was he to take
possession of La Galette, but to proceed as near to Montreal*
as possible. P'rom the Cedars he was to send across to Saint
John's and Chambly to communicate with Amherst, at which
place he then hoped to be.
Considering that Champlain was now a British lake, Amherst
commenced a road from opposite Crown Point to the
• 1st of August, 1759. Can. Aich., A, ^: W, I., 91. i, p. 141.
336 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
Connecticut river. The road ran in an easterly direction,
inclining to the south ; it was directed to a place then known
as No. 4, now called Charlstown.* A direct communication
with the lake would thus be opened with Massachusetts and
New Hampshire. Two hundred rangers were set to work on
the road.
Looking upon Crown Point as the best possible position on
lake Champlain for a fort, /\mherst commenced its restoration.
Four hundred men were set to work on the ground, and three
hundred were engaged in preparing timber in the woods.
The work was much impeded by rain. He also directed an
exploration of Otter creek, which discharges into the east
of lake Champlain. Three thousand men were set at work on
the fort. Amherst, from the want of rigged vessels, hesitated
to ascend the lake with sixty-four bateaux and whale-boats.
De Bourlamaque was strongly intrenched at ile aux Xoix, and
four vessels were constantly cruising about, one of which,
" la Vigilette," manned by sailors, had ten guns. Amherst
felt the necessity of constructing vessels to cope with this
force. At one time he entertained the design of burning the
French vessels ; he even obtained the names of the best
•swimmers in the force. Some boats were despatched to carry
out the enterprise, but they found the French on their guard
against surprise.
The events, which had taken place on lake Champlain, had
entirely changed the conditions under which the fort at the
head of lake George had been commenced. The abandon-
ment of Ticonderoga and Crown Point by the French was
regarded as having permanently advanced the British frontier;
it was on this theory that a new line of road had been opened
to New England. During the summer one portion of the fort
having been completed, in itself forming a certain defence, the
work was stopped, and the men ordered to Crown Point, to
assist in pushing on the fortifications at that place.
Amherst wrote to Wolfe from Crown Point in August. The
bearer of his communication was captain Ouinton Kennedy,
* So spelt in Saulhier's map of 1779.
1759] THE ABENAKIS. 337
of the 17th, who at the same time received special instruc-
tions to enter into friendly relations with the Abenaki Indians
at Saint Frahcis. Amherst wrote in the paper, with which
Kennedy was charged, that he was on his way to conquer
Canada, and promised that if the Abenakis remained neutral,
he would give them his protection. The answer to this
mission was to make the bearer a prisoner, and to carry him
and those who accompanied him to Quebec. They consisted
of captain Kennedy, lieutenant Hamilton, captain Jacobs, and
four Indians. It was from Montcalm, on the 9th of Septem-
ber, that Amherst heard that his messenger had been taken,
Montcalm adding that he would send them back with the
exchanged prisoners, but by the laws of war he would be
justified in not surrendering them. Amherst simply replied
that he expected them to be returned. There had always
been much bitterness of feeling against the Abenakis. It
was they who had been the most active in the attacks when
no mercy was shewn. The Indians of the sault and the moun-
tain,, to some extent, recognized the claim of kindred with
the tribes on the Mohawk, and they could not always be
relied upon, in the attacks of isolated spots of settlement. The
Abenakis had never hesitated in wreaking the vengeance they
had been sent to execute. They had ever been the most
remorseless allies of the French; their past history was written
in blood ; their names appear in prominence in the expedi-
tions, the whole intent of which was to destroy, or to carry
away as prisoners those they surprised, in order to make
settlement impossible, from the dread of being killed or forced
into servitude. They were nominally christians, ministered
to by Jesuit priests, many of whom had been present on the
commission of their enormities.
The treatment of Amherst's messenger led him to form the
determination to inflict summary chastisement on the settle-
ment of Saint Francis. The duty was entrusted to Rogers,
with a party of two hundred and twenty picked men, including
several volunteers from the regulars.
In order to prevent the news being carried by spies during
X
338 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
the organization of the expedition, Rogers was described in
orders as proceeding in a totally different direction.
Amherst's orders were emphatic. " Take }'t)ur revenge ;
but don't forget that tho' those villains have dastardly and
promiscuously murdered the women and children of all ages,
it is my orders that no women or children are killed or hurt." *
Rogers started on the evening of the 13th of September, in
whale boats. He had to advance up the lake with great
caution, for de Bourlamaque's armed schooners shewed great
activity, and were constantly cruising to intercept any boats or
canoes. On the 5th of March, captain Williams, of the Royal
regiment, with several men of the detachment, were injured by
an explosion of gunpowder. With others who had fallen sick,
the whole, to the number of forty, were sent back to Crown
Point. Williams returned with reluctance.
On the loth day Rogers reached Missisquoi bay, between
ninety and one hundred miles north of Crown Point; he there
concealed his boats. Rogers left behind him two Indians, on
whom he could rely, to watch the craft, and to remain on the
spot until he came back : or, in case the boats were discovered
by the enemy, to follow on his track and give him information
of the fact.
Rogers had not proceeded far towards the Saint Francis on
the route he had selected when he was joined by the Indians,
who informed him that his boats had been burned. The news
much affected him. His hope of retreat was cut off and there
was the loss of the provisions, taken with the boats, likewise a
misadventure. He felt, moreover, the certitude of his being
pursued. Even if, in an encounter, Rogers got the better, the
enemy could be reinforced, while his own force would be cut
off from all assistance. He resolved, accordingly, to strike
directly for the Saint Francis and to anticipate his pursuers.
It was a march of eighty or ninet}- miles, through a rough,
unbroken country. • He sent off lieutenant McMullcn, to make
his way, as best he could, to Crown Point, to report to Amherst
* Rogers' Journal, p. 145.
I759J ROGERS' ATTACK. 339
the facts as they were, and to ask that provisions should be
sent to the mouth of the Amonoosuc, a tributary of the
Connecticut, some ninety miles above No. 4, the modern
Charletown, the last settlement on the river. McMullen and
his party reached Crown Point on the 3rd of October, and
on the following day a party under lieutenant Stephen was
despatched with the supplies required. It was not difficult to
forward the provisions to this spot, for Amherst had caused a
road to be cut, both from Ticondcroga and Crown Point, to
No. 4. The two roads joined within twenty miles of Crown
Point, whence it was continued to No. 4, a distance of between
thirty and thirty-five miles. For nine days Rogers passed
through marshy ground, the water most of the way being a foot
deep. At night they built up their camps upon thick layers of
hemlock boughs : they started before daylight and continued
on their way long after dark. The tenth day they reached the
river Saint Francis, about fifteen miles above the Indian town.
The current was swift, the water five feet deep, fordable with
caution and care. To experienced woodsmen, in one sense, it
was an easy problem ; the men linked arms, and, sustained
by a staff in the hand, the other side was reached. After
cautiously proceeding some distance, Rogers climbed a tree
and discovered that he was within three miles of the doomed
village. Accompanied by two of his officers, Turner and
Avery, he proceeded to reconnoitre the place he was presently
to surprise. He approached sufficiently near to see that the
inhabitants were engaged in an orgie, dancing and yelling. It
was on the 5th of October, the twenty-second day of his
leaving Crown Point, that Rogers' band advanced upon the
town. There were now but one hundred and forty-two men,
officers included. He disposed his force to prevent escape on
the right, left and centre. All were asleep. It was just the
break of dawn ; a rush was made upon the wigwams. Those
who appeared were shot down, those asleep in their beds were
killed ; upwards of two hundred were slaughtered ; some few
endeavoured to escape, and managed to start in their canoes,
340 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
but they were pursued by forty men of the party, and all were
shot or drowned. " About seven the affair was over." *
Twenty women and prisoners were taken ; fifteen, however,
of them were immediately released. Rogers brought away
two Indian boys and three girls. He set fire to all the houses
except three, in which there was corn, which Rogers took for
his own use. The church was plundered and burned. Rogers
formed the opinion, that several who were in hiding in the
village were burned, including the priest.f
Rogers' loss was one Stockbridge Indian killed,' captain
Ogden badly, and six men slightly, wounded. Five English
captives were released by him. Six hundred scalps brought
from New England were hanging as trophies from every door
post, as a memento of the past and an encouragement to
future triumphs in la petite guerre. Rogers says of the
Abenakis, that to his own knowledge, within six years they
had killed and carried into captivity from New England four
hundred persons. In recording his success, Rogers adds that
had not the boats been discovered, he would have got back
without the loss of a man. The corn which was found was
distributed among the men of the detachment for their sub-
sistence; the party had become short of food, and it was all the
supplies that they could obtain. From his prisoners Rogers
heard that four hundred French were about four miles down
the river below him, and that a party of two hundred French
and fifteen Indians had gone up the river Wigwam Martina.
A council of war was called, and it was determined to proceed
homewards by No. 4 on the Connecticut. The detachment
kept together for eight days, until near Ampara Magog :^ lake,
when it was divided into small companies, with guides given
to each, to assemble at the mouth of the Amonoosuc. It was
thought that by these means they could better sustain them-
selves by hunting. Ensign Avery followed on the path of
* It is Rogers' expression, and it is repeated by Amherst.
t Rogers does not so state in his publislied volume: it is the report of Amherst
to Pitt, evidently on the statement of Rogers. It is plain more letters were
written th.in Rogers subsccpiently published.
X So written by Rogers ; evidently lake Memphremagog.
1759] FAILURE IN OBTAINING WOOD. « 341
Rogers ; a party of the enemy came upon them, and took
seven of them prisoners ; two escaped and joined Rogers ;
finally Avery himself appeared. The other parties eventually
arrived safely, except with one unfortunate exception, that of
Dunbar and Turner. It consisted of twenty in all. None of
them reappeared, so they must have been killed and taken.
We know from a contemporary writer that ten prisoners were
brought to the Indian village, where they were burned and
tortured ; and this in the year that Quebec was taken. *
Amherst had immediately acted upon the request of Rogers
in sending the supplies he asked for. The conduct of lieu-
tenant Stephen, despatched to fulfil this duty, was so infamous
as to be scarcely credible. He reached the place indicated,
and after remaining there forty-eight hours and no one
appearing, he took upon himself to come away, and bring
back the provisions. The fellow was cashiered. It is rarely
so disgraceful an act has to be recorded. As the first parties
of Rogers approached, they saw the fires burning ; as they
came to where the encampment had been, it was found to be
deserted. The horror of the situation can be conceived. The
men had undergone the greatest labour to reach this spot.
They were worn out with fatigue, and for days had had scarcely
sufficient food to keep life together. There was little game
to be found in the place, and scarcely anything eatable to be
obtained but some roots, and these only few in number.
Finding the fires burning, Rogers fired guns to bring Stephen
back. These guns Stephen heard, and believing that it was
the enemy approaching, would not return. Rogers, with
Ogden and one of the Indian boys, made a raft with grpat
labour and descended the Connecticut in search of assistance.
The second day they reached White river falls, over which
the raft was nearly carried ; they all managed, however, to
land. Being too weak to cut down trees, they burned them
" et en emmenerent 10 pii.soniers a leur village ou quelques uns malgre las
efforts que les Canadians pureiit faire pour les sauver devinient les victimes de la
fureur des femmes sauvages." Evenements de la guerre, etc., p. 72. Hist. Soc.
Quebec.
342 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
down, and by fire reduced the sticks to the proper length for
the construction of a raft. This work occupied them until the
third da.yi They followed down the stream to Wattock-
quilchcy falls. A withe was made of hazel bushes ; Ogden
held it while the raft went down the falls, which extended
over fifty feet. When in quiet water below, Rogers swam in
and paddled the raft to land : had he failed, death was the
only alternative. The next morning they floated down the
stream, and meeting some men cutting wood, provisions were
obtained. In two days relief reached the spot where the
starving men had remained ; ten days after Rogers had
started to descend the stream.
Rogers subsequently reascended with other canoes and
provisions, to bring back as many of his party as he could
assemble. It would appear that some died of exhaustion, but
no details are given. Rogers records his loss in the expedi-
tion as three officers and forty-six sergeants and privates.
That is to say, but little short of one-third of the force with
which he made the attack on the 5th of October.
On arriving at No. 4, Rogers despatched captain Ogden, of
Schuyler's regiment, to Amherst. He arrived on the 7th of
November. In the afternoon an Indian came in, stating that
he had left sixteen of Rogers' party at Otter creek. Amherst
immediately despatched an officer's party to their help. He
returned with ten rangers and a German woman, who had
been taken at the German flats, " loaded with wampum and
trinkets." Amherst unmistakably expressed his satisfaction
that " this nest of barbarians was now at an end." Rogers
and the men with him proceeded by the road from No. 4 to
Crown Point.*
As Gage considered the responsibilities of descending the
• There is a narrative of Rogers lying in ambush for his pursuers at a height
commanding the river wliere the town of Sheibrooke stands, in which his party is
represented as deHberately firing on the advancing Indian canoes, killing nearly
every man, and that an accompanying land party, on hearing the tiring, coming
to their tribe's assistance, meet the same fate. The affair is not mentioned by
Rogers himself in the full detail given by iiim of this event, nor is it alluded to in
contemporary documents.
1759] DELAYS IN THE CAMPAIGN. 343
Saint Lawrence to La Galette, in accordance with his instruc-
tions, he became impressed with the difficulties he had to
overcome. He wrote to this effect to Amherst. Gage's after
career does not suggest his fitness for a position which required
capacity, readiness of resource, and moral courage. In the
second rank of men he holds a respectable reputation ; he had
courage, personal honour, and ability to act in ordinary occa-
sions. Doubtless, the expedition would have exacted much
exertion and forethought, and it is a question for argument if
it really was practicable. Gage formed the contrary view,
and so represented the case to Amherst.* Pitt towards the
end of the year e.xpresscd his disappointment that the attempt
had not been made. His letter to Amherst on the subject is
on the verge of censure of Gage, for he asked further explana-
tions to be sent to him.f
As the autumn was passing away, Amherst ceased to enter-
tain any hope of continuing his advance up lake Champlain.
The construction of vessels he was building went on too
slowly for his impatience ; the saw-mill at Ticonderoga was
constantly breaking down, and from time to time there was a
deficiency of material. It became plain to him that the
campaign could not be concluded before winter, and he had
to accept the unpleasant conviction that it must be prolonged
* nth September, 1S69. [Can. Arch., A. iS; \V. I., 92.2, p. 557.] Gage
wrote that to undertake the expedition he required three times the number of men
he had available, and that he could not furnish La Galette with artillery and pro-
visions without leaving Niagara ill-provided. He was himself in fear of running
short of provisions, and thought that he might have to reduce the garrison of
Niagara.
t Pitt to Amherst, nth December, 1759. [N. Y. Doc, VII., p. 41S.] " As
you have not transmitted a copy of Brigadier General Gage's letter to yo:i, of the
nth September, you are desired to send one by the first opportunity. In the
meantime, as to the many difticulties & impossibilities which you mention, in
your letter of the 22nd October, that the Brigadier found there would be in erect-
ing a Post at La Galette before winter, I will only observe that the Brigadier's
resolution to give over the thoughts of that attempt was taken on the nth of
September, a full n)onth before you yourself judged it not too late to attempt it,
with your whole army, a more difhcult and dangerous navigation on the Lake
Champlain, in which attempt you persevered so many days, and did not return
with the Troops to Crown Point till the 21st of October."
344 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
to the following year. The provincials were bound only to
serve until the ist of November ; in this matter he did all
that was possible. He applied to the legislature for an
extension of their enlistment. He collected provisions in
order that, with the completion of the brig, she should be
placed on service. He constructed a raft eighty-four feet by
twenty feet, to carry six 20-prs., so that the ile aux Noix
intrenchments could be vigorously assailed. Towards the end
of September he had news of Wolfe up to the 4th of August,
relating the progress of the siege. Later he was joined by
Hutchins and Stobo, who had left Quebec with news up to
the 7th of September. They were, however, without any
letters from Wolfe. The vessel in which they had sailed came
safely to within thirty miles of Halifax, when they were
attacked by a privateer from Miramichi with four swivels,
which already had taken four other vessels. Their despatches
were accordingly thrown overboard. The two men had been
placed on board a boat, with one day's provisions, and had
made their way to Halifax, and thence to Boston. Amherst
accordingly remained without knowledge of Wolfe's purpose.
By the loth of October the vessels were finished. The
." Duke of Cumberland " was a brigantine of six 6-prs., twelve
4-prs. and twenty swivels, with a crew of 70 seamen and 60
marines. The " Boscawen " was armed with four 6-prs., twelve
4-prs., twenty-two swivels, 60 seamen and 50 marines. The
vessels started, with the troops following in bateaux. During
the night some of the bateaux lost the track, and in the
morning the boats containing the Royal highland regiment
found themselves among the enemy's sloops at les Ucs ajix
quatre vents. The vessels opened fire upon them, and suc-
ceeded in taking one boat containing a lieutenant and twenty
men. Major Reed, the officer in command, with the boats
that escaped, returned to Crown Point. The remaining
bateaux and small craft kept company with the sloops, and, as
bad weather was experienced, they took refuge in a bay. At
daybreak the French schooners came in sight. The two
British vessels gave chase, with the intention of bringing them
1759] APPROACH OF WINTER. 345
to action. They drove the French ships into a bay on the
western shore ; as by this time it was dark, they anchored at
its mouth, and next day sent in boats in search of the enemy.
Two of the French vessels had been sunk in five fathoms of
water and one ran aground ; the crews had escaped. Stormy
weather followed, during which it was not possible for boats
to navigate the lake. The nights turned cold, the lake
partially freezing. A continuance of this weather made it
impossible for any attempt to be made with the force at
Amherst's command ; accordingly on the 21st of October the
troops returned to Crown Point. On the i8th Amherst heard
of the surrender of Quebec through a letter from Whitmore.
Although Amherst was master of lake Champlain and there
was nothing to interfere with his operations, the season was so
far advanced that nothing could be attempted against ile aux
Noix. In winter, however, the French could rebuild their
vessels and the struggle must recommence in spring. As
nothing further could be attempted Amherst prepared to place
the troops in winter quarters. The sick were forwarded to
fort Edward : additional men were detailed to complete the
road to No. 4 ; the Indians attached to the expedition
returned to Albany ; the sloops with the seamen sailed to the
bay to attempt to raise the sunken French sloops, and they
succeeded in bringing them to Crown Point.
The 1st of November arrived, the men had no winter
clothing, so they were served with an additional ration of rum
to meet the emergency. Some of the New Jersey and
Massachusetts troops became "unhinged " and showed their
desire to leave the camp. At the first appearance of this
feeling five pickets of regulars were placed under arms, who, as
Amherst puts it, " soon settled that matter." A large part of
colonel Willard's regiment did desert and return home.
Preparations were now made for the discharge of the troops
not composing the garrisons of Ticonderoga and Crown Point.
The loth of November was the birthday of George II. and a
salute * was fired in honour of the occasion. The men were
* It was the fust occ.isioa that a salute was fired on lake Champlain in honour
34^ THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
regaled with rum and spruce beer, the latter considered a
specific for scurvy.
At this date we first hear of major Skene, who applied for
the tract of land which he obtained, and eighteen years later
exercised so unfortunate an influence on the mind of Bour-
goyne. He was an applicant for the patent of a tract of land
extending from South bay on lake Champlain towards fort
Edward. The desire of obtaining land was indeed now
becoming to be general, and a memorial was sent in by the
colonels of the Massachusetts and Connecticut regiments offer-
ing to settle townships on the east of lake Champlain along
the newly-opened road to Xo. 4 (Charletown).*
The provincial regiments commenced to return homewards.
The Rliode island regiment left by the new road on the 12th
of November. The Connecticut followed on the succeeding
days. The New Jersey troops passed by the way of fort
George. The weather had now become severe ; there was a
hard frost at night, and the first days of winter were present.
Fitch's regiment marched on the 25th. The garrison of
Crown Point was now constituted of the 27th Inniskillens
and two hundred rangers. On the 25th Amherst arrived at
Ticonderoga, when the remaining regiments returned home.
Lyman's and Willard's followed the road to No. 4. Six
companies of late Forbes', the i/th, were established at
Ticonderoga. The garrison of fort George consisted of one
company of the same regiment. Gage was cantoned with
the troops under his command in the neighbourhood of
Albany.
On December the 2nd Amherst arrived at Albany and the
of a British monarch. The last occasion on southern lake Champlain was the 4th
of June, 1774, the birthday of George HI., at Ticonderoga, only fifteen years
later : the fort, with its forty troops, the following .May, having been taken
possession of by that tricky individual, Ethan Allan, with three hundred men.
On northern lake Champlain we have still the happiness of showing our devotion
to British institutions in the honour we pay to the birtlulay of Her .M.ajesty.
* The signers of the memorial were : Tim Rui:gles ; Nathan Whiting ; David
Wooster ; E. Fitch ; Abyah Willard, of Massachusetts bay and colony of Con-
necticut, loth Novr., 1759. [A. & W. I., 92.1, p. 63.]
1759] CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN. 347
troops destined for New York were placed in sloops to descend
the Hudson ; but the wind remained contrary and it was
severely cold. So extreme was the temperature, that a man
of the Royals and a negro were frozen to death, and three
discharged rangers, attempting to descend the river, were
caught in the ice and suffered the same fate. The regiments
were accordingly disembarked and marched down the west
side of the river until open water was found and they could
proceed by schooner. On the 5th of December Amherst
crossed the river from Albany, as he expresses it, to proceed
on foot to New York, leaving Gage in command. He wrote
from New York to Pitt, thanking the king for the favour
shewn him. " I must beg," he writes, " you will put me at the
king's feet with my most humble acknowledgments." *
A few days after Amherst arrived at New York IMonckton,
still suffering from his wound, reached that city.
It is proper to place on record that during the season a road
was opened from Oswego to Stanwix and from Stanwix to
Herkimer. Amherst also took possession of a large tract of
land round the several forts, placing boundary stones to
establish what was to be considered as garrison property,
defining in this respect the rights of the crown.
* This expression may have V)een in vogue in those days, but it is rarely to be
met with. Hitherto Burgoyne has been looked upon as the first to use it.
Amherst, however, precetled him by upwards of seventeen years. It is a transla-
tion of the German phrase, " Ich lege mich zu des Kcenigs Fiissen," doubtless
familiar to Amherst through his service in Germany. This e.xpression is so con-
trary to the genius and character of tlie English language and to the British tone of
thought, that it never obtained admission among our colloquialisms.
348 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^7S9
CHAPTER III.
I have stated in a previous chapter* that in August de L6vis
was sent from Quebec to assume the command at Montreal
an4 direct the defence of lake Champlain and the upper Saint
Lawrence. He arrived on the 14th of i\ugust ; his first care
was given to gather the harvest, then ripe for the sickle.f
This duty carried out, with the chevalier de Longueuil, he
ascended the river to examine its defensible points. At the
Cedars, he observed that the passage of the enemy might be
opposed, by the church being fortified and by batteries advan-
tageously constructed. He examined the Long Sault to the
lie au Chat, coming down on the southern side. On the 19th
he reached ile Galops, where de la Corne was established.
Passing to La Presentation he landed there and at Point au
Baril, and continued his journey to Frontenac. Finding twelve
guns, some bullets and a quantity of iron, which had not been
removed by Bradstreet, he placed the whole in his canoes and
carried them away. He returned down the river, and, on reach-
ing de la Corne's post, he directed him to fortify a small island
nearer to Ogdensburg, in the southern channel. At this day it
is known as Chimney island ; at the period when fortified it
received the name of fort Levis.
De Levis considered that the artillery from this island would
command both sides of the river and would furnish protection
to any shipping below it. Picquet was at La Presentation and
as he was always striving for effect he arranged for de Levis
to be received at a council of Indian women. Nothing of
significance took place ; the proceeding resolved itself into a
matter of compliment to de Levis. There was a leading
female orator, who informed de Levis that they had admitted
* Ante, p. 260.
t Ante, p. 26S.
1759] DE l£vis in command. 349
him to their tribe and had given him the name of a former
great Onondaga chief, Orakouintone, the hanging sun. De
L^vis had his fears that some further obligations would be
entailed upon him, for they brought before him the prettiest
young squaws, the most carefully adorned with vermilion.
An Indian wife was not to de Levis' taste, so thanking them
for the honour they had shewn him, he promised from that
moment to think of them as his brothers and sisters, and in
their honour he gave the name of Orakouintone to the island.
De Levis remained examining the district until the 3rd of
September, recognizing the importance of the position of the
islands as the means of opposing the descent of the river.
The new works were traced out by Desandroins, while Picquet
with great ceremony performed mass, and blessed the new
fort in the presence of his Indians and de la Corne's force.
He had an eye for effect, and he readily availed himself of
any opportunity by which he could gratify his taste.
De Levis arrived at Montreal on the 5th of September.
After making arrangements for the winter supplies to be sent
to de la Corne, he visited ile aux Noix and Chambly. He
was satisfied with the care which had been taken by de Bour-
lamaque, and after an inspection of the fortifications he
returned to Montreal, where he arrived on the nth, to hear
within forty-eight hours of the defeat at Quebec. I have
described de Levis' conduct when these unfortunate circum-
stances first became known to him.* They entirely changed
his position in the colony ; by the death of Montcalm, he was
now in chief command, and he assumed the duties of that
rank. It was necessary to determine the quarters to be
assigned to the troops. The great body of the army was
maintained at Point aux Trembles with an outpost of four
hundred men, placed at the upper bridge of the river at cap
Rouge. De Bougainville remained at Saint Augustin. Four
days later there was a further retreat. The army was posted
at Jacques Cartier, de Bougainville was removed to Point aux
Trembles, and the detachment- from cap Rouge to Saint
* Ante, p. 293.
350 THE IIISTORV OF CANADA. [l759
Augustin. Two regiments were stationed at Dechambeau to
prevent any landing being made there. The difficulty con-
tinued of obtaining provisions. The troops lived on from day
to da)', and it sometimes appeared as if it would be necessary
to disband the force from the want of provisions. No effort
was spared to obtain food. It was likewise deemed essential
to send an account of the situation of the colony to France,
and appeal for help. Le ]Mercier was selected as the bearer
of the despatch. He was to take a passage on one of the
ships of the commissary. Ten of these vessels in company
descended the river, and on the 22nd of November came in
sight of Quebec. There was no naval force to oppose them,
the last of the British fleet had left on the 26th of October,
and the only opposition would be from the guns of the place.
As the wind fell they retired higher up the river. On the
following day some rough weather was experienced, when five
of the ten ships were driven ashore. Captain Miller, of the
" Racehorse," without orders from Murray, manned his boats
with the design of burning these vessels. Finding one of the
vessels aground on the south shore, he went on board, and
passing into the cabin, lighted a fire. Some loose powder
scattered about was ignited, causing the vessel to explode.
Himself, the lieutenant, and forty-four men were killed ; two
only escaped, some sailors left in the " Racehorse " boats
were also made prisoners. A small schooner had been sta-
tioned above Quebec for the purpose of making signals of the
movements of the French. Emboldened by ^liller's disaster,
captain Canon, the officer in command of the French ships,
with his boats attacked and took her. The loss of these sea-
men was much felt by the British, as they included many
ship-carpenters. The affair is recorded by Murray as the
useless sacrifice of life. Five of the French vessels sailed
past the guns of Quebec uninjured, and with one exception,
which ran aground, were able to reach France ; five of those
making the attempt were lost west of the city in the storm,
having been driven ashore. Four vessels, two of which were
1759] PROJECTED WINTER ATTACK. 35 1
frigates, remained in the upper part of -the river and wintered
at Sorel.
De Levis' desire was to place a number of Indians near
Lorette, from whence they would issue on all occasions to
harass the garrison and to prevent the supply of wood being
obtained. The design was impracticable from the want of
food to give them. .His attention was therefore directed to
the possibility of attacking the Quebec garrison during
winter, and he began his preparations, so that the troops would
be ready to take the field when opportunity offered for the
movement. As it would be difficult to defend the province
should a powerful British fleet in spring take possession of
Quebec, his hope lay in the early arrival of a French naval
force capable of driving the British ships from the Saint
Lawrence. Should no such assistance be sent, de Levis con- -
sidered that the defence should be obstinately maintained,
every aid being called into requisition to prolong it. His
hope was to be able to hold the colony under French rule, to
however limited an extent; but if every effort proved unayail-
ing and the French were forced to succumb, he had resolved
to retreat to Louisiana. In these desperate circumstances it
appeared feasible to de Levis to attack the British garrison.
The practicability of such an e.xpedition was discussed during
the winter months in Montreal ; many projects of attack were
anxiously considered, and so much was said upon the subject
that its success was looked upon as certain. There was one
plan which promised the result hoped for, but it was attended
with a risk so great, that it might make the most dauntless
nature hesitate to adopt it. It was possible, under certaip
conditions, to surprise Quebec in the depth of winter by a
forced march, to escalade the walls, to carry the works at the
bayonet point, and obtain a lodgment in the town. It was a
project peculiarly to demand the consideration of the character
of the troops to be attacked. The British garrison was
composed of young men who had been engaged in warfare
for two years, sustained by the recollection of their triumphs
at Louisbourgand at the conquered fortress they were holding.
352 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
The French had learned at Ticonderoga their power of
endurance, and they had seen on that day how little they
could count upon a panic, however unlocked for their own
attack. Moreover, many asked, was it possible to come before
Quebec with a large force unobserved ; and success to a
great extent depended on the surprise being complete. The
position of the town itself added to the uncertainty : for it
could be attacked on one side only, from the plains of
Abraham. The probability is that, had such an attempt been
made, half the assailants would have been killed, and the
remainder would have been beaten off ignominiously.
After mature consideration de Levis resolved to defer any
movement until the opening of the navigation. In the
meantime scaling ladders were prepared and the requirements
of the expedition generally considered, the principal of which
was the collection of provisions. The inhabitants of Montreal,
although suffering from the general distress of the colony, had
not been directly injured by the war, as was the case in the
district of Quebec and to some extent at Three Rivers. They
were applied to, to bring all they could furnish, and de Levis
was enabled to perfect his arrangements. He carefully con-
sidered his plan of organization and took all possible means
to assure a fortunate result.
Everything that happened at Quebec was reported to
Montreal. The troubles and privations which the garrison
suffered, the continued sickness of the troops, and the conse-
quent reduced number for defence, were all well known ; and
there was the predisposition to consider matters worse than
they were. Even in November it was believed that the troops
in Quebec would suffer much during the winter from being
ill-lodged and imperfectly provided with firewood, and much
weight was attached to the sickness which prevailed. De
Levis considered therefore that with a powerful force he could
in a i'ew days master the slender resistance which would be
offered, and he resolved, as soon as the river was sufficiently
* Major Grant's memorandum on his leave on the 15th of November. Can.
Arch., A. & W. I., 92.1, p. 144.
^^^59] M. DE PONTBRIAND. ,5-
free of ice for the boats to descend, the attempt should be
made. Between the loth and ,5th of April the river became
open, and steps were taken to load the vessels with stores and
guns and prepare the two frigates which were to accompany
the exped,t,on The number of troops which de Levis had
gathered together was about -,oco, of this number 3,000 were
Canad,an m.htia. They had, however, been incorporated
w,th the other troops, and formed part of the regular batta-
.ons. It was the strength of the force selected early in April
to consmute the expedition, but it was ant.cipated 'that they
would be jou,ed by a considerable number of the militia of
Three R.vers and of Quebec, who, as the advance became
known, would unmediately attach themselves to de LevTs'
force. Even those who had no arms could act as pioneers
and were capable of rendering great service. Every att m^
was made to awaken the national susceptibilities of the
nat,ve Canadian, one of the most powerful of which was the
devot,on to h,s religious faith, and dread of interference with
native Canadian, one of the mo.st powerful of which w
devotion to h'^ " ' - ■ -
its profession.
The bishop of Quebec at that date was M. de Pontbriand of
an anaent Bretagne family; he had been appointed in ,,4°
A the commencement of July, ,759, when the siege began he
re , red to Charlesbourg. After the defeat of theVre„°ch,' o,
the close of September, he proceeded to Montreal where he
d ed on the 8th of June, ,-60. at the comparatively earlv age
of fifty-one. In the first years of the war he had issued Ws
f d htd'd r; \ f "'" '° ""^ '""" °" every French triumph,
and had directed pubhc prayers to be ofi-ered for the temporal
the A^'T T'" f "'' '"habitants. The expatriation of
the Acadmns furn.shed the occasion of a powerful rehVious
exnortat,on, and he called upon the Canadians to oppose I
amb, ,ous projects of their neighbours. He described any
prom,..es made by the British as in no way to be relied on
soon they would have the grief to see introduced into 2
d,ocese where faith- had always been so pure, the detestable
errors of Luther and Calvin. They were cl.gaged in the
contest, not only to keep possession of their property but to
Y
354 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^759
preserve their vast country from heresy, and the monstrous
iniquity which heres\' at each moment was bringing forth.
Belle Riviere, fort Bull, the defeat of the British at Oswego,
the successes at lake Sacrament, all called forth a Te Denin.
The desolation carried into the provinces of Virginia and
Pennsylvania received special mention, and processions and
prayers for success were ordered from the faithful. Even the
impotent attempt of de Rigaud received praise, as having led
to a change in the vast project of the enemies. The destruc-
tion of fort William Henry was especially lauded and the sub-
sequent massacre by the Indians explained away. The French
nation, M. de Pontbriand declared, held in horror even the
appearance of perfidy, and placed its chief glory in its fidelity
to the simplest promise. One more Te Dcum was to be sung
for the success of Montcalm, of the 8th of July, 1758, at
Ticonderoga, when the enemy was put to flight with the loss
of 4,000 men, " while we did not lose two hundred, and while
thus thanking the God of battles, let us pray for those who are
dead since the commencement of the campaign." *
It was the last song of thanksgiving the churches of Canada
were to chant for victory. From that date the processions
were ordered to sing the penitential psalm of ''Miserere inei
Delist Dens refugiiim w^as to be recited in the mass ; and
when the blessing of the holy sacrament was made, Domme
non secimdinn was to be recitcd.f Special instructions were
addressed to the cures as to their conduct if the enemy should
reach their parishes. They were told that they were not to
* Mandements des Eveques, p. iiS.
t " Miserere mei Deus secundum magiiam misericordiam tuam." Psalm L., I.
" Deus noster refugium et virtus." The first words of a well known orison in
the Roman missal.
"Non secundum peccata facias nobis. Neque secundum iniquitates nostras
retribuas nobis."
The first psalm forms part of the Roman Breviary or canonical office.
The latter versicle, preserved in our church service as " Deal not with us
according to our sins, Neither reward us according to our iniquities," is liturgical.
It is one of the invocations following the Roman litanies of the saints [Litanire
Majores], which are chanted on the fe.ast of Saint Mark, the Rogation days, and
the opening and closing of the "forty hours adoration," &c.
1759] THE bishop's instructions.
355
take part in the contest, to remain unarmed as the almoner
on the field of battle. If the enemy obtained possession of
the locality, the cure might take a conditional oath of fidelity,
and could promise that he would do nothing directly or in-
directly against the conquerors. Religious service could be
conducted by the British force in the church at the hour they
would select, and he could afterwards perform the mass for
his own parishioners. The cun^ should avoid in preaching
and in conversation everything that could irritate the author-
ities, M, de Pontbriand considered even the contingency of a
marriage between an English protestant and a catholic : in
such a case, the cure was to avoid in every possible way taking
part in it. If forced to be present, he should only attend as a
witness, and pronounce no one of the words prescribed by -the
church. He was positively ordered to refuse absolution to
the Roman catholic who was a principal in the ceremony.
On his arrival in Montreal, M. de Tontbriand prescribed the
ceremonies for Montcalm and the dead who had fallen before
Quebec, and on the i;th of April, before the departure of de
Levis on his expedition, pra\-ers were again ordered ; and those
offering them were told, that their piety during the winter
should lead them confidently to trust in the protection of
heaven, for the success of the coming campaign.
356 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^759
CHAPTER IV.
Murray's duties in the command which he assumed at
Quebec, from the first hour, were arduous and exacting. The
strength of the garrison itself had been regulated by the
quantity of supplies, which could be left for its maintenance,
during the winter, until the arrival of the ships in spring. Few
provisions could be obtained in the neighbourhood. The
question resolved itself into the consideration, not of the
number of men required to maintain the place, but the num-
ber which could be fed. Another important circumstance was,
that the men were insufficienth' clothed for the rigours of the
season, and there was no possibility of supplying this want,
from which inevitably they must suffer. A limited quantity
of cord-wood for fuel had only been obtained, and the ac-
commodation for the troops was imperfect and unsatisfactory.
Mgr. de Pontbriand has left a description of the city after the
bombardment.* It was written at Montreal after the surrender,
a few months before his death. One hundred and eighty
houses had been burned, and most of the others had suffered
from the shot. The vaults into which the inhabitants had
placed their property, had been pillaged during the siege.
The cathedral had been entirely burned. The only place of
the seminar}- habitable was the kitchen. This institution had
suffered outside the city by the destruction of its property ;
four farms and three mills of importance had been destroyed
and devastated. The church of the lower town had been
demolished. The chapels of the recollets, the Jesuits, and the
seminary had undergone the same fate. The only spot where
worship could be decently conducted was in the Ursuline
chapel. The three nunneries, the ursulincs, the hospital
nuns and the Hotcl-Dicu, had greatly suffered. The bishop's
* " Description imparfaite de la nii^ere au Canada."
1759] SCARCITY OF FIREWOOD. 357
palace was entirely destroyed. The buildings of the Jesuits
and recoUets received much injury, but they were capable of
being placed in sufficient repair to furnish quarters for the
troops. The priests and the members of the orders for the
most part had left the city ; a great number of the inhabitants
abandoned the place, but a certain portion of them lingered
behind. They were those who had no other homes, and who
preferred to remain under whatever privation they might
endure, to the risk of seeking an uncertain, precarious living
elsewhere. It is to be feared that many of them suffered from
poverty, and the difficulty of supplying their daily wants.
By the end of September, such of the French garrison as
had surrendered prisoners of war were embarked on the trans-
ports for England. An oath of allegiance was tendered to the
militia included in the surrender ; those accepting it, on giving
up their arms, were permitted to leave for their farms. A
guard, however, was placed at the gates, and nothing allowed
to be taken out of the town which could be of use to the
garrison. Men were set to cut cord-wood. The provisions,
ammunition, supplies, and stores, with much labour, were
carried to the upper town and placed in security. All the
sleighs were taken by the garrison, fears having been early
felt on the subject of firewood. By the end of October the
fleet had sailed away, the only two vessels remaining being the
sloops of war " Porcupine " and " Racehorse." Sixty-one
hogsheads of wine had been found in the King's stores, and
they were distributed among the officers of the garrison. The
November cold was becoming trying ; the hospital nuns,
in consequence, applied for wood as they could not obtain it.
In the emergency the neighbouring parishes were ordered to
furnish fifty cords each, for which Murray agreed to pay. At
this early date, IMurray, fearing that he might be attacked, sent
two hundred men to take possession of, and fortify Saint Foy
church. Similarly, he placed a party at Lorette, so no approach
towards the city could be made without discovery. Some
attempts at marauding were commenced and cattle in the
neicihbourhood of the crates were carried off It was difficult to
3S8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
tell whether it was the work of Indians or an irregular force
sent to harass the garrison. Accordingly, Murray published
a manifesto warning the inhabitants against undertaking such
enterprises. He also modified the regulations affecting parties
leaving the town ; they were permitted to take out anything
they desired except provisions, leather, soap and candles,
which were beginning to be scarce. He established likewise a
civil jurisdiction, and colonel Young was appointed chief judge.
The garrison began to relax in discipline ; there was
much drunkenness and theft, joined to desertion. To meet
the latter crime, Amherst offered five guineas to anyone
taking a deserter, or who would furnish information concerning
parties who incited to the crime. Drunkenness became so
prevalent, that ^.lurray withdrew the licenses he had given to
some taverns, and any man made a prisoner in that condition
was ordered to receive twenty lashes every morning until he
gave information where he had obtained the liquor. One
soldier was hanged for theft ; also a Canadian for inciting
soldiers to desert, a soldier being detected in his house having
taken off his uniform. One deserter was reprieved on giving
the information that a priest had induced him to leave his
regiment ; while one Baudoin, a priest, was banished for
taking advantage of his position in the hospital, to attempt
to make converts.
As early as the end of November, Murray heard that it
was the intention of the French about Christmas, to make an
attempt to recover Quebec. He accordingly constructed a
series of block-houses to protect the fortifications. The
extreme rigours of winter did not encourage the belief that a
regular siege would be undertaken ; it was foreseen that if the
attempt were made, it would be in the form of a coup dc main.
In order to prevent the assembly of a large force on the south-
ern shore, Murray detached two hundred men, who established
themselves at Point. Levis ; at the same time he called upon
the inhabitants to take an oath of fidelity to act in accordance
with the conditions of the proclamation he had published, not
to take part in any movement, and the assurance was added
1759] ORDINANCES. 359
that by so acting they would be maintained in the possession
of their property, and the enjoyment of their civil ric^hts.
The supply of wood remaining insufficient, every effort was
made to obtain it. The cold was now severely felt by the
imperfectly clad troops ; and as marching became difficult on
the frozen roads, " creepers " * were served out. Sentries were
relieved every hour instead of every two hours, as was the
custom. Several of the men were frost-bitten, and the utmost
care was taken to guard against this casualty. Snow-shoes
were obtained, and the men regularly exercised with them, so
as to be able to take the field, and move easily and with regu-
larity over the untrodden, deep snow. Murray's chief anxiety
was regarding cord-wood, so the regiments were instructed
themselves to obtain it, the men being allowed extra pay when
engaged in cutting it and bringing it to town : while attend-
the sleighs many were frost-bitten. Murray relates that from
the 17th to the 24th of December, 153 of the' garrison were
frost-bitten, and that the whole party of captain Leslie of
200 men, sent to the south shore, except two, was similarly
affected.
Murray endeavoured to regulate the markets, and to estab-
lish the price of grain, the supply and price of butchers' meat
and of bread, and exerted himself to establish a system of
good government, the predominant principles of which were
justice and honesty. By proclamation he established a
schedule of value of the current coin, French and English.
The consequence was, that by the end of the year the Cana-
dians had accepted his rule, and had returned to their occu-
* This expression may require expl.nnation. The winter "creeper " is a small
iron frame vviih sharpened jioints placed beneath the boot and strapped to it, so
that in walking the weight of the body presses the points into the ice, and the
wearer obtaiils a perfectly firm hold, and avoids all risk of slipping. On the
approach of winter, horses are similarly cared for : the two fore shoes are turned
up by a strong iron spike, the "calk " of about an inch long inserted into the toe
of the shoe, so ' that it obtains a secure grip on the ice. The hind shoe is
untouched. Those who use the saddle in winter cover the stirrup with tallow, to
keep it from rust, an<l lap the stirrup witli. thick cloth ; the ball of the foot can
with this arrangement keej) its place in the stirrup, which, with the frost on the
iron, would otherwise be dilTicult.
360 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
patrons. From cap Rouge on the north, and from the
Chaudiere on the south shore, the inhabitants eastward had
taken the oath of fidelity and surrendered their arms. The
ordinances issued at Quebec were generally obeyed, and the
parishes near the city assisted in furnishing wood, while
bullocks, hay, straw and oats were brought to market. It is
at this date we first meet the term Upper Canada, Murray
describing the district of Montreal by that name.
The reports continuing to reach Murray of the design to
attack Quebec, he submitted to the engineer, major McKcllar,
the examination as to the best means of defence. McKellar
considered the town as indefensible, and he recommended
that the heights of Abraham should be fortified, and in that
position the garrison should await the arrival of reinforce-
ments. Murray took the best means of meeting the emer-
gency by placing the ammunition in secure positions ; and
summoning the commanding officers of regiments, he
discussed with them his dispositions for defence. Later, in
February Murray obtained intelligence that some of the
French were assembling at Point Levis. He determined to
send an additional force to the south shore, and in consequence
he was desirous of obtaining an increased supply of snow-
shoes. He was only partially successful. The party sent by
him made the fact plain, that a considerable French force had
established itself there ; and as the ice had taken, so Murray
despatched a body of troops across the river to attack it. On
the arrival of the British, the French retired to the woods,
leaving behind as prisoners one officer and eleven men. Murray
took possession of the church, placing within it a force of 200
men. He sent also for the captains of militia,* from whom he
learned that a commissary from Montreal had visited them, and
had ordered cattle to be killed and corn to be brought. They
stated that they had slaughtered but few, and had ceased to
collect provisions, on learning that the French had been driven
back. Murray had reason to discredit their statement, and
ordered them to bring to Quebec whatever had been killed by
them, for which pa\-mcnt would be made. The enemy still
1760] SICKNESS OF THE GARRISON, 361
hung about the place, and a small body of the British fell
into an ambuscade, when eight men were killed and taken.
Shortly afterwards Murray received information that 700 men
"had crossed at Pointe aux Trembles with the intention of
seizing the British post at Point Levis. Murray with a strong
force crossed the river to prevent the movement, upon which
the French retreated, with a loss of from fifteen to twenty
prisoners. Murray learned from the latter that the force had
consisted of 500 regulars, 400 of the militia and some Indians.
On satisfying himself of the fact, that the French detachment
had been concealed within si.x miles of the British post,
without information having been given of its presence, Murray,
as a punishment, burned the houses where the troops had
found refuge. Everything that took place, and all the reports
that reached Quebec, pointed to the certainty that the garrison
would be attacked so soon as the weather permitted. Murray
consequently commenced with vigour the preparation of
pickets and fascines for fortifying the plains. With this
■design he ordered the adjoining parishes to make 10,000
fascines and 40,000 pickets.
One source of painful consideration with Murray had been
the continual sickness of the garrison. It may be accounted
for by the men being insufficiently clothed to meet the severity
of winter, and the nature of their diet, which maybe described
as almost entirely consisting of salt pork and beef The
garrison nominall}' consisted of 7,000 men ; of this number on
the 1st of ■ January, 1760, 4,359 rank and file only were fit
for duty.*
Another extraordinary neglect of the secretary of war, lord
Barrington, was that there was no money to pay the men.
* The state of the 24lh December, 1760, gives :
Officers present 329
Non-commissioned officers 348
Drummers 1S5
Rank and file fit for duty 4, 138
Sick, &c " 1,407
Total number, all ranks constituting garrison 6,407
362 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. - [1760
They were unable to supplement their mess by better food,*
and how they escaped so well as they did, must be a matter of
historical thankfulness.
Everything possible had been done by Saunders and the
fleet ; the fault lay with the home authorities, in failing to
provide for the contingency of the winter campaign, for the
necessary warm clothing, and the requirements for holding
the conquered city. All these wants must have been well
known by the experience of the garrisons of Louisbourg and
Halifax, The clothing and provisions could have been stored
at one of the garrisons, and a supply of money sent there, had
any prescience or care for the future been exercised. It is on
the memory of lord Barrington, as secretary of war, that the
discredit must lie.
Murray endeavoured in this painful situation to perform his
duty as best he was able. He relates how an effort was made
In addition to the above the following were on the strength, but absent, as
detailed :
Sick sent to New York 670
On command in Canada 542
On command in New York 538
On furlough , 36
I.7S6
The ill-health of the garrison during the winter months is establijhed by the
fact that the mortality increaseii as the season advanced. The deaths recorded are t
Ending 24th October 50
" 24th November 43
' ' 24th December 63 .
" 24th January 96
" 24th February - . 92
" 24th March 166
" 24th April 149
Total 659
* This disgraceful fact is incontrovertible. It is made on the authority of a
letter from Murray to Pitt from Contrecceur, nine leagues above Montreal, 24th
August, 1760. [Can. Arch., A. & \V. I., 99, p. 151.] Murray distinctly states that
the men had no pay since the 24th of October of the previous year, .and that he
had only received /'20,ooo two months back. With every temptation to issue a
paper currency, Murray would not do so. The wonder is, how without money
he got through the winter.
1760] FRENCH ACTIVITY. 363
to prevent the sickness * from spreading. . The disease was the
scurvy, and instructions were given as to the best mode of
boiHng and preparing the salt pork, it being impossible to
obtain fresh provisions or vegetables. There was also an
insufficiency of blankets ; an additional supply, however, was
fortunately obtained from the JiabiUxnts. As Murray had no
money, all he could do was to pledge his word on the arrival
of the shipping to pay for them, or return them.
As the French continued to send forward parties to threaten
the outposts, Murray himself entertained the desire to be
aggressive, but the sickly condition of the garrison deterred
him from the attempt. He, however, constructed two block-
houses at Point Levis to cover any landing he might attempt,
and placed a guard in them of sufficient strength to defend
them. He resolved under any circumstances to attack the
French advance posts on the north side, and with this view he
increased his own outposts of Saint Foy and Lorette. On
the morning of the 20th two parties attacked at the same hour
the two posts of Calvary and Brule, the former making seventy
and the latter seventeen prisoners, without the loss of a man,
and with only six wounded. Many, however, suffered from
frost-bite.
Towards the end of March, the oft reported designs of the
French against the garrison began to take definite form.
Everything suggested that an attack would be made when the
ships could descend the river. The French vessels had
wintered in the Richelieu, near Sorel : workmen were now
engaged in repairing and placing them in readiness. The
regiment of Languedoc was moved from Pointe aux Trembles
to Saint Augustin. As reports of an intended expedition, in
great force, promising certain success, were freely circulated
among the PVench inhabitants in the neighborhood, to shake
their faith in the stability of Murray's position, and to alienate
them from the recognition they had made of his government,
Amherst conceived a stratagem to counteract them. He sent
a sergeant and four rangers stealthily across the river and they
* Journal, 9th March.
364 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
appeared before the outposts declaring that they had arrived
from Amherst. The news ran rapidly through the town and
was beHeved, and " visibly affected the French inhabitants."
In order to give greater effect to the impression which had
been made, Murray published a proclamation, promising that if
they were quiet and orderly and took no part in the contest they
would be maintained in possession of their property, in the
practice of their religion and in their civil rights, while' the
communities should continue to enjoy their privileges ; on the
other hand, the most severe reprisals were threatened to those
who acted otherwise.
Major McKellar, the chief engineer, was despatched to cap
Rouge, to take post there and fortify the place, so that the
attempt on the part of the French to land could be resisted.
The hulls enclosed within the ice of the river Saint Charles
were cut out and fitted up as floating batteries. The schooner
" Lawrence " was brought up from the island of Orleans,
caulked and made ready for sea, to communicate with lord
Colville, whose arrival with the relief was looked for. She was
despatched on the 21st of April with the intelligence how
matters stood, so that no time would be lost by Colville's
squadron in ascending the river.
On the 17th Murray heard that the French had armed the
vessels which had remained in the river with the two new
galleys they had lately built ; that the expedition would start
without delay, with the design of landing the troops at cap
Rouge. Additional fortifications were added to make the
disembarkation of artillery at cap Rouge impracticable, so the
guns would have to be brought forward by land. On the 19th
a party under Herbin crossed the cap Rouge on the ice with
sixty men and some Indians to surprise the outposts, but the
garrison was on the alert, and Herbin's force was dispersed
with loss. The British crossed the river and even pursued
the retreating French, when they " ran for it."
The conclusion was forced on Murray's mind that the attack
would not much longer be deferred ; consequently, he ordered
all the Canadians to leave the town ; this order was issued on
1760] THE STORY OF THE CANNONEER. 365
the 2 1 St, a week before the attack was made. The rcligieiises
of the convents were permitted to remain. The inhabitants
were directed to store the articles which they could not take
away with them in the convent of the recollets, under the care
of the community and two inhabitants of the town, selected
by themselves. A guard was placed to prevent interference
with the property. Orders were given to each regiment to
have a picket in readiness in case of necessity, and prepai-ations
were generally taken to defend the place. The party from
Lorette was called in and posted with that of Saint Foy, and
the bridges across the cap Rouge destroyed.
These facts require to be borne in mind when the story I
have to relate has to be considered. It has received general
credence, but by the facts I have given it is proved to be
without foundation.
On the authority of de Levis, it is related that one of the
bateaux with the artillery being crushed by the ice at cap
Rouge on the evening of the 26th, a gunner saved himself on
a mass of floating ice and was carried past Quebec on the
morning of the 27th. He was seen and rescued, and by his
presence the English were informed by him of the march of
the French by old Lorette.*
This piece of romance is fully disproved by Murray's diary.
Were there the slightest basis of truth in it, Murray would
have had twenty-four hours only to make his dispositions for
defence, whereas a week earlier he had ordered the Canadian
population out of the town.
On the 23rd the ice gave way and the river became navig-
able. Murray determined to march five regiments to Saint
Foy to be in position to sustain the advance posts and to
resist any landing of the enemy; but the weather was against
the proceeding. It froze hard during the night, and such was
the sickly condition of the garrison that he would not
* [Journal, p. 262.]- The story is repeated in the "Campaign of 1 760 in
Canada," attributed to the chevalier Johnstone [Hist. -Soc. Que., p. 9], with the
addition, "this hum.me action of the English in saving the unhappy cannoneer
saved Quebec from being taken by surprise."
366 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
unnecessarily expose the men to hardship and privation.
Murray now resolved to encamp himself on the plains of
Abraham. The fascines were prepared and pickets provided,
and on the 26th McKellar marked out the camp ; but the
ground was frozen, and the pickets could not be sunk in position.
De Levis had at this time begun his advance. The first divi-
sion under de Bourlamaque left Montreal on the 20th of April,
de Levis on the following day. The vessels in which the troops
were embarked reached Pointe aux Trembles on the 25th and
26th. They were now thirty-two miles from Quebec, and
de la Pause was sent forward to examine the river bank in order
to judge how far it would be possible to continue the descent
by water. De la Pause reported that the whole line of the river
from cap Rouge to Quebec was so well fortified that it was
not advisable to make any attempt to land. De Levis there-
fore resolved to march by land from Pointe aux Trembles, to
cross the cap Rouge river five miles above its mouth, and
passing through Old Lorctte reach the heights at Saint Foy.
It rained on Sunda}^, the 27th, and at three in the morning
Murray heard that the French had landed at Pointe aux
Trembles and had marched to Lorette. Seven vessels were
•accompanying the force. Upon this intelligence Murray pro-
ceeded to Saint P'oy with a small detachment consisting of
the 15th regiment, the grenadiers, some pickets and two field
pieces. Three regiments under colonel Walsh covered his
retreat, and the 35th took post at Sillery. On reaching the
ground Murray found the French advance posts in possession
of the country from Lorette to Saint Foy, and were evidently
preparing to possess themselves of the plains. Murray took
up a position to receive an attack, the object of which would be
to drive him from his ground, but the movement was not made.
The numbers of the French appeared to be rapidly increasing ;
and while Murray was in this position he heard that two
French ships had appeared at the traverse. Accordingly with
the entire force he withdrew within the walls. The roads
were in an exceedingly bad condition. Being unable to
remove two i8-prs., he knocked the trunnions off and left
1760] MURRAY'S DETERMINATION. I'^J
them behind, and as from the want of horses and vehicles he
could not bring away the provisions and ammunition which
were in the church, he blew them up.
The Canadian militia hung upon his march but failed to
incommode him. Orders were sent to Point Levis for the post
to be abandoned, the guns to be spiked, the block-houses
burned and what provisions could not be brought away, to be
destroyed.
Murray had now to determine the course he would pursue.
Those who consider Murray's conduct on this occasion and
that of his opponent, de Levis, must bear in mind the season
of the }'ear when the event took place : it was the 28th of
April, winter was breaking up, the ground was still frozen
over, the nights severely cold. When the heat of the mid-
day sun thawed the surface of the snow it remained in pools
on the frozen ground, icy cold, or penetrated the snow to
render it moist and soft, in which the foot would sink ankle
deep. Xo time of the \-ear is more trying, owing to the
damp and penetrating snow-water. The colder months of
January and February, when the wind is sharp, threatens
one imperfectly dressed with frost-bite, but the temperature
is dry and health}', and to a \'oung, active man, it brings no
suffering. On the break up of winter, the necessity of pass-
ing through the pools of semi-thawed water, without proper
protection to the feet, is trying to strong constitutions. On
both sides, consequently, great privations were undergone,
and the continuance of the campaign was a prolongation of
this severe tax on strength and health.
Murray found that ten days were at least required to con-
struct the intrenchments. Even had this time been available
the season prevented the work being undertaken ; there was
likewise the necessity of moving the guns, ammunition and
provisions within the lines. The garrison, small in number,
was suffering from the common sickness, and the duty of
guarding both the town and the proposed intrenchments would
have been beyond its strength : on the other hand, Murra\- had
full confidence in his men, they were inured to privation, they
368 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
had proved their steadiness in the hour of danger, and they
possessed the prestige which victory confers. Viewing his
situation in all its bearing, Murray determined that on the
following morning, he would march out and attack de Levis
before his force could be established in position.
At seven o'clock, on Alonday, the 28th of April, Murray
marched out of the town with his small force, in two columns.
On reaching the ground where he resolved to take his position
he formed the right, under colonel Burton, viz., Amherst's
iSth, Webb's 4Sth, Anstruther's 58th and 2nd battalion of
Royal Americans, Monckton's 60th. The left was com-
manded by colonel Fraser ; it consisted of Bragg's 28th,
Kennedy's 43rd, Lascelle's 47th and Fraser's 78th. The
reserve was under the command of colonel Young, viz., Otway's
35th and 3rd battalion Royal Americans, Lawrence's 60th.
The right flank was covered by the light infantry, the left by
some rangers and a company of volunteers. There were about
3,000 men on the ground in all. Fach battalion had two guns.
As Murray was taking up his position, he observed that the
French had commenced to throw up redoubts and that the
main body was on the march. Considering the time favourable
he gave the order to attack. The French, driven from their
works, abandoned them, and major Balling, at the head of the
light infantry, forced a body of French grenadiers from a
house, of which they had taken possession, and drove them
back to the second line. A strong force came up to sustain
the grenadiers,and the light infantry were broken and dispersed
along the front of the right flank. In this movement they
interfered with the operations of Burton. They were ordered
to reform and regain the right, when they were again charged
and driven back in such confusion, as not to be able to
take further part in the action. Otway's battalion was now
advanced to cover the right flank, and the movement was
successfully made. During this time the left had advanced
and taken possession of two redoubts, but overpowered by
large numbers it gave way. Murray sent up Kennedy's and
the 3rd battalion Royal Americans as a support. It was too
1760]
THE LOSSES.
369
late, they were powerless to check the disorder. This failure of
the left to hold its ground was followed by the abandonment
of the position on the right, and the whole line retreated. A
warm fire of musketry was kept up against the French from
the block-houses, and to some extent checked their advance ;
the guns, however, had to be abandoned. There was no
serious attempt to interfere with the retirement of the British
within the walls of the town. The loss of the British force
in the action was 283 killed, 841 wounded, being a total of
1,124, more than a third of the force which stood in rank in the
order of battle. The action lasted an hour and three-quarters.
The French brought into the field upwards of ten thousand
men, with an additional force of Indians. Their loss was
2,000 men Jiors de combat.
* I follow here the number given by .Murray in his official report to Pitt of the
25th iMay, 1760. [Can. Arch., A. & \V. I., 99, p. 29.] " Halfan hour after six
the next morning; we m.irclied with all the force I could muster, viz., Three
thousand men." In .Murray's report to Amherst of the 30tii of April [Can. Arch.,
A. & \V. I., 99], he describes his loss " as one-third of the men underarms." He
continues : " I have certain intelligence the enemy had not less than 10,000 in the
field."
Regiment. u
J s
u
J
1
<
-li
«
0
(5 i-
15th,
Amherst's.. ..
I
14
8
25
12
325 3S6
28th,
Townshend's . .
3
6
18
II
274 320
35th.
Otway's
6
9
2
21
II
285 343
43r^.
Kennedy's.. . .
6
4
I
17
8
169 214
47th,
Lascelles' . . . .
2
II
30
264 313
48th,
Webb's
5
12
29
14
307 373
58th,
Anstruther's . .
3
9
I
18
14
277 326
60th, 2n(
1 Batt.
Murray's ... i
4
9
3
16
6
191 236
3rd
Batt.
Lawrence's . . .
4
9
3
23
6
232 284
78th,
Eraser's
6
18
ID
3
30
14
370 453
Light In
'antry.
4
13
10
^.
27
II
339 405
Rangers,
Capt.
Hay
I
I
4
78 84
I
5 5 45
"5
72
13
258
107 31 I I 3737
Royal A
rlillery
I
2
10
2
6
io8 129
Total I 5 6 47 125 72 5 13 260 113 3219 3866
The above number includes the whole force of the garrison on duty on that
day. In order to obtain the strength of the troops formed in line in the field,
370
THE HISTORY OF CANADA.
[1760
The French vessels advanced to the anse au Foulon, the
point where Wolfe landed, and commenced the discharge of
deductions have to be made of the guard left within the walls and of the detach-
ments placed in the blockhouses.
The detail of the killed and wounded is thus given : —
, Killed ,
Amherst's. . . . .
Bragg's.
Otway's
Kennedy's. . . .
Lascelles'
Webb's .. ...
Anstruther's . .
Monckton's . .
Lawrence . . .
Eraser's
Light Infantry.
Rangers
Engineers
Officers.
I
Sergeants &
Rank &
File.
23
14
21
5
10
24
8
2
10
61
7S
—Wounded. —
Sergeants &
Drummers.
Artillery 4
ank &
File.
84
100
45
18
43
66
46
10
32
121
124
9
II
4 21 258 87 45 709
On the subject of the strength of the French army, we have the state given by
de Levis on the 17th of April [Journal, p. 257]. He speaks of these forces as
destined for the campaign [destinee a cette expedition].
Brigade
La Reine. . .
La Sarre.
f La Reine 27
I Languedoc... . 14
( La Sarre 24
i Btiarn 24
( Royal Rousillon. 24
Guyenne 22
Berry 2 bat. de Berry. . 51
La Marine 2 bat.de la Marine So
f Cavaleiie 5
Troupes hors dej Sauvages 8
la ligne I liat. de la Millice
de Montreal. . . .
370
223
620
10
27
38
658
2S0
2S5
579
14
15
594
339
230
593
21
22
615
371
221
616
5
27
33
646
305
279
60S
4
8
13
621
320
261
603
5
23
29
632
727
519
1,297
9
50
61
1,358
S9S
246
1,224
75
79
1,303
200
205
2
3
208
270
27S
278
2S7 2S7
57 3 59 347
Totaux 279 3,610 3,021 6.910 33 307 16 352 7,260
He adds, that independently of this number, it is e.Kpected that the inhabitants
1760] THE SIEGE COMMENCED. 37I
artillery and stores. A contemporary writer tells us * that de
Levis issued a proclamation calling upon the habitants of the
district of Quebec to join him. Many represented that it was
unjust in the position in which they were placed to exact that
they should take arms, for forced by the conditions of con-
quest they had taken an oath of fidelity -|- to England, and
that they would be punished if they ceased to remember that
they had done so. De Levis left to each person, to act as he
saw fit in joining the ranks as a combatant, but he forced all
to work in unloading the ships and in forming the intrench-
ments.
The duty of conducting the siege had been assigned to de
Bourlamaque. He had been in command of the advance
guard, and was seriously wounded by a cannon shot in the leg ;
he directed theoperations from his tent, but the want of his
presence was much felt. The works were commenced, and on
the 29th the first parallel was formed within six hundred yards
of the town. Murray made his preparations for defence. He
had previously broken up the roads leading to the town. He
closed the gates ; cut embrasures in the curtains ; the sick were
placed in the convents ; the women were ordered to cook the
food and attend the sick ; so that every fighting man could be
on duty. As cases of drunkenness became apparent, he ordered
the liquor to be spilled ; and as some of the men commenced
acts of outrage and robbery, two soldiers caught in the act of
crime were hanged : one of those examples often so painfully
of the government of Quebec will join, when the place is invested. He gives the
list of the killed and wounded, including the militia, as 193 killed, 640 wounded,
being a total of S33. No account is rendered of any other division of the force.
The writer of the campaign of 1760 in Canada, generally supposed to be
chevalier Johnstone, describes the loss as 2.000 killed and wounded, so that the
French might say with Pyrrhus, the day of his victory over the Romans, "again
such another victory and I would be undone." [p. 14.]
• Memoire sur la Guerre, p. 1S2.
t The form of oath has been preserved. [Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 91. 2,
P- S39-] Holding up right hand: "Je promets et je jure devant Dieu solem-
nellemeiU que je serai fidele h. sa .M.ijeste Brittanique le roi George second, que je
ne prendrai point les armescontre lui et que je ne donncrai aucune avertissement a
ses ennemies ijui lui puisse eu aucune maniere nuire."
372 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
necessary to enforce discipline. Fresh guns were mounted,
and small parties were organized to make nightly sorties to
harass the French works.
On the 1st of May, Murray determined to send the " Race-
horse," captain Macartney, with a letter to Amherst, acquaint-
ing him with his situation. Owing to the continual north west
wind, the vessel made a rapid passage, reaching Halifax in ten
days. The despatch was addressed to Amherst, as com-
manding-in-chief, but on hearing from Macartney the situation
of Murray, Lawrence, who was in command in Nova Scotia,
after consulting with Gough, commanding the fleet, determined
to open the letter, and while sending on the original to
Amherst, he forwarded a copy to Pitt, with which captain
Elphinstone was immediately despatched.
Colville had left Halifax on the 22nd of April. The.
weather had continued against him, for the favourable wind
which had brought Macartney so rapidly to Halifax was
directly in the teeth of the ships proceeding in the opposite
direction. A vessel had lately arrived at Halifax, which had
seen Colville's squadron to the west of cape Race, endeavour-
ing to get clear of the ice, and it was hoped that he had
reached Anticosti, and from that spot he would be able to
prevent provisions and reinforcements reaching the besiegers.
Murray's letter to Amherst explains the reason of his
leaving the city to meet de Levis in the field. His garrison
had melted down to 3,000 men from inveterate scurvy, and
were daily mouldering away. Owing to the season, he had
been unable to construct fortifications on the heights of
Abraham. He could not hesitate a moment about giving the
enemy battle, as everyone knew that the place was not tenable
against an army in possession of the heights. While Murray
was thus vindicating himself, he was also defending the
memory of Montcalm. Some writers have taken upon them-
selves to blame Murray for his conduct, arguing that he reck-
lessly and unnecessarily ran great risks from the personal
desire of distinction. Those who study these events can form
no such opinion. Murray deliberately accepted the duty of
1760] ARRIVAL OF THE "VANGUARD." 373
meeting the enemy in the field, from the conviction that it was
the true and wise policy to accept. The most important part
of his communication was that when he wrote he had only
4,000 men fit for duty.
Murray resolved to hold the place as long as possible,
looking forward to the arrival of the fleet to give him relief.
On the 2nd of May he caused an examination of the shot and
shell to be made. During the few days of the siege 1,473
shot and 962 shells had been fired ; with this expenditure, the
ammunition would last only fifteen days. He therefore
recommended great economy in its use.
For the next seven days the French pushed on their works
with vigour, but no impression had been made upon the town.
During this period a French schooner sailed down the river,
and again returned to the other ships. The fire from the
town, perseveringly continued, interfered greatly with the
French works ; many of them were destroyed by it. On the
9th of May, between ten and eleven, a vessel appeared, which
in answer to the British colours, which were kept on the
citadel, showed the Union Jack. She was the " Lowestofif "
frigate, captain Dean, which had left England with commodore
Swanton's squadron on the 9th of March. A schooner was
accordingly got ready, and sent under command of a midship-
man, to communicate with Colville. The arrival of this one ves-
sel did not change the operations of de Levis. Murray even
heard that an attempt would be made to take the city by
storm. One half of the men were kept on the ramparts, the
other ready to turn out. So matters continued until the 15th,
when, at nine o'clock at night, the " Vanguard," with com-
modore Swanton,the "Diana,"captain Schomberg,the schooner
"Lawrence," lieutenant Fort}-e, which had been sent to meetCol-
ville, anchored before the town. The ships of Colville arrived
two days later. About ten o'clock * of the night of the 15th
* Lord Colville wrote to Pitt from Quebec, 24th May, 1760 [Can. Arch., Series
A. & W. L, 99, p. 144], that he was ready to sail from Halifax on the 20th
March, but as tiiat date was too early to ascend the Saint Lawrence, he had
appointed the 14th of April for leaving. A south west wind with "dirty weather"
374 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
a courier was intercepted from the officer in command of the
French detachment, at Beauport, informing de Levis of the
arrival of the vessels, which he believed were French. It
was agreed between Murray and Swanton that Murray should
beat to arms at one in the morning, as if alarmed at their
arrival, and that the French ships should be attacked at the
early dawn. On the night of the 15th and i6ththe French in
force broke in upon the advance line of sentries ; one man
was killed, another was carried off, and from him de Levis
learned that the ships were, British. De Levis immediately
gave orders that the vessels containing stores, ammunition,
and artillery should retire ; the two frigates were directed to
be in readiness to follow them. He caused the artillery to be
brought from the trenches, and gave orders for the retreat of
the whole force.*
The night was very stormy, and the orders were not delivered
as de Levis had directed. At five in the morning he heard
that the French frigates were getting under weigh, and that
the British ships were approaching them. As early as it was
light, Swanton in the " Vanguard," with the " Lowestoff " and
" Diana," ascended the river. Upon their approach the French
vessels cut their cables. " La Pomone " went aground on
the north shore. " L'Atalante " got away, followed by the
English frigates. At cap Rouge she was joined by the
transports. Seeing that they ran a risk of being taken, she
signalled to them to run aground : she herself was forced to
take the same course opposite to Pointe aux Trembles. The
commander, de Vauclain, for two hours sustained the attack,
until he had fired away all his ammunition. As he ceased to
fire, the British sent a boat with a summons to surrender ;
he had not lowered his flag, and it was left for his captors to
haul it down. There were many killed ; the wounded had
remained on board, and were taken with the vessel. Such as
had kept the ships in the harbour until the 22nd. He arrived at Bic on the i6th
instant, when he received Murray's message. He anchored at Quebec on the
morning of the iSth. 15y that time all was over.
* " le deblaiement de I'armee." [Journal, p. 2S1.J
1760] RETREAT OF THE FRENCH. 375
were fit for service had been landed and ordered to join the
main body of the army. The two frigates remained moored
at Pointe aux Trembles. The ship of war did not proceed
further than Saint Michel : she returned to the anse au Foulon,
from which position she endeavoured to shell the French
army. Unfortunately, "the ' Lowestoff ' was irrecoverably
lost on some unknown rocks in the middle of the river, ten
leagues above the town." *
On the departure of the British ships on the morning of
the 17th, Murray assembled under arms the greater part of
his garrison, with intention to make a sortie. Preliminary to
the movement, he sent lieutenant McAlpin to threaten some
sallies " to amuse the enemy." This officer shortly returned
with the information that the trenches were abandoned.
Murray marched out in the hope of intercepting the retreat,
at cap Rouge, but before his arrival the rear guard had crossed
the stream. He, however, succeeded in intercepting a few
prisoners, and took some baggage which otherwise would
have been carried off. The French camp was left standing,
with the greater part of their stores, ammunition, and thirty-
four pieces of cannon ; four of them were brass 12-prs., three
were six-inch mortars, with a large quantity of intrenching
tools, with scaling ladders. The six British field-pieces left
on the field on the 28th of April were not to be found ; on
coming into the possession of the French, they had been sent
to Montreal as a trophy of the victory of de Levis.
De Levis had retreated the night of the i6th and 17th.
Rations were served out, and the march commenced at ten at
night ; at daybreak the army crossed the cap Rouge. He
managed to embark in some boats whatever he had been
able to save, with the stores he could obtain from the sunken
ships and bateaux ; by night, keeping close to the bank, he
passed unnoticed the British frigates. The French were
fortunate in getting afloat the flute " la Marie." What they
could not remove they burned.
The troops bivouacked at Pointe aux Trembles. They
* Colville to Pitt, 24th May. Can. Arch., A. & \V. I., 99, p. 144.
376 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
there heard of the arrival of Colvillc's fleet ; upon receiving
this news de Levis retired to Jacques Cartier, leaving four
hundred men at Pointe aux Trembles.
On the 1 8th a violent storm raged ; many of the bateaux
with provisions were driven on shore, with the loss of their
cargo.
It was on this occasion that the " Lowestofif " was forced
from her anchorage on some rocks near Pointe aux Trembles.
On the 19th de Levis received three days' provisions, and
he continued his retreat. From want of bateaux he had great
difficulty in passing the Jacques Cartier river. By this time
most of the Canadians had deserted to return to their homes.
Hitherto de Levis had feared that Murray, having received
strong reinforcements, would follow in pursuit. He now was
convinced that no troops had arrived, and that it would not -
be possible for Murray to detach more than 1,500 men to
attack him. It was, however, possible that they could be
embarked in the boats of the fleet and landed above the
French so as to dispute the passage of some stream. In this
situation he determined still to hold the northern bank of the
river ; he therefore placed Dumas in command at Dechambeau,
with two parties under his orders : one to the east at Pointe
aux Trembles, one to the west at Jacques Cartier. De Levis
himself went to Dechambeau and gave full instructions as to
the discipline to be observed.
The remaining regiments proceeded to Montreal. De Levis
followed them and arrived in that city at the last days of May.
A correspondence took place between de Levis and Murray
with regard to the wounded men who had been unable to join
in the retreat.,, The last words of Murray's journal arc " M. de
L6vis wrote me a letter requesting that I should take care of
the sick aiid wounded he left behind." Murray replied to de
Levis that the French themselves must supply the wounded
with food. De Levis answered that from the distance from
Quebec it was not possible to do so, and that the British
having taken possession of the -provisions left by the P^rench,
they should furnish the sick with what was needed on payment
1760] THE END OF THE ATTEMPT. 377
being made. To this Murray rejoined that if he furnished the
wounded and sick with food, he would consider them as
prisoners. De Levis tells us that he addressed to Murray
several strong letters on the subject, but without effect.*
Such was the termination of de Levis' attempt to regain
Quebec. It is customary to speak of this effort with the
greatest admiration. I cannot, myself, see however gallantly
it was carried out, that it de^scrves this praise. Its success
■depended on the arrival of French ships with men and reinforce-
ments. It naturally may be asked, would it not have been
wiser to have waited until the French ships had arrived with
these requirements? The troops could have been assembled
within thirty miles of Quebec, ready to march at an hour's
notice. No truth could be plainer than that the arrival of the
first fleet would decide who should be the future possessors of
the town, and there does not exist any ground for belief that
the French fleet would be the first to arrive. In his attack de
L6vis was out-generaled by Murray seizing cap Rouge and
fortifying the position, so that no disembarkation could take
place there. In consequence de Levis was compelled to land
at Dechambeau and face a march of twenty-eight miles ; most
trying to the troops at that period of the year, by the road
he had to follow, which would have been spared by a land-
ing at cap Rouge. He was thus unable to move forward his
-artillery and he had to fight the action of the 28th without
guns. Murray had only six field-pieces with him, two to each
battalion ; de Levis magnified them to twenty-two. Had
Murray not resolved to attack de Levis outside the walls, on
withdrawing his post from cap Rouge, de Levis could have
landed his artillery there, and any action taking place would
have been a difficult problem for the British general to con-
sider, the French being three to one, provided with artillery,
commanded by a general of de Levis' ability.
The campaign lasted from the day of the battle, the 2Sth
of April, to the night of the i6th of May, when dc Levis
• "lui eciivit ii ce sujet plusieuvs lettres tii-s fortes qui ne produisirent aucun
■changement." Journal, p. 2S6.
2,7^ THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
commenced his retreat. The action of Murray in marching
out to meet him was in every way a surprise. That three
thousand British troops for an hour and three-quarters with-
stood the onslaught of 7,000 regular troops with about 3,000
habitants and Indians, must have shewn de Ldvis at that early
date how little he could expect from his own efforts, and that
the only hope he could entertain was the early arrival of the
French ships. His losses during the siege of all ranks are
named by himself, killed and wounded, at 1,039. This
number does not, however, include the Jtabitants who joined
his ranks, of whose desertion he himself speaks. His loss in
ammunition, provisions and baggage was irreparable. The
French ships were all destroyed or taken, and de Levis must
have felt as he regained r^Iontreal, that the time had indeed
arrived, which was the beginning of the end.
iy6o] CROWN POINT. 379
CHAPTER V.
The winter did not pass away at lake Champlain as
Amherst had hoped. The French recommenced their system
of sending out parties to cut off stragglers and attack con-
voys. One legitimate object they had in view; the destruction
of the British vessels constructed during the previous season
which had been the cause of Amherst's inactivity : the neces-
sity of providing other vessels would have exacted the same
loss of time, and have greatly aided the French cause. With
the result they desired to effect, it would have been thought,
that the first conditions of success was to disarm the vigilance
of the British garrison, and to conceal the fact that parties were
in the field. Instead of this prudent course being followed,
the appearance of Indians, or, as Amherst states, of Canadians
disguised as Indians, awoke the watchfulness which it was
their interest to permit to slumber. On the I2th of February
Rogers, with sixteen men unarmed, was proceeding with four-
teen sutlers' sleighs from Ticonderoga to Crown Point, when
he was attacked by seventy Indians. Rogers with some
others reached Crown Point ; the remainder returned to
Ticonderoga. One sleigh, however, broke down. Two
Indians and a squaw were killed, four rangers and a sleigh-
man carried away prisoners. A chest was broken open, some
arms plundered, and Rogers himself lost a considerable sum
of money. Rogers relates his desire to pursue the assailants,
but that colonel Haviland at Crown Point objected, owing to
the sick condition of the garrison. Later in April some
officers and men of Blakeney's and of the rangers, in all ten
in number, were surprised by a party of five hundred and
sixty men under de Langy. In these petty operations the
trifling successes obtained could not have been carried on
without loss, and the insignificant results poorly repaid the
380 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
privations suffered by those engajjed in them. The weather
was most severe. In February a detachment of one hundred
and sixty-six men, returning from Ticonderoga to Crown
Point, so suffered from frost-bite that on the following morn-
ing the surgeon amputated one hundred toes.* The French
would never understand that these attacks were tactically a
blunder, for the\' made known that forces, bent upon mischief,
were in the field. Such operations were not only discounten-
anced, but were unknown with the British ; and as their views
of war were more enlarged, they were more dangerous. The
whole attention of the authorities in London and in New
York was given to the coming campaign, for it had been
determined that it should be conducted with great vigour, and
if possible should bring the war in America to a close.
Early in the year Amherst received instructions from Pitt
to communicate with the provincial governors on the subject
of the aid to be given by them. As was constantly the case,
there was hesitation in Penns}-lvania. Before the close of the
year Plamilton, the governor, had reported to Amherst + that
the assembl}' had sent a message requesting him to take
speedy and effectual measures to disband the provincial forces
with the exception of fifty men. Hamilton replied by pointing
out the many objections that could be urged against this
proceeding ; nevertheless, the legislature persevered in its
view, and the governor had no alternative but so to act.
Amherst had sent a circular to each governor in the northern
provinces enclosing a copy of a despatch from Pitt, in which
he suggested that the as.semblies should be called together in
March. The necessity of these levies was submitted to the
Pennsylvanian house of assembly, but the members declined
entering upon the measure until the amount of the aids
demanded, -as well as the purposes for which they were
intended, should be laid before them. After an exchange of
some messages between the governor and assembly on the
* Amherst to Pitt, 17 February, 1760. A. & \V. I., 92.2, p. 542.
+ Can. Arch., A. .S: W. I., 92.1, p. 19S.
1760] NEWS FROxM QUEBEC. 381
8th of March, it was agreed that they would raise and pay
2,700 men.*
In February Amherst had given instructions to Bradstreet
to make arrangements for the march of 10,000 men to lake
Champlain and for the ascent of the Mohawk by the same
number with the view of descending the Saint Lawrence.
The boats for this expedition were ordered to be built at
Oswego. In that case they would not have to be portaged,
and accordingly they could be constructed heavier and
stronger. At the same time sir William Johnson was called
upon to organize as many Indians as he could collect for the
ensuing campaign.
On the 3rd of March Amherst received news from Quebec.
Montresor, a young officer charged with the despatch, was
likewise the bearer of a verbal communication : Murray's -
important information not having been committed to writing,
but had been learned by heart by his messenger. Montresor
was accompanied by twelve rangers with an officer. He left
Quebec on the 26th of January ; it took him thirty-one days
to reach Boston. He had ascended the Chaudiere and twelve
days before he arrived at the first New England settlement,
the provisions had been consumed. He and his men had
been forced to eat their moccasins and leather bullet pouches.
Great privation was undergone from cold and hunger, to
which one of the party succumbed, dying on the march.
Murray fully reported to Amherst the difficulties under which
he laboured, and pointed out that his ability to defend the
garrison depended on the arrival of the English fleet. The
consequence of Murray's letter was the determination to
reinforce Quebec with two regiments from Louisbourg, and
Whitmore was notified to despatch them as soon as feasible.
Amherst reached Albany on the 8th of May, and com-
menced to move forward provisions to Crown Point and to
Oswego, The provincial troops arrived slowly, causing delay
in forwarding the supplies. Reports were being spread that
peace would soon be made ; and in every province the hope
* Can. Arcli., A. & \V. I., 92.2, p. 407.
382 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
prevailed that the bounty and levy money might be saved,
and the expense of placing troops in the field avoided.
A great many desertions during the winter had taken place
in Nova Scotia, and the majority of the provincials, on service
there, anxiously desired to return home. The legislature of
Massachusetts intervened on behalf of the forces of that
province, and called upon Pownall, then governor, to take
steps for their recall. The request was sent to Amherst, and
he replied that they could not be spared at that time. The
men at fort Cumberland threatened to abandon the post, and
positively refused to re-enlist, although the legislature voted
an additional bounty of £4. to each man and a month's pay
to each officer.* The difficulty was removed by the order of
the legislature to enlist five hundred men to replace this
force ; to be forwarded by companies, so that as the new levies
arrived the men on service could be relieved.
The newly-enlisted provincial troops assembled slowly ;
indeed, it was not until the end of i\Iay they began to arrive
at Albany.f By this time Amherst had heard from two
prisoners who had escaped from Montreal, that de Levis,
with great loss, had been beaten back from his attack on
Quebec. He was tempted, consequently, to make some move-
ment against ile aux Noix. On the loth of June Rogers
started with 200 men. He landed on the west side of the
lake, and within eight miles of the fort ; he came upon a
party of 300 men. A skirmish followed, and the French
retreated with a loss of fifty men. Rogers' loss was two
officers and ten men killed and nine wounded. The season
was advancing, for it was the middle of June ; if the cam-
paign was to be undertaken, no more time could be allowed
fruitlessly to pass away. Previous to Amherst's own depar-
ture it was necessary to give instructions, both to Ha\-iland
* Seventy-eight of the garrison of Saint John took possession of a fishin<j boat
and deserted f« masse. Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 93.1, p. 26S.
t Amherst to Pitt, Schenectady, 24tii June, 1760. Can. Arch., A. iv: W, I.,
•93.2, p. 307. "The slolii of the colonies in raising their troops, and sending
them to liieir rendezvous, made it im[)raclicable for me to move the troops on so
soon as I could wish."
1760] PLAN OF CAMPAIGN. 383
and Murray, with regard to the part each should take in the
campaign. There was no longer apprehension as to the
safety of Quebec. Steps had been taken to reinforce the
garrison, and the British fleet was in front of the city.
Murray was accordingly instructed to ascend the river and
open communication with the troops in front of ile aux Noix.
Haviland was appointed to the command of the expedition
on lake Champlain ; he was informed that he could act
against ile aux Noix on the right or left side of the river, as
he deemed expedient, with the design of cutting off all com-
munication from the north.* Thus the advance against
Montreal was to be made by the three routes under different
corps cTaruice. Amherst himself was to descend the Saint
Lawrence ; Haviland, after driving the French from ile aux
Noix, was to march to the south bank of the Saint Lawrence,
in front of the city ; while Murray was to ascend the river
from Quebec, to land his force at the spot on the north or
south bank, which circumstances might dictate.
Amherst reached Oswego on the 9th of July, having antici-
pated the arrival of many of the provincial regiments. On
the 1 2th two French vessels appeared in the offing, evidently
striving to obtain information of Amherst's movements. On
the 14th two British schooners, ordered to take part in the
descent of the Saint Lawrence, arrived from Niagara. The
" Onondaga," with four 9-prs., the " Ncwhaven," of fourteen
6-prs. each, with a crew of one hundred men. On the 20th
the French vessels again appeared ; the British ships gave
chase, but the French escaped. The troops continued to
arrive ; sir William Johnson, with a force of Indians, and the
provincial regiments sent in from Albany. On the 25th news
came of lord George Sackville's disgrace for his cowardice at
Minden, and the consequent loss of his military rank ; the
sentence was read at the head of every regiment in North
America.
By the first week of August the whole of the regiments to
take part in the expedition had arrived, and on the lOth the
* Amherst to IJavilaiul, (Jan. Arch., A.& W. I., 93.2, P.4S9, I2thjune, 1760.
384 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
force was embarked. Amherst started with the regular
battaHons, amounting to 5,586 men. Gage followed with the
provincials, 4,479 in number, the total strength of the expedi-
tion being 10,065. The crew in the two armed scows con-
sisted of 190 men ; 706 Indians were under the orders of sir
William Johnson. This force was embarked on 166 whale
boats and 656 bateaux.^
* Embarkation return of H. M. forces, under the command of major-general
Amherst. From the camp at fort Ontario, 9th August, 1760.
N. C. Officers.
Officers. Rank & File. Total.
Royal Artillery 13 124 137
42nd, 1st Battalion Royal Highlanders. . . 30 462 492
" 2nd Battalion Royal Highlanders. . 29 391 420
44th, Abercrombie's 27 599 626
46th, Murray's 25 499 524
55th, Oughton's 23 505 528
60th, 4th Battalion Royal Americans.. . . 31 439 470
62nd, Montgomery's 33 506 539
80th, Gages' 21 454 475
Grenadiers 24 56S 592
Light Infantry 24 568 592
Rangers 7 184 191
287 5,299 5,586 5,586
Provincials.
New York, Le Roux 25 471 496
'• Corsa 30 567 597
" Woodhull 27 45S 485
New Jersey, Schuyler's 26 496 522
Connecticut, Lyman 44 594 638
Whiting 45 549 594
" Wooster 45 538 583
•• Fitch 45 519 564
287 4,192 4,479 4,479 *
Grand Total 10,065
Two armed Snows —
Onondaga loo
Mohawk 90
— 190
Indians 706
io,96r
[Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 94, p. 143.]
1760] ATTACK OF FORT L£VIS. 385
By the loth the boats reached Point au Baril, where one of
the French vessels was moored. It was too dark to attack
her on their arrival, but at daybreak boats were sent against
her. The vessel was " L'Outaouaise," commanded by La
Broquerie ; some resistance was attempted, for she was
armed with ten 12-prs. and four swivels. At ten she struck,
after a cannonade of three hours. Amherst proceeded up the
river to Oswegatchie [Ogdensburg], and encamped. Engi-
neers were sent forward to make a reconnaissance of the
island lately fortified at the head of the rapids, and to examine
the position of the enemy. Gage, in three galleys, with the
light infantry, the grenadiers, and the first brigade of regulars,
prepared to invest the island, and the two vessels came up,
taking a position whence it could be attacked. The spot had
been carefully fortified, as directed by de Levis, and was
under the command of Pouchot, who had the previous July
defended Niagara. Pouchot had been included in the ex-
change of prisoners which had been effected in lake Champlain
the following November. During the month of March he
had been sent on the ice to take charge of the post which
hitherto had been under the command of Desandroins.
Pouchot relates, that having at Niagara lost all he possessed,
he was short of every article of equipment. As he had to
travel in winter he applied to the intendant for a blanket,
which that officer, Pouchot tells us, "had the barbarity to
refuse." He received a keg of wine of twelve pots, " a con-
siderable affair as things stood ; " it was all the consideration
Pouchot obtained.*
Pouchot left La Presentation with the abbe Picquet and
some of his Indians to commence his duties on the island.
The garrison consisted of one hundred and fifty colonial
troops, with six officers. He found the fort surrounded by a
rampart eighteen feet wide. Pouchot constructed a second
parapet of nine feet in width, with embrasures, thus forming
a banquette of four feet. The defence was thus eleven feet
* Pouchot, English Translation, I., p. 229.
386 THE HISTORY OF CANxVDA. [1760
high. As the season advanced the garrison was increased by
one hundred militia ; the men, however, contended that they
had been engaged only to bring provisions up the river, and
twenty of them deserted, returning with the bateaux.
Pouchot's spies had made him acquainted with the prepara-
tions being made at Oswego, and he learned that the long
dreaded descent of the Saint Lawrence was at length to take
place. It had been constantly expected, especially by de
Levis, who had ordered the fortification of this island with the
design of obstructing the movement.* Pouchot's fort did not
seem to be held of much account with the British, for the
Indians sent by him brought back the expression current in
the garrison that they would pass it " as a beaver's hut."
There could now be little doubt that tlie movement would
no longer be delayed. Pouchot was made cognizant of its
reality sooner than he anticipated : on the i6th o{ August,
two Indians brought him word that the British were at Point
au Baril, with the advance guard at La Presentation.
On the iSth the attack was made against the fort. The
boats advanced in regular order, and Pouchot imagined that
their design was to take it by storm. He relates with some
admiration the striking appearance the spectacle presented.
He took steps to meet the assault by bringing his artillery to
bear up the river. After remaining some short time in this
position, the boats filed along the north shore with a con-
siderable interval between them to escape the artillery, in
order to take possession of the islands below the fort. jNIany
of the officers recognized Pouchot. They had known him as
a prisoner, after the capture of Niagara, and as they were
* De Levis liad loiii^ entertained g1e.1t npnrehension of an attack by the Saint
Lawrence. His last letter from Montreal to Montcalm, dated the 6th of Septem-
ber, which could have been received oidy three or four days before the death of
the latter, shews strongly this feeling. After stating that he believed the British
force Ijefore (])uel)ec would not long delay its departure, so that the French would
only be attacked in one tlirection, he adds : " C'est bien a desirer pour celle des
Rapides ; car pour cette annce, ou tlu moiijs jusqu' au premier octobre elle est
bien en I'air." Lettre 234.
1760] pouchot's defence. 387
sailing by, called out to him with some compliment, and with
expressions of good wishes.
A second division, under Haldimand, passed down to the
south of the island to post his force out of cannon shot. Gage
remained at Oswegatchie. In spite of the compliments which
passed, Pouchot's cannonade was sufficiently spirited : one
galley was sunk, ten men were killed and wounded. The
Indians who had followed landed on the two larger islands,
Galops and Picquet, which presented the appearance of having
been hastily abandoned. Two swivel guns, a (gw barrels of
pitch, with many tools, utensils, and some iron, were left
behind. There were also several scalps hanging on the walls.
The sight so enraged the Indians that they burned the houses,
not sparing the chapel.
On the 19th, the British batteries in position on the north
side, on a projecting point, commenced firing upon the fort,
and the two vessels anchored above the rapid joined in the
attack. On the 20th, some batteries were commenced on the
south shore. The following day the British were busied in
completing their preparations, and nothing was done. On the
22nd, at five in the morning, the three vessels, among them
" rOutaouaise," being re-named by British seamen, as the
" Williamson," approached within 1,200 feet of the fort, form-
ing a half circle around it, and commenced a brisk cannonade.
All the batteries were at the same time opened ; they con-
sisted of 24-prs., i8-prs., and 12-prs. Amherst, with great
despatch, had thrown up four batteries : one at the point on
the south shore, two upon the two islands in the neighborhood
to the northwest, and one on an island lower down, due.
north.*
On the 23rd, the batteries were opened. After some firing,
a disposition for storming the works was made. The vessels,
however, failed to perform good service ; two ran aground, a
* Pouchot mentions these islands under the names of point Ganalaregoin, lie
a la Cuisse, ile de la Magdeiaine, and ile Iliqueton de Gal : a nomenclature long
forgotten.
388 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
third came into shallow water, and becoming unmanageable,
was exposed to the enemy's shot. She was so mauled, that
she sent a boat to the fort, offering to surrender so that the
fire should cease. Amherst observing something unsatisfac-
tory, ordered on board an officer's party under lieutenant
Pennington, who again hoisted the British colours. But the
vessel could not be got off, and she was abandoned at
midnight. The attack was continued on the 24th, when
the superiority of the British artillery told with every shot.
Many of the French guns were dismounted. Pouchot found
himself able to be mischievous against the men in the
trenches, but he could not touch the batteries. On the
morning of the 25th he determined to capitulate, and beat
the chaniadc.
Pouchot took exception to the conditions Amherst would
grant, and wrote him, stating his objections. The terms were,
that the garrison should be constituted prisoners of war, and
everything surrendered ; the property not to be injured ;
deserters and Indians not to be included in the conditions.
Amherst had already been a week detained, and he was dis-
inclined to submit to further loss of time, by negotiations for
terms of surrender which he was determined not to grant.
He accordingly repeated the conditions he had offered,
adding that he expected an answer within ten minutes after
his letter had been received. Yes or No.* However hard
Pouchot might consider the reply, no course was open to him
but the acceptance of what was offered ; the fort was surren-
dered. Of the 300 of the French garrison, 12 were killed and
40 wounded. The loss of the British between the i6th and
* Amherst's letter could not be misunderstood : " Je viens dans ce moment
de recevoir votre lettre, je me prcte sans delai a vous faire parvenir les conditions
sur les quelles je m'attends que vous rendrez la place dans la quelle vous com-
mandez. Vous les avez ci-incluses, et je m'attends h. votre decision definitive sous
dix minutes apres que vous les aurez revues, nioyennient quoi vous aurez la toute
de dire Oui ou Non.
Je suis tres parfaitement, &c.
Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 94, p. 134.
1760] FORT WILLIAM AUGUSTUS. 389
the 25th of August was 22 killed and 23 wounded. * The
prisoners surrendered were 384.-!-
The Indians having seen the scalps on ile Galops, and like-
wise in the quarters of the fort, were desirous of avenging the
injuries of which the scalps were a memorial ; they desired to
wipe out the supposed wrong in the massacre of the garrison.
No proceeding was more repellant to Amherst than the
atrocities arising out of the gratification of Indian revenge ;
he would never permit any cruelty of reprisal. Johnson was
called upon to exercise his influence. Strong control was
imposed upon this manifestation, and the feeling, at least any
active exhibition of it, was forcibly repressed. The Indians
looked upon the prohibition as a grievance ; some fancied slight
increased their ill humor, and many left the camp chagrined
by the restrictions imposed upon them. Nevertheless a fair
number of them remained with the army, Amherst was able
to write from the camp at Montreal to Pitt that Johnson "had
taken unwearied pains in keeping the Indians in humane
bounds and I have the pleasure to assure you that not a
peasant woman or child has been hurt by them, or a house
burnt, since I have entered what was the enemy's country."
Amherst gave to the conquered island the name of fort
William Augustus. It was from this place he sent the diary
of his proceedings ; and he wrote to the governor of New York,
that as he had destroyed French power at La Presentation, and
on the islands at the head of the rapids, the settlers on the
Mohawk should be invited to return, for now they were assured
" of a quiet and peaceable abode in their habitations."
* Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 94, p. 142.
+ Officers 10
Rank and file 237
247
Crew of Iroquoise 36
" Outaouaise loi
137
[Women S.]
Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 94, p. 141.
384
390 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
All memory of these events has however passed away.
Thousands in the season of navigation ascend and descend the
Saint Lawrence. It is a rare exception among the travellers
for any one to recall the day when Ogdensburg, then La
Presentation, was the spot from whence the ruthless Indian
bands were sent to devastate the unguarded villages of the
Mohawk. Fewer notice the small island, the first to be seen
in the centre of the river, somewhat nearer the southern than
to the northern bank, to remember that it was the scene of the
last attempt of the French, to hold the country around lake
Ontario ; and that this apparently insignificant spot stood a
siege of some days, before it yielded up the slight remnant of
French power which it represented.
Pouchot relates, that he had a long private conversation with
Amherst, in which the British general, as was the feeling with
the whole army, expressed some dread with regard to the
descent of the rapids. Pouchot does not appear to have given
him much encouragement. Amherst took from among the
Canadian prisoners thirty-six guides for the bateaux. The
remainder of the garrison were sent prisoners to New York by
the way of Oswego.
Amherst had now to make his preparations for the descent
of the river, and he must have felt, that whatever the general
character of the rapids, the passage of them in many instances
must be attended with danger, and that the safety of the
attempt depended on the skill and loyalty of the pilot. The
Indians could furnish many men capable of safely piloting the
boats. With the exception of this assistance, he had not a
man in his force, who was acquainted with the channels of the
river, and few who had ever seen rapids of the magnitude and
character of those of the Saint Lawrence. The study and
knowledge of overcoming a rapid may be described as an art.
At this day, there are men accustomed to the use of a canoe,
with special skill in discovering the channel of the most foam-
ing descent, who will walk up the river bank of the rapid which
they look upon for the first time, and by their power of observa-
tion, and their experience in reading the evidence furnished by
I76o] DESCExNT OF THE RAPIDS. 391
the rush of waters, and the eddies which intervene, will discover
the right mode of passing through then. Estabh^shing land
marks for their guidance, amid the roar and tumult of the
waters, unhesitatingly they trust themselves to the line they
must follow, suggested only by their knowledge of the laws
which are invariable. These men are rare, and, whatever their
natural aptitude, must gain their skill by experience and
practice. Amherst had 166 whale boats and 656 bateaux to
carry down the Sai.it Lawrence, and it was an an.xious
thought with him where the 822 pilots to navigate them were
to be obtained ; men with the knowledge, the skill, the nerve
the coolness to overcome any accidental or dangerous irregu-
anty. It took Amherst five days to complete his organiza-
tion. The fact IS important, as it establishes that there was
no want of care or prudence on his part.
On the 31st the expedition rowed twenty-four miles. It
safel^y descended the several rapids of the Galops, Point
Cardinal, 1 omt Iroquois and the Rapid plat, and passed over
the ten miles of quiet water to reach Farren's Point rapids*
about five miles above the long Sault rapids. That night they
encamped on lie Chats.f at the head of the rapids. The
boats had.so easily made their way that much of the anxietv
of Amherst was relieved, and he wrote in his diary that " the
rapids ai. more frightful than dangerous," an opinion which,
w.h,n the next few days, he was to have terrible reason to
change. On the ist of September the boats went down the
Long Sault rap.ds. The descent was not made with the entire
tt! 'Th'T-'m'T' '''''""^ experienced; a corporal and
hiee of the highlanders were drowned. The force encamped
at a place fourteen miles below, which Amherst mentions as
+ This island is still known as Cat's island.
392 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
Johnson having visited the Saint Regis Indians, as he calls
them the Asquesaskua, to assure them of his protection, and
by thus entering into friendly relations with them, to obtain
their neutrality. The strong force of Amherst was in itself
too strong an argument to be resisted. On the 2nd of
September they rowed in quiet water on lake Saint Francis
twenty-four miles, to the river Baudet, and encamped on the
western point at the mouth of the river, now known as
McGee's Point, upon which a light-house is constructed.
Amherst here heard news of de la Corne, who, on receiving
information that Amherst was above Ogdensburg, had aban-
doned lie Galops, and for a time had remained at this spot,
whence he retreated to the Cedars. Owing to a heavy fall of
rain the troops proceeded no further than this place. On the
3rd the descent was made of the Coteau rapids without any
casualty, and they reached the head of the Cedars. It was a
short day's journey, some seventeen miles. There was at
this period some slight settlement at the Cedars and at
Vaudreuil, which had passed possibly from ile Perrot, but the
population was small*
On the 4th of September the descent was made of the
Cedars and Cascade rapids. Hitherto all had gone smoothly;
but this good fortune was no longer to continue. Amherst
was to learn that the navigation of the Cedars was to prove
an exception to the safety with which the other rapids had
been passed, and not the simple matter he supposed it to be-
The day was not to close without a painful disaster. Twenty-
nine bateaux of regiments and seventeen bateaux of artillery
* The census of 1765 shews that settlement on the island of Montreal extended
to Saint Genevieve, viz.:
Families. Population.
Lachine 76 413
Point Claire 147 783
St. Genevieve 172 796
St. Anne 67 325
lie Perrot contained. ... 60 294
The only settlements west of the island of Montreal were Vaudreuil, S3 fami-
lies, with 377 of population, and the Cedars, 56 families, with 309 of a population.
Cen.sus 1S70-71, p. 64. . '
1760] ARRIVAL AT LACHINE. 393
and stores were wrecked, with seventeen whale boats and a
row galley. Eighty-four men were drowned. Some of the
bateaux were recovered, and the guns, stores and provisions
were saved ; one whale boat was stove in, twenty-two bateaux
irrecoverably lost. No detailed narrative is to be found of
the disaster beyond a summary of the loss ; the fact of the
drowned men could not be suppressed.
That night the troops arrived at ile Perrot, situate at the
junction of the Ottawa with the Saint Lawrence. The few
settlers ran into the woods. In a short period, however, some
of them returned, and taking a conditional oath of allegiance,
were placed in possession of their property. Amherst, in
relating the fact, tells us that they seemed as much surprised
with their treatment as they were made happy by it. The
whole of the 5th was occupied in getting the bateaux and ,
boats together, and repairing them where necessary. On the
■6th the force embarked at daybreak and proceeded down the
wide expanse of lake Saint Louis to Lachine. The weather
was most favourable, and the season of the year is, perhaps,
the most pleasant in Canada. The landing was made at
Lachine. Two New York and tw^o Connecticut regiments
•were left to hold the place and guard the boats, while the main
force proceeded to the open ground, traversed by the river
Saint Pierre, which then existed to the west of Montreal,
through which the Grand Trunk railway now runs on leaving
the city. There the British troops established themselves ;
the men on the night of the 6th of September lying on
their arms.
394 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
CHAPTER VI.
Murray left Quebec on the 14th of July with 2,200 chosen
men. He had been notified by Amherst that two regiments
were to be sent to him from Louisbourg ; he did not, however,
delay his departure on account of their non-arrival, but leaving
orders for the reinforcement to follow him, ascended the Saint
Lawrence. He left 1,700 men fit for duty at Quebec, with
1,300 sick and convalescent. Murray's theory was, that unless
the Canadians joined de Levis, his force would be nearly equal
to that which the French could bring against him ; and should
the Canadian population take part in any offensive movement,,
they became combatants, and the country lay at his mercy ;
for by so acting they would forfeit all title to consideration.
Murray was convoyed by three frigates and twelve gun-
boats carrying twenty-four i8-prs. and 12-prs. With the
bateaux they amounted to thirty-five vessels. On the i6th
they were off Dechambeau. The French hoped that some
accident might happen at this place ; but a strong easterly
wind caused the whole of the little fleet safely to pass the spots
looked upon as dangerous. The garrison at Quebec had
forced the Canadians to a man to abandon the army. Murray
had little fear of any hostile movement in the neighbourhood
of the town. On the 13th of July, however, he issued a pro-
clamation to the Canadians, calling upon them to remain quiet
in their homes, and in such a case they would receive no ill-
treatment. It was addressed particularly to the districts of
Three Rivers and Montreal, in the hope that the habitants
might be induced not to leave their farms.
De Levis feared that the object of Murray was to attempt
a junction with Haviland's force, threatening to ascend lake
Champlain. Naturally, it would be effected at Sorcl, at the
mouth of the Richelieu. There is no difficulty with vessels
1760] MURRAY ASCENDS THE RIVER. 395
of light draught ascending that river from Chambly to Sorel.
There arc, however, some parts of the channel which are
narrow, and in a small stream of the character of the Richelieu
they can be closed without great effort. De Bourlamaque was
instructed to proceed to Sorel to see what could be effected
to impede the communication, and he ordered a channel
known by the name of cJicnal de Grace to be closed. Steps
were also taken to some extent to fortify Sorel. On the 5th
of August Murray's force passed Three Rivers, and cast
anchor five miles higher up. The two regiments from Louis-
bourg, under lord Rollo, had now joined the detachment. As
Murray advanced, he landed troops on the south side and
received the submission of the habitants, who generally took
the oath of allegiance. On the north shore, as the ships
advanced, the French retreated westwardly. Lord Rollo was
sent on shore to disarm the population as far as Three Rivers.
At Dechambeau and Jacques Cartier, Murray improved the
fortifications, so that at either place, if necessary, two thou-
sand troops could be intrenched. On the 12th the British
were before Sorel, and fired some guns upon the men engaged
on the defences. On the 13th a disposition was shewn to
attempt a descent, but it was not persevered in.
De Levis had proceeded to Berthier, on the northern shore,
opposite to Sorel, to which place Dumas had retreated. When
at Berthier, on the i8th of August de Levis received a courier
from Montreal bringing news of the surrender of fort Levis,
and of the threatened descent of the Saint Lawrence by
Amherst, which dissipated his anticipation of being able to
attack the enemy in detail. It had been his only chance
independently of the desperate hope, that news of peace would
extricate the French force from the dangerous position, which
all must have seen portended ultimate defeat.
Murray landed at Sorel and found the place deserted, the
inhabitants having joined the P'rench force. Murray felt
himself, as he describes it, " under the cruel necessity of
burning the houses " of those who were in the field as comba-
tants. It was in accordance with his proclamation, in which
396 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
he asked for neutrality, and threatened the retribution of war
on those who failed to observe it.*
Murray continued his ascent of the Saint Lawrence to
Contrecoeur, eighteen miles below the eastern point of the
island of Montreal. He arrived on the 24th of August, and
from this place he wrote to Pitt an account of his operations.
He here remained until he could communicate with Amherst
and Haviland. Murray, in a letter to Pitt after the capitula-
tion, stated that de Vaudreuil insinuated terms of surrender
to him which, says Murray, " I rejected, the commander-in-
chief then being three days march from Montreal." We have
no details of the proposition, but there can be little doubt of
its having been made.f
The advance from lake Champlain of the British force had
been distinguished by uninterrupted success. Haviland left
Crown Point on the i6th of August. The troops, 3,500 in
number, were accompanied by one brig, three sloops, and
four floating stages, bearing the artillery.
Rogers, with the rangers and seventy Indians, was in
front, the whale boats being in line ; the light infantry and
grenadiers, of the 17th and 27th, followed in two columns,
the boats being two abreast. The right wing, including the
Massachusett's regiments, w^ere commanded by brigadier
Ruggles ; the left wing, under colonel Thomas, was formed of
the New Hampshire and Boston troops. The regulars con-
sisted of the remaining companies of the 17th and 27th, with
* Murray was not a man given to cant ; it was witli extreme unwillingness he
took this course ; he acted alone from the feeling of its necessity. In reporting it
to Pitt he added : " I pray God this example may suffice, for my nature revolts
when this becomes a necessary part of my duty." Can. Arch., A. & W. I.,
99. P- 154-
t Murray brought his own position to the notice of Pitt. He stated that he
was a soldier of fortune, and he enclosed a copy of a letter to lord Harrington,
"which probably will liave the fate of many he receives, unless you will be
pleased to interfere on my behalf.'' He then complained that he had e.\hausted
his funds. That the allowance to him of twenty shillings a day as governor of
Quebec was insufficient ; in reality, it only amounted to fifteen shillings. He
had previously written to Pitt that the men had had no pay since the 24th of
October. Can. Arch., A. 6i W. I., 99, pp. 162-5.
1760] ILE AUX NOIX. 397
four companies of the Royals. The artillery was protected
by a guard of Rhode Islanders. On the first day they rowed
forty miles. On the 17th they made a halt; on the iSth
they came within ten miles of ile Lamothe, where they
encamped. During the advance of this day some of the boats
were split open by the force of the waves, and ten rangers
were drowned. On the 19th they reached the north of ile
Lamothe, where they bivouacked.
The expedition was now within twenty miles of the island.
Starting early on the 20th, the boats reached ground to the
east of the fort. Here colonel Darby landed with the grena-
diers and light infantr5', accompanied by the rangers. No
interference was attempted with their landing, and notice was
accordingly sent to Haviland, who with the main force had
remained above the landing, that there was nothing to fear
from the enemy.
During the winter the works had been completed under de
Lusignan, who had been actively engaged in completing the
defences, from time to time sending out parties of Indians
and Canadians, under de Langy, to hang about the garrison,
to seize prisoners, and to commit what devastation they were
able. De Langy was drowned at the opening of the naviga-
tion ; with two men in a canoe he was attempting to cross a
river, when it was struck by a large floe of ice, causing it to
sink. The three went down with the canoe, and possibly
were too benumbed with cold to save themselves.* Langy
de Montegron was an officer of great courage and ability,
and in these expeditions of surprise had been untiring in his
energy.
De Bougainville was now in command. Originally his force
had consisted of four hundred and fifty men, but the appear-
ance of the British schooners before the fort had led him to
apply for reinforcements ; the second battalion of Berri, with
two hundred militia, had been sent to him. He must have
felt how incapable he was of defending the post. On the 15th
of June a party under Rogers had advanced not only beyond
* Pouchot, I., p. 236.
398 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
lie aux Noix, but had passed Saint John's unopposed, to
reach Saint Therese at the head of the rapids, about five
miles above Chambly. The British burned a building con-
taining stores and provisions, destined for Saint John's, with
the houses in the neighbourhood ; twenty of the habitants
were carried away as prisoners, and all the carts at the fort
were taken possession of Consequent upon this attack not
only lie aux Noix was reinforced, but the regiments of La
Reine and Royal Rousillon were sent to Saint John's, under
the command of de Roquemaure. They were subsequently
strengthened by a detachment of militia from Montreal.
The British force without interference passed round the east
of the fort, and by the 21st batteries had been constructed
from which shells were thrown into the defences. The schoon-
ers belonging to the French, moored below, replied to the fire.
On the 24th the guns had been placed to bear upon the
vessels ; the first shot cut the cable by which the floating stage
was moored, and it drifted over to the eastern shore. On
•observing this mischance, the remaining vessels endeavoured
to make their way to Saint John's. They had the misfortune
to run aground two miles below the fort. While Rogers kept
up a strong fire of musketry from the shore, the rangers,
armed with tomahawks, swam on board one of the vessels
and took possession of it. The floating stage was by this
time manned, and the remaining two vessels were easily
taken. De Bougainville sent notice of his disaster, and he
.received orders to hold the fort as long as he was able, and
when it was no longer possible to do so, seeing that no assis-
tance could be given him, he was to make good his retreat.
On the 26th, de Bougainville, seeing his defences turned and
all aid cut off, called a council of war, when the opinion was
given that the fort could no longer be held. De Bougainville
accordingly left a garrison of fifty men of wounded and
invalids with orders to surrender on the 28th. On the 27th
he landed above the fort on the west bank where he could do
so unobserved, and passing through the woods some thirteen
1760] CHAMBLY. 399
miles, reached Saint John's. From the great quantity of fallen
timber the march is described as one of much effort.
On the 28th the surrender took place ; a few of the British
whale boats descended the river to Saint John's. The place
was not defensible, so on their appearance the garrison retired
from the fort out of cannon shot, until the 29th, holding them-
selves in readiness further to retire on the approach of the
main body of the enemy. Troops had been posted at Chambly
and Saint Therese, the commandant at the latter place being
instructed, on the advance of the British, to burn the fort and
retire to Chambly.
The Canadian militia present at ile aux Noix on the
abandonment of the fort, depressed by the reverse, deserted
from the army to return to their farms. This feeling was
communicated to those who were with the force at Saint
John's, and they likewise abandoned their colours. Man)' of
the regular troops also accompanied them. On the 29th the
boats of Haviland, now being able, unopposed, to descend the
Richelieu, appeared in their full strength before St. John's.
De Roquemaure set fire to the fort, and retreated towards
Laprairie. Haviland's force took possession of the place,
and partially remained there the 30th and 31st.
Rogers, with 400 men, received orders to follow de Bougain-
ville. He came up with the rear guard of 200 men, which
broke on his appearance. As Rogers advanced, he found the
main body of 1,500 men and 100 Indians posted behind a
bridge over a small stream. He did not think it prudent to
attack a force so much stronger than his own, so he returned
to make his report to Haviland, who had reached Saint
Therese, and was encamped there.
Rogers was sent on to Chambly to join colonel Darby, who
was in possession of the fort, the garrison, consisting of fifty
men, having surrendered on the ist of September. The oath
of allegiance was administered to the habitants, who, on being
permitted to retain their properties, readily accepted its con-
ditions. Rogers was directed to' open communication with
Murray, and he proceeded to Longueuil, in the hope of hearing
400 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
of him, but at that date Murray was lower down on the island
of Montreal, and it was not until the 6th that he could give
notice of his arrival to colonel Haldimand, at the head of the
light infantry and grenadiers.
De Levis, hearing of the position of Haviland, thought that
it might be possible to attack him. On the ist of September
he examined the ground held by de Roqucmaure, and he
ordered him to retreat to Laprairie. He had learned that
Murray had landed a force at Varennes. At the same time
information was brought that Haviland was adv^ancing upon
Chambly. There was no news of Amherst ; de la Corne was
stationed at the Cedars, but he had not heard that on that day
the British force was on lake Saint Francis. On the 2nd, de
L^vis summoned the Indians to Laprairie, asking them to
second him in his operations. While the meeting was taking
place a messenger arrived to tell them that the tribes at Saint
Regis had been seen by Johnson and peace had been made
with the British ; further, that Amherst's force was approach-
ing the Cedars. The consequence was that the meeting broke
up. De Levis shortly afterwards received a despatch from
de la Corne, telling him how matters stood, and that Amherst
would be in Montreal the day after the morrow. Accordingly
de Levis ordered over to the island of Montreal all the troops
which were on the south of the river. The corps of de Bour-
lamaque was placed below the city ; that of de Roquemaure
was stationed above ; Dumas was posted on the eastern part
of the island. Murray's force was on the south shore, within
four hours' march of Montreal. All that de Levis could do
was to await the issue of events, for it was certain Amherst
would stand before Montreal unopposed, and the considera-
tion was, what, in this desperate situation, should be attempted.
No prospect could be more gloomy.
1760] MONTREAL. 4OI
CHAPTER VII.
When the news of Amherst's arrival at Lachine was known,
and that at eleven o'clock he had commenced his march upon
Montreal, the resolution was taken to withdraw the force
within the walls, and Dumas' corps was moved nearer the city.
As the British force appeared upon the plain to the west of
the city, the militia abandoned the army and returned to their
parishes. Several of the married men of the regular army
deserted and joined their families. About two thousand
were all that remained in the field, and they had only
provisions sufficient for from fifteen to twenty days.* A
council of war of the officers was held on the night of the
6th at the house of de Vaudreuil, when a memoir proposing
a capitulation was read by Bigot. It set forth that, by the
desertion of the Canadians and of a great number of the
soldiers, the whole available force was 2,400 men. The
Indians had made peace with the English, and had even
offered to aid in conquering the French.f It was to be
expected that on the morning Murray would land on the
island of Montreal, and the corps on the southern bank of the
river would join the main army, and that it was for the benefit
of the colony to obtain an advantageous capitulation. The
conclusion was accepted by all present.
On the morning of the 7th, de Bougainville was sent with
a proposal to Amherst for a cessation of arms for a month.
It was refused, and after some conversation Amherst con-
sented that no movement should be made until twelve o'clock.
De Vaudreuil, however, at ten o'clock sent a messenger to
Amherst : on this occasion he offered to capitulate, and he
* " des vivres pour environ quiiize a vingt jours." Journal de Levis, p. 303.
t " et meme leur avoient offert de prendre les armes pour achever de nous
reduire." Journal de Levis, p. 304.
2U
402 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
enclosed the terms on which he proposed to surrender. There
had been no attempt to oppose Amherst ; indeed, as the
inhabitants of the city had refused to take up arms, there was
no means of doing so. There however had been some show
of resistance against Murray's advance. A battahon of
colonial troops had been placed on Saint Helen's island, and
the flute, the " Marie," had received all the guns she was
capable of carrying. Two batteries had been constructed at
the foot of the current so as to oppose any attempt at
landing. ?^Iurray, however, disembarked at ten o'clock at
Pointe aux Trembles, ten miles from Montreal, and had then
advanced four miles, where he remained until the evening,
when he came up close to W\& faubourg.
Amherst cannot be considered as having been exacting in
the conditions which he was willing to grant, as the terms
of the capitulation shew. There was one clause enforced
by him peculiarly distasteful to de Levis, that the troops
should lay down their arms, be sent prisoners to France, and
not serve during the war. At the request of de Levis, de
Vaudreuil sent back du Lac with a letter asking a reconsid-
eration of the terms. Amherst replied that he had set forth
the terms he had determined to grant, and he desired an
immediate reply as to their acceptance, for the conditions
would not be changed. Again' de Vaudreuil sent de Bou-
gainville with a request to Amherst that he would liear his
explanation. Amherst gave the same answer, he could make
no change in the conditions ; and he desired an immediate
reply to know if they were accepted or not.* The negotia-
tions, however, were not concluded, for de Levis sent his
quartermaster-general, de la Pause,-f- on the subject of the too
rigorous article imposed upon the troops, which he said they
could not accept, and he asked Amherst to consider its hard-
ship, Amherst briefly repeated the substance of his former'
letters, and demanded a definite answer by the bearer.
* Amherst wrote : '* Je ne saurois changer en rien les conditions que j'ai
oflfertes a M. le Marq. de Vaudreuil et je" compte sur la reponse definitive par le
retour du pnvleur."
t " notre marcchal general de logis."
1760] THE CAPITULATION. 403
Knox gives an account of this interview which is not
authenticated by other evidence. It must, however, be borne
in mind that Knox was present with the troops, and that he
was generally well informed of what took place. His work
was published within a few years after the event in 1769, and
there is every reason to believe that it was seen by Amherst.
I give, therefore, his description of what passed between
Amherst and de Levis' messenger. De Levis makes no
allusion to his sending de la Pause ; of that fact there can be
no doubt. I am myself inclined to believe in the correctness
of Knox's statement. " When," says Knox, " the bearer of
this billet saw that the general had perused its contents he
attempted to support the chevalier's complaint respecting the
article alluded to ; but his excellency commanded him to
silence and told him he was fully resolved, for the infamous
part of the troops of France had acted in exciting the savages
to perpetrate the most horrid and unheard of barbarities in
the whole progress of the war, and for other open treacheries
as well as flagrant breaches of faith, to manifest to all the
world by this capitulation his detestation of such ungenerous
practices, and disapprobation of their conduct, therefore
insisted he might decline any remonstrance on the subject." *
It was not until the 8th that de Vaudreuil sent his uncon-
ditional acceptance of the articles, f
De Levis relates the cause of the delay. On his failure to
obtain any modification of the terms from Amherst he directed
de la Pause to see de Vaudreuil and to ask that the words
" Canada " or "America " should be interlined. De Vaudreuil
declined to make any such demand. Accordingly de Levis, on
the part of the officers, drew up a uianoirc in which he stated
that the terms offered by Amherst were inadmissible, being
contrary to the interest of the King and dishonouring to
the army.
He asked that the negotiations should be discontinued and
that a vigorous defence should be resolved upon, although de
* Kiio.\, II., p. 416.
t De ^"audl•euil wrote, " Je n>e suis detcrniint: a accepter les conditions que
propose votre Excellence."
404 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
L6vis adds with extremely disproportionate forces and with
little hope of success. Should the marquis de Vaudreuil, how-
ever, determine to accept the conditions imposed, that the
troops should be permitted to retire to Saint Helen's island
and there sustain the honour of the King's army ; for they
resolved to undergo every privation rather than submit to such
dishonourable terms. De Vaudreuil's answer to this proposi-
tion, so opposed to all sense and reason that it is difficult to
believe in its sincerity, was a positive order to de Levis to con-
form to the capitulation. De Vaudreuil pointed out that the
interest of the colony did not allow him to refuse the condi-
tions of the English general, which were advantageous to the
country.
The whole proceeding does not add to de Levis' reputation.
He must have seen, that the civil responsibility, of de Vaudreuil
as governor, would not admit of the acceptance of any such
desperate alternative. Moreovei-, that he himself was power-
less to make the least resistance against the eighteen thousand
disciplined troops by whom he was surrounded. De Levis
tells us that he had but twenty-four hundred men and little
food. What opposition could he have made to the attack of
Amherst's force under any conditions ?
There is the more serious charge against de Levis of a
departure from personal honour, in ordering his troops to
burn the colours to spare them the hard conditions of delivering
them to their enemies.
Amherst's account of what took place shews the meanness
and want of honesty of this behaviour. Far better to yield
under adverse circumstances one hundred standards, than for
a gentleman to demean himself by a contemptible falsehood.
De Levis' theory of military honour cannot be held up for
imitation, when, to preserve it, he condescended to wrong and
misrepresentation, covering his delinquency by his assurance
of his " word of honour " that he had not irregularly destroyed
the standards, which in his journal he records with com-
placency he ordered to be corhmitted to the flames.*
* " M. le chevalier de Levis voyanc avec douleur que rien ne pouvoit faire
1760] DESTRUCTION OF THE STANDARDS. 405
Amherst's report of what took place. shews that he accepted
this declaration as truth. He wrote to Pitt from Quebec on
the 4th of October that ten French regiments had laid down
their arms and had delivered up two colours taken from
Pepperell's and Shirley's regiments at Oswego, "the marquis
de Vaudreuil, generals and commanding officers of the regi-
ments giving their words of honour that the Battalions had not
any colours ; they had brought them six years ago with them ;
they were torn to pieces, and, finding them troublesome in this
country, they had destroyed them." f The non-production of
the French colours did not, however, take place without remark
or an expression of dissatisfaction at their absence. When
Amherst received de Vaudreuil's acceptance of the terms
offered, he replied by asking the articles to be returned signed
by major Abercrombie, and expressed the desire to shew-
every consideration to the officers. He wished, he said, to
carry out the conditions with good order and in good faith,
and he had given the command to colonel Haldimand, who,
he trusted, would be personally agreeable to the French to
take possession of the gates of the city. There must have
been some report by Haldimand of the non-delivery of the
colours, for there is a letter from Amherst to Haldimand on
the subject, written three days after the capitulation. Amherst
wrote that their being withheld was an infraction of the
capitulation, contrary to the laws of war, which he could not
permit. Haldimand was directed to notify de Vaudreuil that
the colours must be found, and if the refusal to deliver them
up was persisted in, in Amherst's own justification he must
order the baggage to be searched before it was embarked,
Amherst hoped that the orders de Vaudreuil would give
would make this search useless, and that those, who had felt
themselves authorized to withhold the standards, would have
changer la determination de M. le marquis de Vaudreuil, voulant epargner aux
troupes uue partie de riiumiliation qu' elles alloient subir, leur ordoniia de bruler
leurs drapeaux pour se soustraire a la dure condition de les remettre aux ennemis."
Journal de Levis, p. 30S.
+ Can. Arch., Series A. &; W. I., 94, p. 145.
406 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
sufficient good faith to surrender them. Haldimand was
instructed to make the necessary examination and report on
the subject. There can be Httle doubt that it was on the
information given to Haldimand, that the explanation, re-
ported by Amherst to Pitt, was accepted by him.
The articles of capitulation were signed on the 8th of
September.f Like those of Quebec they are drawn up only
in French, no English signed copy being extant, and it is to
the text in this form that reference must be had. No special
privileges are granted in these conditions ; they may be
regarded as the acceptance of surrender by a conquered people.
The troops were allow^ed the honours of war, but they had to
lay down their arms, not to serve again during the war and be
embarked as prisoners for France. A clause giving protection
to deserters was refused. The demand that the Indians-
should be sent away after the articles were signed was refused,
Amherst remarking " there has been no cruelty committed by
our Indians and good order should be maintained." ^
* " Du Camp de Montreal ce 11^ Spr. 1760.
" J'ai aussi fait choix de deux autres Navires I'une pour M. le Chev"' de Levis
et sa Suite ; Et I'autre pour les Ingenieurs et les Officiers de I'Etat Major ; mais
comma il m'a ete fait plusieurs raports hier, (jue les Drapeaux francois ont cte vus
depuis peu, Et que par Consequent le Refus qu'on vous en a fait est une Infraction
a la Capitulation, contraire aux Lois de la Guerre, Et que Je ne scaurois pour
Thonneur du Roy mon Maitre souffrir, vous aurez la bonte de representer a M. Le
M'^ de Vaudreuil, Qu'il est necessaire que ses Drapeaux se trouvent, et que si on
persiste dans le Refus deja fait, Je serai pour ma propre Justification au Roy
Contraint de faire Visiter tous les Baggages avant qu'ils soient embarqucs. Mais
Je me flatte que les Ordres qu'il donnera a Ceux qui sont sous son Commanderaent
rendra cette Recherche inutile ; et qu'apres y avoir murement reflechi Ceux qui
ont pu se croire autorise a retenir ces Drapeaux auront asse [sic] de bonne foy de
les rendre pour eviter des Suittcs qui me seroient tres Desagreables. \'ous aurSz
la bonte de faire toutes les perquisitions necessaires a ce Sujet et de m'en faire
Raport."
Amherst to Haviland, Series B. I., p. 126.
t These articles of capitulation are given at the end of the chapter. They are
carefully copied from the Canadian Archives. As they appear they may be
accepted as a literal transcript of the text in the imperial record office.
X The word " Moraigans " which appears in the 9th article remains a puzzle to
this day. The text runs in the demand -made by de Vaudreuil : " Le general
Anglais s'engagera dc renvoyer chez eux les sauvages, Indians et Moraigans." No
explanation of this word has ever been given. The word occurs in two other
1760] TERMS OF CAPITULATION. 407
M. de Vaudreuil and the officers were promised every con-
sideration. All were allowed to carry away their private
papers, but the archives and maps of the country were to be
left behind. It was asked that if peace was proclaimed
matters should return to the condition in which they had been.
Amherst declared that everything must depend on the orders
of the king. Those who had business in the country with the
permission of de Vaudreuil could remain until they had
arranged their affairs. No mention on either side was made
of the use of the French language. The free e.Kerci.se of
religion was granted ; the enforced payment of the dime must
depend on the king's will. The demand that the king of
France should continue to name the Roman Catholic bishop
was refused, as equally was the power to establish new
parishes.
The nuns were maintained in their constitutions and prin-
ciples. The same consideration to the male communities of
the Jesuits and Saint Sulpicians was reserved for the king's
pleasure. These communities were allowed to retain their
property with the right of disposing of their possessions and
withdrawing with the money to France. In answer to the
condition asked for by de Vaudreuil, that those who remained
in the colony should not be liable to bear arms against the
king of France or his allies, he was told that the Canadians
became subjects of the king of Great Britain. No special
provision was entertained with regard to the Acadians : the
demand that they should be sent back to their lands was
specially refused.
The remaining articles were the ordinary provisions made
under circumstances of such surrender of a territory for the
protection of the inhabitants, with the desire of granting them
instances [N.Y. cloc.X., p. 579] in a letter from de Vaudreuil tode .Moras, Montreal,
I2th July, 1757. "On the day following it went in hot pursuit, hut could
overt.ike only two Moraigans and one wounded Englishman. Our Indians were so
furious that they tore one of the Moraigans to pieces." Likewise Pouchot [II.,
p. 223, translation] speaks of Rogers having "had a Moraigan Loup for a guide."
In my limited reading I have not otherwise met the word, nor do I know any one
who has done so.
408 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
fair and equitable terms. It might be said that the whole
spirit of the conditions was embraced in the remark of Am-
herst to article 41, that the Canadians became the king's
subjects.
On the morning following the settlement of the articles of
capitulation, the 9th of September, a detachment of troops
with artillery proceeded to \\\q place if amies, and as a military
force occupied the town ; the French regiments, one after the
other, came upon the ground and laid down their arms, and
returned to the camp on the ramparts, where they had been
established. This ceremony over, a British force was sent
to take possession of the gates, and guards were placed
throughout the city. The British colours were now raised
from the small fort which then stood at the east of Montreal,
to shew that the last stronghold of French Canada had
surrendered.
When the French regiments returned to their camp they
were formed in line and reviewed by de Levis. They amounted
to 2,132 of all ranks.*
On the nth Amherst turned out his whole force, and
received de Vaudreuil on parade, the troops marching past.
De Vaudreuil became on friendly terms with Amherst, and
shewed him a letter written by Le Mercier, who had reached
France on the 25th of December, in one of the vessels which
had forced their way past Quebec. The minister had pro-
mised to send vessels with stores, some of which did eventually
arrive in the bay of Chaleurs, and ascended the Restigouche ;
de Vaudreuil was called upon to defend the country until the
* They are thus summarized by de Levis [journal p. 315] :
Officers present 179
Soldiers " 1,953
2,132
Officers returned to France 46
Soldiers invalided 241
2S7
Total ,
2,419
Soldiers described as absent from ^heir regiments 927
3.346
1760] THE WESTERN POSTS. 409
proclamation of peace, which it was looked for would be made
in August.
During the three following days the town was definitely
occupied by the British, and the arrangements completed for
the departure of the French troops. The regiments of
Languedoc and Berri, with the marine corps, were embarked
on the 13th ; the regiment of Royal Rousillon and Guyenne
on the 14th ; on the i6th the regiment of La Reine and
Beam. On the 17th de Levis, with de Bourlamaque, started
for Quebec ; de Vaudreuil and Bigot left on the 20th and
2 1 St. By the 22nd every French soldier had left Montreal,
except those who had married in the country, and who had
resolved to remain in it, and transfer their allegiance to the
new government.*
The provincial troops were at an early date sent from
Montreal. The New Hampshire and Rhode Island regiments
crossed the river, and proceeded to Chambly, thence went to
Crown Point. The Connecticut troops were ordered to
Oswego and fort Stanwix. The New York and New Jersey
regiments to the lately named fort William Augustus, at
the head of the rapids, and to Oswegatchie (Ogdcnsburg).
Rogers, with four hundred men, bearing letters from de
Vaudreuil instructing the forts to be given over, was sent to
Detroit, Miami, Saint Joseph, and Michillimackinac.f Monck-
ton at the same time received orders to send forward regular
troops to take permanent possession of these forts.
After the departure of the troops on the 15th, de Levis
again addressed a letter to Amherst relative to the terms of
the capitulation, asking to be excepted from the conditions of
not serving during the war, stating that he had no hand in the
barbarities and cruelties that had been committed. De Bour-
lamaque, on his own part, personally asked the same con-
* The French troops were only able to leave Quebec on the 22nd and 25th of
October. Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 95, p. i.
t Rojjers reached New York, on his return from Detroit, the following Feb-
ruary. Owing to the setting in of winter he had been unable to proceed to the
other forts. He reported that he had found one ihous.ind Canadians in the
■neighbourhood of Detroit. Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 96.1, p. 219.
410 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
sideration. Amherst replied that he could make no change
in the conditions granted, but if they so desired he would
submit the request made by them to the king's ministers.
Burton was appointed governor of Three Rivers, and Webb's
48th ordered to proceed to that place. As it was reported
that some troops had lately arrived at the bay of Chaleurs, at
the request of Amherst, de Vaudreuil sent an officer ordering
them to lay down their arms. Major Elliott, in command of
a detachment of the 43rd, accompanied him. Amherst also
wrote to lord Colville, desiring him to send a ship of war with
transports, to receive the French troops on their surrender.
Elliott's detachment, consisting of 113 of all ranks of the
43rd, under the convoy of the frigate " Repulse," safely
arrived at its destination. Dangac was in command of the
French force of 193 in all. Although the orders of de Vau-
dreuil were imperative, that he should act upon the terms of
the capitulation, he affected a hesitation ridiculous under the
circumstances, and took forty-eight hours to consider what
course he would follow. On the 30th of October the French
laid down their arms and became prisoners of war. During
the following week, Elliott was engaged in embarking three
hundred and twenty-seven barrels of stores, wine, powder,
and musket balls. There was a large quantity of blankets,
coarse brown cloth, pork, port wine, rum and brandy. This
property was taken in possession. The shot was thrown into
the river ; " five bad cannon " were on the battery, three
i2-prs. and two 9-prs., as they could not be got on board the
frigate, they were rendered useless and left behind.
Elliott described the settlement of the Restigouche as
established at a spot where the water was so shallow that it
could only be navigated by a canoe. It consisted of a scat-
tered " parcel of log-houses in the midst of woods." There
was no cleared ground, suggesting that the place was a colony
of privateers. Of the thousand inhabitants, seven hundred
were capable of bearing arms. Some hundred Micmacs were
likewise encamped in the neighbourhood. Elliott made peace
with the tribe, by giving them .some blankets and bur\-ing the
hatchet.
1760] WRECK ON SABLE ISLAND. 4II
Captain Allen, of the " Repulse." carried back to Halifax
the New England sloops which had been taken and brought
in, and he obtained some provisions which were in the place.
All that was useless he burned. Elliott's vessel, in the voyage
homewards, lost the convoy, but succeeded in passing through
the gut of Canso. The ship was caught in a violent storm,
which prevailed for three days, and on the 14th of November
she was driven a wreck on Sable island. Elliott was fortunate
in putting his force on shore without the loss of a man. The
detachment remained in this desert spot until the 9th of
January, when relief appeared in the form of a vessel, which
carried them to Halifax. xAmherst permitted the men to
remain here for some weeks to recruit their strength.*
The flute, the " Marie," a king's ship, had been given over
to the navy, the guns were taken out, and the vessel sold to
one Martin, on condition of his employing her in the trans-
port of troops. She was fitted up to receive the marquis de
Vaudreuil, his family and staff On the departure of de
Vaudreuil, the militia of the town and suburbs were called
upon to take the oath of allegiance, and to give up their arms.f
* Owing to the state of the stores on their landing on Sable island, with the
feeling of the necessity of making the provisions last until May, the allowance
was reduced to five ounces of flour and one gill of liquor for each man, with
4 lbs. of pork for six men per week, that is, half a pound of pork a man for the
week. Subsequently, some horned cattle and horses were found on the island,
which served as food. The men made dwellings of the yards and sails, and
thatched them with the sedge of the island. "Our greatest Mortification,*'
Elliott tells us, "was now to see Vessels very often Discover our Signals, but
none had Charity enough to come to our Relief, till a small Schooner from
Marble head Came, the 31st December, in search of some fishermen that were
missing, saw my Signals and staid off the Island a week, till she could send her ,
boat on shore, which was tb.e 71 h instant."
Can. Arch., A. .V- W. I., 96. i, p. 316.
+ It was a new form of oath different to that which had been administered by
Murray. It was generally taken throughout the three governments, and super-
seded the oath previously enforced at Quebec.
The te.\t is given Can. Arch., A. iv W. I., 94, p. 223 :
" Je, , Jure quo je serai Fiddle, Et que Je me
comporterai honnetement Envers Sa Sacrc Majesty George Second par La Grace
de Dieu, Roy de La Grande Tirctagne, de France et d'lrl.ande, Defenseur de La
Foy ; Et que Je defendrai Lui et Les siens, dans ce pais de tout men pouvoir
412 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
The weather was commencing to be trying from the
autumn rains, and the nights were cold. Haviland with his
force, Whitmore's 17th and the 27th InniskilHngs, returned to
Crown Point. The troops detailed to remain in ^Montreal
were established in their quarters. The French Indians in
the neighbourhood were summoned to the city and requested
to bring in their prisoners ; they appeared with several men,
women and children, and Johnson established rules and
regulations for their future government As a final measure
Gage was appointed governor of the district of Montreal,
Burton having been sent to Three Rivers.
Matters now being accommodated, and peace and order
established, Amherst passed across the island and visited ile
Jesus ; the 25th and 26th he remained in Montreal. On the
27th he started for Three Rivers. As he descended the river
he passed the vessel which had run aground, on which M. de
Vaudreuil was a passenger. He arrived at Three Rivers on
the 28th, and remained there the 29th and 30th. He visited
the Saint Maurice forges, and was favourably impressed with
their capacity. The following days he landed at Dechambeau
and Jacques Cartier, in his journey passing several of the
transports carrying the French troops delayed by contrary
winds. On the 3rd of October he arrived at Quebec. He
there saw lord Colville, who was on the point of ordering the
*' Northumberland," three ships of 50 guns, three frigates
and two sloops to Halifax ; the remainder of the fleet was to
proceed to England.
At this period Amherst obtained a census of the popula-
tion, which he reported at 76,172.*
centre Tous ses Enemis ou les Leuis ; Et Je Jure en outre que je revelerai et ferai
connoitre a Sa Majeste Son General ou a Ceux Agissant sous Lui autant qu'il
dependra de Moy Tons Traitres ou Toutes Conspirations, qui pouroient ctre forme
centre Sa Sacre Personne ce Pais ou Son Gouvernement."
* Amherst thus describes the three districts divided by parishes, viz. :
Total of
Pari5;lies. Coinp. Militia. Number Militi.i. all souls.
Montreal 46 87 7,331 37, 200
Three Rivers 19 '9 . ^'^°i ^'3^^
Quebec 43 64 * 7,976 32,584
Total loS 170 16,412 76,172
I760J AMHERST LEAVES CANADA. 413
Amherst did not remain long in Quebec. Indeed, the
lateness of the season suggested an early departure if he was
to ascend lake Champlain and thence to proceed to Albany.
He left on the 5th for Crown Point, and on the i8th he was
on lake Champlain. He gave instructions for the fortifica-
tions and barracks at ile aux Noix to be razed, and the guns
and ammunition to be brought away. From lake Champlain
he made his way to Albany, which he left on the 21st, to
arrive at New York on the 28th of October.
Amherst never subsequently visited Canada. The govern-
ment was left in the hands of the officers he appointed, and
he remained at his headquarters in New York until his
The census must have been obtained through the French, and there is no
ground for supposing that they would designedly furnish an incorrect statement.
It does not, however, accord either with the previous or subsequent tables of
population.
The population in 1736 was 39.063
" 1737 " 39.970
" 1739 " 42,701
" 1754 " 55.009
In the fifteen years between the last two dates the population increased 12,300,
something less than one-third. If we apply this increase to the next six years,
we may be justified in estimating the increase at one-eighth, which would place
the population at 62,000. It is not probable that in these six years of war the
population could have increased upwards of 20,000, '/^ths, nearly a half of the
former total.
In 1761, the three governors were called upon to furnish the census of their
several districts. The reports were :
[Gage] Montreal 24,957
[Burton] Three Rivers 6,612
[Murray] Quebec 30,21 1
A total of 61,780
This census, with the various figures for the preceding twenty-five years, shew
that the statement given to Amiierst cannot be accepted as correct.
Murray relate^, that at Quebec there were " 1,788 strangers having no settle-
ment," doubtless, arrivals from the northern British provinces, who, in the spirit
of adventure, had found their way to tlie city afier the conquest in 1759.
I am inclined therefore to estimate the French population of Canada in 1760
at 60,000 souls, the number which hitherto has been generally accepted, as
correctly representing it.
I have to allude to this subject when the condition of Canada during the
interregnum is considered.
414 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
departure for England in 1763. It will be my duty to inves-
tigate the character of the government which he established
on his departure.
The narrative of the events of the campaign has interfered
with the mention of what took place in July in the bay of
Chaleurs. Early in the month a chief of the Richibucto
Indians, who had made peace with governor Lawrence, gave
information that there was a considerable French force at
Miramichi, and that several ships of war had entered the bay
of Chaleurs. On the report reaching Whitmore, at Louis-
bourg, he addressed a letter to commodore Byron on the
subject.* Byron at once put to sea in the " Fame," with
the "Achilles," "Dorchester," "Repulse," and "Scarborough."
Owing to bad weather the " Fame " parted company with
the other ships, and was the first to arrive at the place
indicated. There was an armed schooner in these waters,
carrying six carriage guns and ten swivels. Byron attacked
her with his boats near point Goacha, f as he writes. The
vessel was taken, but the crew of forty-seven escaped to the
woods. Byron in his barges ascended the Restigouchc, and
* Commodore the hon. John Byron, grandfather of the poet, was both an
excellent seaman and a man of unusual ability. Among the sailors he was known
as "Foul weather Jack," for he never made a voyage without experiencing a
tempest. In his youth he had been a midshipman in Anson's expedition, on
board the "Wager," which was wrecked on a desert island to the southward of
the island of Chiloe on the coast of Patagonia. The captain in no way com-
manded either the respect or love of the men ; and in this desperate position a
mutiny broke out, which ended with the remainder of the crew, for many had
been drowned, taking the long boat and attempting to pass through the straits of
Magellan. They left beliind, the captain, lieutenant, surgeon, and two midship-
men, one of whom was Byron. The crew did, strange to relate, reach the Rio
Grande, in Brazil. One of the officers succumbed to the privations suffered
by him ; the remaining four, after great hardship, succeeded in arriving at the
Spanish settlements in Chili. In 176S, Byron published a narrative describing the
" distresses suffered by himself and his companions on the coast of Patagonia,
from the year 1740 till their arrival in England in 1746." After the peace, in
1764, Byron was sent on a voyage of discovery to the South Seas, and as an
admiral he was actively engaged during the contest of the American war. He
died in 17S6.
t The sound suggests Point Joachim, but I cannot learn that any place is now
known by that name.
1760] BYRON IN THE "FAME." 415
after rowing four or five leagues obtained a view of the
remaining ships. Sounding the channel, Byron ascended in
the " Fame " within three leagues of the enemy's first battery,
which was regularly constructed. On the following day in
endeavouring to reach the spot the " Fame " ran aground.
After nine or ten hours' work, by aid of the schooner which
carried out the small bower anchor with two cables, she was
again got afloat. The next day the other vessels came up.
The " Fame " was enabled to approach the first battery
after running repeatedly out of the channel ; her guns were
brought upon the French defences, when those who were
working "the battery abandoned it. Byron landed his men,
destroyed the battery and burned the settlement, consisting
of two hundred houses. In the meantime the French vessels
advanced higher up the Restigouche. The frigates were
accordingly lightened to follow them. The French warped
their vessels as far in shore as they were able, and had erected
batteries for their protection. The British ships were pulled
forward by warps with the men in boats, although exposed to
a hot fire. In about an hour the French ships struck. The
frigate, the " Machault," was mounted with thirty 12-prs. : she
was blown up by the French. There were two large Icttres
de marqiic store ships, and twenty-two vessels, most of them
with valuable cargoes. They were set on fire to prevent them
being taken as prizes. The French estimated that they
experienced a loss of ^300,000, independently of the destruc-
tion of the settlement. Sixty prisoners were also released ;
they had been taken by the privateers from Miramichi out of
coasting vessels passing between the lower ports and Quebec.
Byron set on fire a small vessel belonging to New England
which was retaken, as it could not be brought away ; unfortu-
nately six of his men were lost in the conflagration. The
British had four killed and nine wounded independently of this
number. The French had about thirty killed and wounded.
The French ships contained between three and four hundred
regular troops, and about one thousand Canadians. On the
destruction of the ships, the whole took to the woods. The
41 6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
intention was, no doubt, to forward their provisions and stores
as best they were able to Montreal. The success of Byron's
expedition inflicted great damage in every respect, both in the
loss of provisions, stores, and many articles required in the
colony, further destroying the prestige of the privateers : a
loss the more felt from the desperate condition in which the
province was placed. Le Blanc, a noted privateer captain,
had arrived from Miramichi with nine vessels the day before
the appearance of the " Fame." All his ships were therefore
destroyed. He had been very mischievous in the coasting
trade ; but the defeat in these waters put it out of his power
to give trouble hereafter.*
The attack was most spirited ; and although conducted
under every disadvantage, from the want of knowledge of the
channels and the continual danger of running aground, no
unfavourable consequence was experienced. The good sea-
manship of the British calls for the highest commendation.
The important results attained in sweeping away the nest of
privateers was of the highest service in freeing the New
England coasting trade from interference and attack. After
this chastisement, we do not hear of further attempts of this
character.
* Colville to Pitt, 12th September, 1790, enclosing letter of commodore
Byron. Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 93.2, p. 593.
76o]
ARTICLKS OF CAPITULATION, MONTREAL.
417
The articles of capitulation are here given literally, as they appear in the
Record office, London, being copied from the text in the (Canadian Archives,
Series A. & W. I., 93.2, pp. 561-592.
Articles de Capiliilalion Eiitre Son Excellence Le Giiural Am/ierst, Cointnandant
en Chef Les Troupes d^ Forces de Sa Majeste Britattujiie En L'A/nirique
Septenlrionale
ET
Son Excellence Ic M" dc J'audrenil, Gianil Croix de L'Ordre A'oyi^l et Militaire
de S*. Louis, GoHVcrncttr el Lieutenant General pour Le Koi en Canada.
Tout !a Garnison de Montreal doit
mettre bas les Armes, Kt ne seiviia
point pendant la presente Guerre ; in>-
mediatenient apres la Signal lue de la
presente, les Troupes du Koy pren-
dront possession des Portes et po.iteront
les Gardes necessaires pour mainlenir
le bon Ordre dans La X'lile.
Art. ler.
V'ingt-quatre heures apres La .Signa-
ture de la Presente Capitulation, Le
General Anglois fera prendre par Les
Troupes de Sa Majcste Britanique,
Possession des Portes de La Ville de
Montreal, et La Garnison Angloise ne
poura y Entrer qu'apres L' Evacuation'
des Troupes Francoises.
Art. 2.
Les Troupes et les Milices qui seronl
en Garnison dans La Ville de Montreal,
En Sortiront Par la P.orte de
avec tous les honneurs de la (juerre,
Six pieces de Canon, Et Un .\Iortier
qui seront Charges dans Le V'aisseau
oil Le Marquis de Vaudreuil Emhar-
quera avec dix Coups a tirer par i)iece.
II en sera Use de nieme pour la Gar-
nison des trois Rivieres pour les hon-
neurs de la Guerre.
Toutes ces Troupes ne doivent servir
pendant la Presente Guerre et mettront
pareillement les Amies bas, le Keste
est accorde.
Art. 3.
Les Troupes et Milices qui seront en
Garnison dans le Fort de Jacques Car-
tier, Et dans L'Isle S"^ Helene, &
autre-S Forts, seront traittc de nii-me, Et
auront les menus honneurs ; Et ces
Troupes se rendront a .Montreal, ou aux
3 Rivieres, ou a Quebec pour y Estre
toutes Embarquces jiour le premier port
de Mer en I'lance, par le plus court
Chemin. Les troupes qui sent dans nos
postes Situes sur Nos Frontieres, du
2C
4i8
THE HISTORY OF CANADA.
1760
Accord^.
Coste de L'Accadie, au Detroit, Mich-
ilimakinac, et Autres postes, Jouiront
des memes honneurs et seiont Traittees
de meme.
Art. 4.
Les Milices, apres Estre sorties des
Villes et des Forts, et Postes cy dessus,
retourneront Chez Ellcs, sans pouvoir
Estre Inquicttces, sous quelque pretexte
que ce soit, pour avoir porte Les Amies.
Ces Troupes doivent, comme
Autres, mettre has les Amies.
Art. 5.
les Les Troupes qui Tieiment la Cam-
pagne Leveront leur Camp, Marclie-
ront, Tambour hattant, Annes, bai^ages,
Et avec leur Artillerie, pour se joindre
a La Garnisoii de Montrtfal, Et auront
en tout le meme Traitement.
Refuse.
Art. 6.
Les Sujets de .Sa Majeste IJritanique
Et de Sa Majeste Tres Clnelieiiiie, Sol-
dats, Miliciens, cm Matclots, <\\\i auiont
Desertes, ou Laissce Le Service de leur
Souverain, Et porte Les Annes dans
L'Amerique SepteiUrionale, Seront de
part Et d'autre Tardones de leur Crime ;
lis seront respectivement rendus a leur
Patrie, Sinon lis resteront chacun oil
lis sont, sans qu'ils puissent Estre re-
cherches ni Inquieles.
C'est tout ce qu'on peut deniander sur
Cette Article.
Art. 7.
Les Magazins, L' Artillerie, Fusils,
Sabres, Munitions de Guerre et gen-
eralement tout ce qui apartient a S. M.
T. C. Tant dans les Vdles de Montrt-al
et 3 Rivieres, que dans les Foils et
Postes mentioncs en L'Article 3. Seront
Livres par des Inventaires Exacts, aux
Comissaires qui seront Preposcs pour
les recevoir au Norn de S. .\L 1!. II
sera remis au .M''- de Vaudreuil des
Expeditions en bonne forme des d :
Inventaire.
1760] ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION, MONTREAL. 419
Les Malades et ISlesscs seront Traitt
de nieme que nos propie Gens.
Le premier Refuse II ii'y a point eu
de Cruautes Comniises par les Sauvages
de Notre Arni.e : Et ie l)on Ordre sera
maintenu.
Art. 8.
Les Officiers, Soldats, Miliciens,
Matelots, et m^me Les Sauvages dete-
nus pour Cause de leurs Blessures, ou
Maladie, tant dans les hospitaux que
dans les maisons Farticulieres, Jouiront
des privileges du Cartel et Traittcs
Consequament.
Art. 9.
Le General Anglois S'Engagera de
renvoyer chez Eu.x Les Sauvages, In-
diens, Et Moraigans qui font Nombre de
Ses Armees, d'abord apres La Signa-
ture de La prescnte Capitulation. Et,
Cependant, pour prcvenir tous dcsordres
de la Part de Ceux qui ne Seroient pas
partis, II sera donne Par Ce General
des Sauve : Gardes aux Personnes qui
En denianderont, tant En Ville que
dans les Campagnes.
Repondu par L'ArticIe precedent.
Le marquis de Vaudrcuil Et tous ces
Messieurs seront Maitres de leurs .Mai-
sons, et s'Emharqueront des que les
Vaisseaux du Roy seront prets a faire
Voile pour I'Europe : Et on leur ac-
cordera toutes les Conimodites qu'on
pourra.
Art. 10.
Le General de Sa Majeste Britan-
ique garantira tous desordres de la
part de Ses Troupes ; Les assujetiira a
Payer les domages qu'Elles pouroient
faire, tant dans les Villes que dans les
Campagnes.
Art. II.
Le General Anglois ne poura obli-
ger Le M" de Vaudieuil de Soitir de
la Ville de .Montreal avant le
Et on ne poura Loger Personne dans
Son hotel Jusques a son depart.
M. le Cht'' Levis, Commandant Les
Troupes de Terre, Les Officiers Prin-
cipaux Et Majors des Troupes de
Terre et de la Colonic, Les Ingenieurs,
Officiers d'Artillerie, Et Comis.saire des
Guerres, resteront pareillenient a Mont-
real Jusf[u'au d. jour Et y conserveronl
leuVs Logemens. II En sera Use de
meme a L'Egard de M. Bigot, Intend-
ant, des Comissaires de la Marine Et
420
THE IIISTOKV OFXANAHA.
[1760
Accorde ; Exceptc It
pouriont Etre ntictssair
vernement clu pai».
Officiers de plume, doiit moii d: S Rigot
aura besoiii Et on ne poui.i Egale-
meiU I.oger peisonne a L'liUendance
avant Le depart de cet Intendant.
Art. 12.
II sera destint', pour le passage en
droiture au premier I'orl de Mer en
france du M'^ de\'audieuil, I,e^^^isseau
Le ]ilus Comode qui se tiouvera : II y
sera Pratique I.es Logemeiis Neces-
saires pour Lui, Mad*" la Mar(juise de
Vaudreuil, M. de Kigaud, Couverneur
de Montreal, lu I.a Suittede ce General.
Ce Naisseau sera Pourvu de Subsist-
ances Convenahles aux depens de Sa
M'^ Uritauique, Et I.e M''- de Vaudreuil
Enportera avec I.ui Ses papiers s.ins
qu'ils puissent ICstre \'i^itt's. Et II
Emharquera Ses Equipages. X'aisselle,
bagTges Et Ceux de Sa Suilte.
Ce que le Roy pouroit avoir fait a ce
sujet sera Obei.
Accorde, Excepte que M. le M'" de
Vaudreuil et Tous Its OtTiciers, de
quelque Rang qu'ils puissent etre, Nous
remeltrnns de bonne (vy toutes les
Cartes et plans du Pais.
Art. 13.
Si, Avant ou Apres I'Enibarquement
du M''* de Vaudreuil, La Nouvelle ile la
paix arrivoit, ¥.t que I'nr Le 'iraitte Le
Canada resta a Sa M'<^^ T. C, Le M'^ de
Vaudreuil reviendroit a Out'hec ou a
Montred, Toutes Clioses rentreroient
dans leur premier ICstat sous la domi-
nation de Sa M"^ T. C. Et La presente
Capitulation deviendroit Nulle et sans
Effet quelconques.
Art. 14.
II sera destine deux Vaisseaux pour
le Passage En France de M. Le Che"' de
Levis, des Ofl'iciers principaux Et Estat
Major General des Troupes de Terre,
Ingenieurs, OtTiciers d'Artillerie, Et
Gens cpii sont a leur Suitte Ces
Vaisseaux seront Egalenient pourvus
de Subsistance ; II y Sera praticpie Les
Logeniens lu-cessaires Ces Otiliciers
poiiront Emporter Iturs papiers, qui
ne seront point Visiles, Leurs Equi-
pages et I'agages.
1/60]
ARTICLES OF CAriTULATIOX, MONTREAL
421
Ceux lie CV
Maritis auront
avec luix Icurs
; OtTiciers (jui seront
La Liberie J luiiener
Kenimes et Knfans Et
La Suhsistance leui Sera fournie.
Accordc, avec la nieuie
par I'Article precedent.
Accorde.
Art. 15.
II eii sera mcme tiestiiu' iiii pour Le
passage ile M. Bii^nt, Intcinlant, Et de
Sa Suitte, dans leipiel Vaisseau II sera
fait les air.enageniens convenables pour
lui El Ics personiies iju'il Emmenera.
II y Embarcp era Egaleir.ent Ses pa-
piers, qui ne Scrout point Visiles, ses
Equipages, X'aisselle et bagnges et Ceux
de Sa Suiite. Ce Vaisseau sera pourvu
de Subsistances Comme II est dit Cy
devant.
Art. 16.
Le General Anglois fera aus&i fournir
pour M. de Longueuil, Gouverneur de
3 Rivieres, pour Les Estats Majors de
La Colonic Et Les Coniissaires de
La Marine, Les Vaisseaux nocessaires
pour se reniire En france Et le plus
comodcment qu'il sera possible ; lis
pouront y Embarquer Lcurs Families,
Domestiques, lingages et Equipages, Et
la Sub.sislance leur Sera fournie pend-
ant la Traversee sur un pied Conve-
nable, aux depens de Sa M'*-' Hritanique.
Accorde.
Art. 17.
Les Otticiers et Soldats, Tant des
Troupes de Terre que de La Colonic,
ainsi que les Ofhciers Marins et Mate-
lots qui se trouveront dans la Colonic,
seront aussi Embarques pour France
dans les Vaisseaux qui leur Seront
destines En Nombre Sufisant et le
plus comodement que faire se pourra.
Les Ofticiers de Troupes et Marins, qui
seront Maries, pouront Emmener avec
Eux leurs Families, Et tons auront La
Liberie iI'Enibarquer leurs Domes-
tiques Et Hagages, <^uant aux Suldats
et Matelots, Ceux ciui seront Maries
422
THE HISTORY OF CANADA.
[1760
pouiont Eminener avec Eux Leurs
Femmes et En fans, Et tons Embanj^ie-
ront leurs havie-Sacs et Hagages. II
sera Embarque dans ces Vaisseaux Les
Subsistances, Convenables et sufisantes
aux depens de Sa M'^ Hritanique.
Accorde.
Accorde.
Art. 18.
Les Ofliciers, Soldats et tons Ceux
qui sont a la Suitte des 'l"roupes, qui
auront leurs Hagages dans les Cain-
pagnes pouront les Envoyer Cherclier
avant leur depart, Sans qu'il leur Soit
fait aucun Tort ni Empescbement.
Art. 19.
II sera fourni par Ee Clencral Anglois
un Hatiment d'liopital pour ceux des
Officiers, Soldats c\: Matelots blesses -
ou Malades qui seront En Estal d'Eslre
transportes En France, Et la Sulisist-
ance Leur Sera Jigalement fournie aux
depens de Sa M'"^ Hritaniciue.
II en sera Use de Mtine a L'Egard
des autres OfTiciers, Soldats et Mate-
lots blesses ou Malades, aussilot qu'ils
seront retablis.
Les uns et les autres pouront Em-
mener Leurs Eemnies, Enfans, Domes-
tiques et l^agages, Et les d : Soldats et
Matelots ne pouront Etre Sollicitt-s ni
forces a prendre parti dans Le Service
de Sa M"" Britannique.
Accorde.
Accorde, mais s'ils ont des papiers
qui concernent le Gouvernemcnt du
pais, lis doivent Nous Ics remettre.
Art. 20.
II Sera Laisse un Comissaire et un
Ecrivain de Roy pour avoir Soin de&
hopitaux Et Veiller a tout ce qui aura
raport au Service de S. M'^ Tres
Chretienne.
Art. 21.
Le Gt'iicral Anglois fera Egalement
fournir de \^aisseaux pour Le Passage
en france des Olhciers du Conseil
Suporieur, de Justice, Toiice, de L'Anii-
raute et tous Autres Ofiiciers avant
1760]
ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION, MONTREAL.
423
Tous ceux dont les Affaires Particu-
li^res exigent qu'ils resteiU dans le pais
Et qui en ont la permission de M. de
Vaudreuil, seront permis de rester Jus-
qu'a ce que leuis Affaires soient ter-
mindes.
Comissions ou Hrevets de Sa M'^^Tres
ChretienP'-. pour Eux, leurs Families,
Domestiqius et Eijuipatjes, Comme
Four les Autres Officiers, Et La Sub-
sistance Icur Sera fuurnie de meme aux
depens de Sa M"" ISritanique. II leur
sera Cependant Libre de rester dans la
Colonie, S'ils Le Jugeiit a propos, pour
y arranger
retirer P2n
Semblera.
Leurs aff.iires, ou de Se
france, quand bon Leur
Art. 22.
S'il y a des Officiers Militaires dont
les Aftaiies Exigent leurs presence dans
la Colonie Jusqu'a I'Annee Prochaine,
lis pouront y rester aprcs En avoir eu
La Permission du M'^ de Vaudreuil Et
sans qu'ils puissent Estre reputes Pris-
oniers de Guerre.
Accorde.
Tout ce qui se trouve dans les Maga-
sins destines a I'Usage des Troupes doit
etre delivre au Commissaire Anglois
pour les Troui>es du Roy.
Art. 23.
II sera Permis au Munitionaire des
Vivres du Roy de demeurer en Canada
Jusqu a L'Annoe prochaine pour Estre
En Estat de faire face aux dettes qu'il a
Contractees dans La Colonie relative-
ment a Ses fournilures ; Si ncantmoins
II prefcre de passer En france cette
Annee, II sera oblige de Laisser Jusques
a L'Annee prochaine une Personne pour
faire Ses Affaires. Ce paiticulier Con-
servera et poura Emporter tous Ses
papiers Sans listre Visitt's. Ses com-
mis auront La Liberie de rester dans
La Colonie ou de Passer en France,
Et, dans ce dernier Cas, Le Passage Et
le Subsistance leur Seront Accordos sur
les Vaisseaux de Sa iNP'^' Britannique
pour Eux, leurs families, et leurs bag-
ages.
Art. 24.
et Autres aprovisione-
trouveront En Nature
Magasins du Munitionnaire,
Tant dans les \'illes de Montreal, et des
3 Rivieres, cjue dans les Campagnes,
Les Vivies
menl fjui se
dans les
424
THE HISTORY OK CANADA.
[1760
Lui seront Conseivt-s I.es d : Vivres
lui appartenant et Non au Koy, Kt 11
lui sera Loisible de les Vendre aux
fran^ois on aux Anglois.
Accorde.
Art. 25.
Le Pas.sage en france sera K<jale-
ment acconlc ,siir les Vaisseau.\ de Sa
M"= Britanique, aiiisi que la Subsistance,
a. ceux des Ofticieis de la Compagnie
des Indes qui V'oudront y passer Et lis
Emmeueront leurs families, doniesliques
et bagages.
Sera permis a L'Agent jsrincipal de
la d'' Compagnie, Suppose qu'il Voulut
Passer en france, de Laisser telle Per-
sonne qu'il Jugera a propos Jusques a
L'Annee prochaine, pour terminer les
Affaires de la d. Comp'^' ; Et faire le
recouvrement des .Sonimes qui lui sont
dues, L'Agent principal Conservera
tous les Papiers de la d" Compagnie,
Et lis ne pouront Kstre Visite.
Accorde, pour ce qui peut appartenir
k la Compagnie ou aux Particuliers,
mais Si Sa Majeste Ties Chretienne y a
aucune part, Elle doit ctre au profit du
Roy.
Art. 26.
Cette Compagnie .Sera Maintenue
dans la Propriete des Ecarlatines et
Castors qu'elle peut Avoir dans LaVille
lie Montreal ; II n'y Sera ]ioint touche.
Sous quelque Pictexte que ce soit, Et
II Sera donne a L'Agent Principal les
facilites Necessaires pour faire passer
Cette Annee En france .Ses Castors
Sur les Vaisseaux de .Sa M*^ Britan-
ique, En payant le fret sur lepied que
les Anglois le Payeroient.
Accorde pour le Libre Exercise de
leur Religion ; L'01)iiy;ation de payer
la Dixnie aux Pretres, dcpendra de la
Volonte du Roy.
An. 27.
Le Libre Exercise de la Religion
Catliolique Apostolique et Roniaine
Subsistera P2n Son Entier, En Sorte
que tous Les Estats et les peuples des
Villes et des ('ampagnes, Lieux et
postes Eloignes pouront Continuer de
S''Assembler dans les Eglises Kt de
frequenter les Sacramens, comme cy
I760J
AR'l'ICLKS OF CAPITULATION, MONTREAL.
425
devant, Sans EsUe In<iiiit-tcs Kn aiicune
manieie, divectement ni Indirectement.
Ces peuples seront Obliges ]iar le
Gouvernement Anglois a Payer aux
Pretres qui en Prendront Soin, Les
dixmes Et tons les droits (ju'ils avoient
coutume de payer sf)us le ( loiivernement
de Sa M'"-' Tres Chrctienne.
Accord e.
Art. 28.
Le Chapitre, Les Preslres, ("urcs et
Missionnaires Continueront avec En-
tiere Liherte leurs Exerciceset fonclions
Ciiriales dans les Paroisses des Villes
des Campagnes.
Accorde, Except
I'ArticIe Suivant.
Art. 29.
regarde Les Grands Vicaires, nomes par le
Chapitre pour administrer le Diocese'
pendant la Vacance du .Siege Episco-
pal, pouront demeurer dans les Villes
ou paroisses des Campagnes, Suivant
qu'ils le Jugeront a propos. lis pour-
ont En tout Temps Visiter les differ-
entes paroisses du Diocese avec les
Ceremonies Ordinaires Et Exercer toute
La Jurisdiction qu'ils Exer(;oient sous
la domination francoise. lis Jouiront
des memes droits En Cas de mort du
futur Evesque dont II sera parle a
L' Article .Suivant.
Refuse.
Art. 30.
Si, par Le Traitte de paix, Le
Canada restoit an pouvoir de Sa M'"-'
Britanique, Sa M'"-' Tres Chrctienne,
continueroit a Nomer L'F-vesque de La
Colonic, qui seroit toujours de la Com-
munion Komaine, et Sous L'Autorite
duquel les peuj^les Exerceroient La
Religion Roni.nine.
Cet Article est com pi is sous le
dent.
Art. 31.
Poura Le Seigneur Evesque Etahlir,
dans le besoin, de Nouvelles I'aroisses
Et pourvoir au rctablissement de Sa
426
THE HISTORV OP CANADA.
[1760
Cathedrale Et de Son I'alais Ejiisco-
pal, Et II Aura En Atteniiant, la Lib-
erie de denieuier dans les Villes ou
Paroisses.coninie II le Jugera a propos.
II poura Visiter son Diocese avec les
Ceremonies Ordinaire?, Et Exercer toute
La Jurisdiction que son Fredecesseur
Exer9oit sous la domination francoise,
sauf a Exiger de Lui Le Sernient de
fidelite, ou Promesse de ne rien faire,
ni rien dire Contre Le Service de Sa
M'^ Britanique.
Accord e.
Art. 32.
Les Comnmnault's de fdles .Seront
Conservt'es dans ieurs Constitutions et
Privileges. I'iUes Continueront d'obser-
ver Ieurs regies. Elles seront Exemptes
du Logement de Gens de Guerre Et
II Sera fait deffenses de Les Trouhler
dans Les Exercices de pielii qu'Elies
pratiquent, ni d'Entrer chez Elles; On
leur donnera nieine des Sauve Gardes,
Si Elles Ell ileniandent.
Refuse Jusqu'a ce que le plaisir du
Roy soit connu. ■
Art. 33.
Le Precedent Article sera pareille-
ment Executi- a L'Egard des Commu-
nautes des Jesuites Et Ri'-colets Et de
la Maison des Prctres de S' Sulpice a
Montreal, les dernieis et Les Jesuites
Con.serveront Le droit ([u'ils ont de
Nomer a Certaines Cares et Missions,
Comme Cy devant.
Accorde.
Art. 34.
Toutes les Communaules, Et tons les
Prestres Conserveront Leurs Meubles,
La Propriele Et L'Usufruit des Seign-
euries, Et autres biens que les uns et les
autres posscdent dans la Coionie, de
quelque Nature qu'ils soient Et Les d:
biens seront Conserves dans leurs Pri-
vileges,droits, lionneurs et I'lxemplions.
1760] ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION, MONTREAL. 427
lis seront les Maitres de disposer de
leiirs biens et d'en passer le produit,
ainsi que leurs personnes et tout ce qui
leur appartient, En france.
Art. 35.
Si Les Chanoines Presfres, Mission-
naires, Les Preslres du Seminaire des
Missions Etrangeres Et de S' Sul-
pice, ainsi que les Je-uites et Les
Recolefs Veulent passer F.n france,
Le passage leur sera accord*'; sur les
Vaisseaux de Sa Majeste Ikitanique,
Et tous auront la Liberie de Vendre
En total ou partie Les biens fonds Et
Mobiliers Cju'ils possedent dans la
Colonie, soit aux fran9ois, ou aux
Anglois, sans que le Gouvernement
Britanique puisse y niettre le moindre
empeschement ni olstacle.
lis pouront Kmpovter avec Kux ou
faire passer En france Le Produit, de
quelque Nature qu'il soit, des d'' biens
Vendus, en Payant le fret, Conime II
est dit a L' Article 26 Et ceux d'Entre
Ces Prestres qui Voudront Passer Cette
Annee Seront Nouris jiendant La
Traversee aux depens de Sa M"* Bri-
tannique Et pouront Em porter avec
Eux leurs bagages.
Accord e.
Art. 36.
Si par Le Traitto de Paix, le Canada
reste a Sa M'*^ Britanique, Tous les
Fran9ois. Canadiens, Accadiens, Com-
er9ant, Et Autres Personnes qui Vou-
dront se retirer En france, En Auront
la Permission du Geni-ral Anglois, qui
leur procurera le passage I'^t Neant-
moins, Si. d'icy a cette decision, II se
trouvoit des Conier9ans francois ou
Canadiens, ou autres Personnes qui
Voulussent passer En France, Le Gen-
eral Anglois Leur En donneroit Fgale-
ment la Permission. Les uns ct les
autres Emmeneront avec Eux leurs
families domestiques et bagages.
Accorde comme par L'Article 26.
Art. 37.
Les Seigneurs de Teires, Les Offi-
cicrs militaires Et de Justice, Les
428
THE HISTORY OK CANADA.
[1760
Canadieiis, Tant des Villes ([ue des
Campag.ues, Les francois Ktaljlis ou
Comei»,<int dans toute L'Ktendue de
la Colonic de Canada Kt Toutes Aulres
Personnes que ce puisse Estre, Conser-
veront I/Entiere paisible pioprictii et
possession de leiirs biens Sei^neiiriaux
et Rotuiiers, Meubles et Iinineubles,
Maichandises, Pelleleries, Et autres
efifets, meine de Eeurs batiments de
mer ;, U n'y sera point touche ni fait le
moindre doaiage, sous quelque pre-
texte que ce soit : II leur Sera Libre
de les Conseiver, Louer, Vend re, soit
aux Francois ou aux Anylois, d'Em
emporler i.e produit En LcUrcs de
Change, I'eileteries Espcces Sonantes
ou autres retours, Eorsqu'ils Jugeront a
Propos de passer en france, En payant
le fret Coniine a E'ArticIe 26.
. lis Jouiront aussi des pelleteries qui
sont dans les postes d'ludiaut, ^i rpii
leur appartiennent, Et (pii peuvent
meme Estre En Chemin de se rendre a
Montreal ; Et, a cet Effet, II leur Sera
permis d'Envoyer des cette Annee, ou
la procliaine, des Canots lujuipes pour
Chercher Celies de ces pelleleries qui
auront restces <lans ces postes.
C'est au R.iy a disposer de Ses An-
ciens Sujet<. en Attendant, lis Jouiront
des meincs privileges que lesCanadiens.
Art. 38.
Tons les Peuples Sortis de 1/ Accadie,
qui se trouveront en Canacia, y compris
les frontieres du Canada, du Coste de
L' Accadie, auront Le meme Traitement
que Les Canadiens, et Jouiront des
memes privileges (ju'Eux.
Accorde, Exct'pie a I'Egard des Aca-
diens.
Art. 39.
Aucuns Canadiens, Accadiens,ni Fran-
^o'\i, de Ceux cjui sont presentement en
Canada, et sur le« frontieres de la Colo-
nic du coste de I/Accadie, du Detroit,
de Micbiliniakinac et Aulres Lieux et
Postes des i)ays d'Enhaut, ni les .Soldats
maries et non inaries restant en Canada,
;6o]
ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION, MONTR LAL.
429
Accorde, a la reserve du
Article qui a dt-ja cle refuse.
ne pouront Estre portts, ni Traiismigres
dans les Colonies Aiigloises, ni En
L'Ancienne Angleterre, Et lis ne pour-
ont estre recherches pour avoir pris
Les Amies.
Art. 40.
Les ."^auvages ou Indiens Allies de
Sa M'"^ tres Chrtjticnne Seront niain-
tenus dans Les Terres qu'ils hal)ilent,
S'ils veulent y rester ; lis ne pouront
Estre Inquittcs sous queltpie prctexte
que ce puisse Estre pour avoir pris les
Arines et Servi Sa M'^^tres Chretienne.
lis auronl connue les Francois, la
Liberte de Religion et Conserveront
leurs Missionnaires, U scia perniis
aux Vicairts genoraux Actucls Et a
L'Eveque, lorsciue Le .Siege Episcopal
Sera renipli, de leur Ijivoyer de Nou-
veaux Missionnaires Lors(|u'iis le Juge-
ront Nccessaiie.
lis deviennent Sujets du Roy.
Alt. 41.
Les Fran9nis, Canadiens, El Acca-
diens, qui resteront dans La Coluiiie, de
quelque Estat Et Condition qu'ils
Solent, ne Seront, ni ne Touront Eslre
forces a prendre les Amies Conlie Sa
M'^tres Chretienne, ni Ses allien, direc-
tement, ni Indirectement, ilaus ([uelque
Occasion que ce soit, Le Gouvernement
Britanique ne poura l^xiger d'Eux
qu'Une Exacle Neutralile.
Repondu par les Articles precedents,
«t particulicrement par le dernier.
Art. 42.
Les Francois et ('anadiens conlinue-
ront, d'Estre (jouvcrner Suivant La
Coutume de I'aris Et les I.oix et U>nges
Etablis pour ce pays; Va lis ne pour-
ont Estre Assujeltis a d'autics IniiH.is
qu'a Ceux <iui Etoienl Elahlis sous la
domination Erancoise.
Accorde avec la reserve dej.H faile.
Art. 43.
Les papiers du Ciouvernemenl reste-
430
THE HISTORY OF CANADA.
[1760
rout, sans Exception au puuvoir du
M'^ de Vaudreuil, Et passeroiu en
france avec lui. Ces Pa()ieis ne pour-
ont Estre Visitcs, sous qiieU[ue pre-
texte que ce soit.
II en est de meme de cet Article.
Art. 44.
Les papiers de L'Intendance, iles
Bureaux du Controle de La Marine,
des Trtisc riers Ancien et Nouveau,
des Magazins du Roy, du Bureau du
Uomaine Et des forges S' Maurice ;
resteront au pouvoir de M. Big<jt, In-
tendant, Et lis Seront Enibaiciuiis pour
france dans le Vaisseau oil II Passera.
Ces Papiers ne Seront point Visiles.
Accorde.
Accorde.
Art. 45.
Les Registres lu Autres Fajiiers du
Conseil Supcrieur de Quebec, de la
Pre vole Et Amirauiti de la Moine
Ville, Ceux des Jurisdictions Royales
des trois Rivieres Et de Montreal, Ceux
des Jurisdictions Seigaeuriales de La
Colonic ; Les Minutes des Actes de:
Notaires des Villes et des Campagnes
Et generalement Les Actes & Autre:
papiers que peuvent Servir a Juslifiei
I'Estat et la foriune des Citoyens, res
teront dans La Colonie dans les GrefFes
des Jurisdictions dont ces papiers de-
pendent.
Art. 46.
Les Halntans et Negocians Jouiront
de tous les Privileges du Comerce aux
niemes faveurs, lit Conditions accor-
decs aux Sujets de Sa Majestc Britan-
ique, taut dans les Pays d'Enhaut
que dans L'Interieur de La Colonic.
Accorde, Excepte Ceux qui aurout
eles fails Prisonniers.
Art. 47.
Les Negres et Pams des deux Sexes
resteront En Icur cjualito d'Esclavcs, en
la possession des fran^ois et Canadiens
a qui ils Apartiennent, II leur Sera
i76o]
ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION, MONTREAL.
431
libre de les garder a leur Service dans
la Colonie, 011 de les Vendre, Et lis
pouront aussi Continuer a les faire
Elever dans la Religion Romaine.
Accorde.
Art. 48.
II sera permis au M'^ de Vaudreuil,
aux Officiers generaux Et Superieurs
des Troupes de Terre, aux Gouverneurs
Et Etat Majors des differentes places de
la Colonie, aux Officiers Militaires et
de Justice, I'j a toutes Auties Personnes
qui Sortiront de la Colonie, ou qui en
sent deja Absents, de Nonimer et
Etablir des Procureurs pour Agir pour
Eux Et en leur Noni Dans I'administra-
tion de leurs biens Meubles et Immeu-
bles, Jusqu'a ce que la Paix Soit faite
Et si, par le Traitte des deux Cour-
ones, Le Canada ne rentre Point Sous
La Domination franCj-aise, Ces Officiers,
ou autres Personnes ou Procurturs pour
Eux, auront L'agrcment de Vendre leurs
Seignieuries, Maisons, et Autres biens
fends, Leurs Meubles et Effels, &c.
d'en Emporter ou faire passer Le pro-
duit en France, soit En, Lettres de
Change, Esi)eces Sonantes, Pcllet-
eries ou autres Retours, Comme II est
dit a L'Article 37.
Accordt
Accorde.
Art. 49.
Les habitans et Autres Personnes
qui auront Soufert quelque doniage En
leurs biens, Meubles ou Imnieubles
restes a Quebec Sous la foy de la Cap-
itulation de cette Ville, pouront fiiire
leurs representations au Gouvernenient
Britanique qui leur rendra La Justice,
que leur Sera diie Contre qui il apar-
tiendra.
Art. 50 (et dernier).
. La prcsente Capitulation Sera In-
violablement Executee En tous Ses
432
THK HISTORY OF CANADA.
[1760
Articles, de part Kt d"aiitre et de bonne
foy, Non obstant toute Infraction et
tout autre Pretexte par Kaport aux
Preccdenles Capitulations, Et Sans
pouvoir Servir de reprcsailles.
P.S.
On Aura Soin que les Sauvages n'in-
sultent aucun des Sujeth de Sa Majeste
Tres Chrclienne.
Art. 51.
I.e General Anglois S'Kngagera, Kii
Cas fju'il reste des Sau%'ages apres La
Redition de Cetle Ville, a lunpccher
qu'ils n'Kntrent dans Les V'ilies et qu'ils
n'lnsullent V.u Aucune Maniere, Les
Sujets de Sa M"'' Tres Chretienne.
kepondu par rArlicle II
Art. 52.
Les Troupes et Autres Sujets de Sa
M'^Tres Chretienne, qui doivent I'asser
En france, Seront Enibarciuces Quinze
Jours au plus tard, apres La Signature
de la Presente Capitulation.
Accorde.
Art. 53.
Les Troupes Et Autres .Sujets de Sa
M'"^ Tres Chrt-iienne, qui devront passer
En P'rance, resteront Logees, ou Cam-
pees dans la ^'ille de Montreal Et
Autres Postes qu' Elles occu])ent Pro-
senlement, Jusciu'au Moment ou Elles
Seront Embaiquees pour le depart. II
sera neantmoins Accorde de^ Passe
Ports a ceux qui En auront hesoin, pour
Les differenls Lieux de la Colonic pour
aller Vaquer a leurs Affaires.
Accorde.
Art. 54.
Tons les Officiers et Soldats des
Troupes au .Service de France qui sont
Prisonniers a la Xouvelle-Angleterre,
et faits En Canada, Seront renvoyes Le
Pluslost (]u'il .Sera possible En france
oil II Sera Iraitte de leur Rnncon, ou
Echange, Suivant Le Cartel ; Et, Si
quclques Uns de Ces oltkiers avoient
I76o] ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION, MONTREAL.
Accord^, a la reserve de ce qui regarde
les Acadiens.
433
des Affaires en Canada, II leur Sera
Pennis d'y Venir,
Art. 55.
Quant aux Officiers de Milices, aux
Miliciens Et aux Accadians qui sont
prisonniers a la Nouvellc-Angleterre,
lis seront renvoyes sur leurs Terres.
Fait au Camp devant
Montreal ce
8 Septembre
1760.
Jeff Amherst.
Fait a Montrtfal
le 8 Sep' 1760.
Vaudreuil.
Jeff Amherst.
434 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
CHAPTER VIII.
The surrender of Montreal proved to be the close of the
war in America. So far the design of Pitt had been accom-
plished; the French had been driven from the northern part of
the continent, and the liritish race alone held it in possession
to. the Mississippi, Louisiana remainini^ a French province.
This important result by no means terminated hostilities.
France put forth greater exertions to continue the struggle in
Europe, as if by successes nearer home to redeem her losses
beyond the Atlantic. Finally, she engaged Spain in the con-
test, to fight the battle by her side. These events were with-
out influence upon the new possession of Canada. The death
of the king, however, which took place within a few weeks of
the surrender of Montreal, led to consequences which affected
the conduct of the war, and which may be traced in the con-
ditions, on which peace was obtained.
George II. died on the 25th of October, 1760, from
apoplexy, in his 74th year.* It will be my duty to relate the
course followed by the young king George III., and the
political complications which followed, so far as they bear
upon the history of this continent. It is impossible to resist
the feeling that the death of the old monarch at this crisis
was unfortunate for the empire. There is much in the
private life of George II. which has put out of view the good
side of his character; and this prejudice has been encouraged,
from the circumstance that George II., being thirty years
* Horace Walpole rel.ites ihe circumstances of liis death [Letters, III.,
p. 454] : it took place at seven in the morning, the king dying immediately after
the attack. As a mark of the ignorance and superstition of the time, Chester-
field wrote to his son, on November 2ist : " It was generally thought tliat his
majesty would have died, and for a very good reason, for the oldest lion in the
Tower, nuich about t!ie king's age, died about a fortnight ago. This extrava-
gancy, I can assure you, was believed by many above the common people."
1760] GEORGE II. 435
old before he came to England, never knew the language
perfectly, and shewed no sympathy with its literature. It is
doubtful if he could discover its excellence. Never did
royalty present so sorry a patron of letters. The king knew
nothing of science or art ; he was not generous ; he had no
liking for the state ceremonies which popular feeling so
frequently exacts ; he was without dignity in his appearance ;
that charm of manner which has led the world often to put
out of view falsehood, dishonesty, and the meanest selfishness,
George II. never possessed. Notoriously, he had his mis-
tresses; otherwise, his wife was his companion and friend, and
he never lost his trust in her judgment and genius. The
attachment of such a woman as queen Caroline to her hus-
band, in spite of his infidelities, must be accepted as proof
that his worth and honesty of nature were undoubted. As
we consider the king's weakness in attaching himself to
female favourites of the hour, wc must remember that such
relationships, a century back, were regarded in a different
light to that in which they are looked upon to-day. Even to
the first quarter of this century, they were not considered
discreditable to royalty. Within the memory of man a
modern Mde. de Pompadour was to be found in Windsor
castle, without contemporary opinion being exceedingly
shocked. George III. during his whole reign, was the pattern
of every private virtue, religious, temperate, irreproachable in
his marriage relations, but his conduct in this respect made
no permanent impression on the nation, as was seen in the
tolerance given to the manners of the regency, and the years
succeeding it. Public opinion has since risen up to condemn
these irregularities, certainly any objectionable exhibition of
them. The life and career of her present majesty has given
to society the unmistakable stamp of her own character, to
penetrate all classes, and to raise throughout the land a
standard of decorum, decency and propriety of life which is
not a mere conventionality. The queen has established a
living principle of conduct, which cannot be violated with
impunity by the highest in the realm. It was said of
436 THE HISTORY OF CAJfADA. [1760
Augustus Caesar, he found Rome brick and Peft it marble, it
will be the epitaph of Queen Victoria, that she found loose,
uncertain, questionable restraints on conduct, which she re-
placed by her example and influence with fixed principles of
morality and duty, which have become a part cy{ English life
throughout the empire, and which have penetrated on both
•continents into other lands and latitudes.
In the days of George II. there were no such theories of
propriety: there was a lower horizon of feeling and sentiment,
blended with a latitudinarianism which did not even affect
concealment. With no limited number, in all conditions, the
mistress was looked upon as a portion of the household of
the monarch. It had been the doctrine since the days of
Charles II., and a royal reckless libertinage came to be con-
sidered a necessary feature of kingly dignity. No one would
put forward George II. as an example of moral excellence ;
but it is equally an exaggeration when his character as a
monarch is considered, to talk of his mistresses as representa-
tive of his life. His error in this respect, to some extent
may be affiliated to the time in which he lived. What is
conceded by those who have shewn him but little favour is,
that he had undoubted courage, proved in the hour of trial ;
that he was honest, direct in his conduct ; and personally
honourable. He recognized the constitutional character of
his sovereignty, and never attempted to violate it. In the
discharge of his duties as king, he was industrious, pains-
taking and conscientious ; he shewed his sympathy with the
people by never attempting to infringe upon their liberties.
He understood continental politics better than any of his
ministers. His reign was one of the happiest and most
prosperous on record ; and the final years of his rule can be
ranked among the most glorious of the annals of the empire ;
as tjie narrative of the events, I have endeavoured to give in
this volume, helps to establish. He was moderate in his per-
sonal expenditure, indeed he is accused of loving money.
No sovereign was ever more careful of the public treasure.
There is no scandal of deceit, or want of strai^rhtforwardness
1760] THE NEW SUBJECTS. 437
and truth towards his ministers. He had naturally a love for
his electorate, and he availed himself of his position as king
of England to sustain it. His policy was to assure the
safety of Europe against French domination, the danger of
which had not passed away : a policy in which Great Britain
was directly interested. Opinion has lately been awakened
to the merits of George II.; not the least of the causes, which
lead to their recognition, is the consideration now given to the
early years of the reign of his successor, the political disor-
ganization which ensued, owing to the introduction into
ofificial life of the incompetent Bute, by the merely personal
predilections of the king ; and that so inferior and inexperi-
enced a person should have been intrusted with the negotia-
tions of an important peace. Had George H. lived, and
Chatham rerhained at the head of affairs, the terms of peace
would have been free from those objections which can be
urged against them, and possibly peace itself would have
been earlier obtained. Chatham's name still carried with it
dread and fear ; the power of Great Britain was then at its
height ; faction was silenced ; the people of one mind to
carry on the war, and the country was never so formidable.
One assertion may safely be made : Great Britain would
never have disgracefully deserted her ally, the king of
Prussia; the personal honour and courage of George H. would
have revolted at such contemptible meanness.
The capitulation of Montreal surrendered the whole of
Canada to Great Britain, and accordingly it became neces-
sary to establish a form of government by which order would
be preserved. It was indispensable likewise to provide
machinery by which the business of life should proceed with
decency and security. Whatever system was introduced, it
could be regarded only as temporary, but however short the
period it had to endure, it had to be well considered and
efficient. The problem to some extent had been assisted by
the year's po.ssession of Quebec by Murray. That period,
however, had been one of war. Murray himself had been
attacked late in April, and during the last months he had
438 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
taken part in the active operations which concluded the
contest.
The period has come down to us under the name of the
"r^gne militaire," as given by French Canadian writers, and
the term to a certain extent has become accepted. It lasted
nearly four years, from September, 1760, to October, 1764.
There arc, moreover, those who having never investigated the
facts, and imperfectly recognizing the necessity for establish-
ment of some institutions for the maintenance of law and
order, have accepted its nomenclature as indicative of the
harshest and most unjust domination, and the government has
been misrepresented as one of continual wrong and persecu-
tion. No opinion can be more ill-founded. The. greatest
care was taken to conduct the government in accordance with
the old customs of the province, and, in conformity with the
law which had hitherto prevailed in Canada, the one desire
was to provide for the well-being and contentment of the
people.
Three French Canadian writers, a half century back, care-
fully investigated this matter, and have placed their opinions
on record. They were not politicians, intent on e.xciting the
passions and trading on the prejudices of their countrymen.
They had not their own interest in view, and did not trust to
recklessness of statement to advance their fortunes. In private
life they were men of honour, with strong love of race and
country, who were among the first to rescue the history of the
past, and who had deep at heart the advancement and pros-
perity of the French Canadians. These three men were Mr.
Jacques V^iger, Dr. Labrie and judge Dominique Mondelet.*
• I have to ackiiowledt^e my oblii^ations to the memoir of the Historical
Society of Montreal pul)lishcil in 1S72, ^^ R'ei^nc Militaire en Canada, ott Adminis-
tration Jiuiiciare dc ce pays par les Anglais du S Septcmbre /760 an 10 Aont IJ64."
These papers were in the lust place collected by Mr. Jaccjues Viger, who added
several explanatory notes of reference.
The volume of the Montreal Historical Society was published under the able
editorship of M. I'Abbe Verreault with the care and ability which distinguish his
many valuable contributions to historical literature. Among its other excellencies
it contains a good index.
1760] THE governors' COURTS. 439
Mr. Viger tells us that the courts of justice established gave
full satisfaction to all the inhabitants, and that when ten years
later the Canadians determined to ask of their new sovereign
the establishment of their ancient laws, they did so in stating
how happy they had been when their fellow-citizens adminis-
tered justice during the military rule.*
Judge Mondclet has expressed the opinion that no great
penetration is required, after the perusal of the judicial
registers of this time, to be convinced that the governors
had nothing so much at heart as to attach the French Cana-
dians to the new system, by the preservation of their customs
and laws.f There was no attempt to introduce English laws,
* " L'l^venement prouva qu'il ne s'etait point trompe, car les chambres de
justice donnerent une satisfaction assez gent-rale a tous les habitans ; tellement que
lorsque, quelques annces plus tard, ils se dticiderent a redemander a leur nouveau
souveraiii le rctablissement de leurs anciennes lois, qu'on leur avait si cruellement
otees, a Tepoque de riiistitiition du gouverneaient civil, ils ne le firent qu' aprcs avoir
exprime comhieii ils avaienl etc heureux, quand leurs propres Concitoyens, leur
avaient admiaistre la justice sous le A'cjf/id Militaire. Ecoutons-les, eux-memes
pirler ; ils vent nous dire quelles lois furent en force et de quelle nianiere ils furent
juges, sous ce pretendu regne militaire.
" Loin de ressentir, au moment de la conquete, les tristes effets de la gene et
de la captivite, le sage et vertueux general qui nous a conquis, digne image du
souverain glorieux qui lui confia le commandement de ses armees, nous laissa en
possession de nos lois et de nos coutunies. Le libre exercise de not re religion nous
fut conserve et confirme par le traite de paix ; et nos anciens citoyens furent etablis
les juges de nos diffcrends civils. Nous n'oublierons jamais cet exces de bonte :
ces traits genereux d'un si doux vainqueur seront conserves precieusement dans nos
fastes ; et nous les transmettrons d'age en age a nos derniers neveux." [Extrait
de Padresse des Canadiens au Roi, pour demander le retablissement de leurs lois
en 1773.] Memoire Ablie Verreault, p. 28.
t li ne faut pas une penetration bien grande, pour se persuader, apres avoir
parcouru ces registres et presques tous les monumens judicaires de ce temps, que
les gouverneurs de cette cpoque n'avaient rien tant a coeur que de nous attaciier
k eux, en cojiservant nos usages et nos lois. L'on n'apper^oit nuUe part la pretention
d'introduire les lois anglaises, et encore moins celle de juger suivant la loi martiale ;
car si ces juges tombent parfois dans Tarbitraire, 11 faut bien se garder den conclure
que la cause s'en trouve dans leur adhesion a une loi qui n'est faite que pour les
soldats, mais seulement que leur desir d'atteindre a la justice particulierede cliaque
cause les force a violer quelquefois les principes generaux des lois. Ces cours
n'avaient de militaire que le nom, qu'elles avaient pris des juges qui y presidaient.
Memoire Abbe Verreault, p. 41.
440 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
and still less to judge by military law. All that these courts
had of the military element was the name.
Dr. Labrie remarks that although the regimental officers
were the administrators of justice, nevertheless they respected
and even followed in their procedure the laws and ancient
customs of the colony to the extent they knew them, or that
circumstances permitted.*
The title which this government has obtained is unfor-
tunate, inasmuch as it has admitted of misrepresentation ;
nevertheless, it possesses the merit of correctly describing the
situation in which matters stood. Between the capitulation
and the peace, Canada was occupied as a conquered country,
and the basis of authority was the force with which it was
held. A more correct title would have been the period of
the governors' courts, or temporary government, for the name
given is in all respects a misnomer. It is an'act of injustice to
identify the principles of government laid down by Amherst,
as those of military rule, which means coercion at the
bayonet's point.
Amherst lost no time in carrying out his purpose. On the
i6th, eight days after the capitulation. Burton was appointed
governor of Three Rivers, and he was ordered to proceed
thither with the 48th regiment, and with some artillery.
Burton was instructed, that with regard to thefts, murders
and crime, military law remained in force. Civil differences
of the inhabitants were to be settled, according to their own
laws, by the captains of militia, who were to retain authority
in their parishes. If the decision given by this court was
unacceptable to one of the parties, an appeal could be made
to the commanding officer of the district. If he declined to
decide the difference, or he considered a higher opinion
desirable, or there was still discontent on one side, the case
was to be referred to the governor, assisted by a council of
* " les officiers des troupes y furent les administrateurs de la justice, en respec-
tant toutefois et en suivant mcme les procedures, les lois et les usages anciens de
la colonie, autant qu'ils les connurent, ou quc-le permirent les circonstances ou
elle se trouvait." Memoire Abbe Verreault, p. 66.
1760] NEW ORDINANCES. 44I
captains. The governor was, for his own guidance in the
conduct of the government, to form a council of field officers.
The officers of militia were called upon to surrender their
French commissions, upon which English commissions would
be issued by the governor.*
On the 2 1st of September, Gage was appointed governor
of Montreal ; the same form of government was established,
with the difference that the council judging civil cases, should
consist of field officers. The spirit in which these regulations
were established, is shewn by the instructions given to Gage:
"These newly-acquired subjects," says Amherst, "when they
have taken the oath, are as much his Majesty's subjects as
any of us, and are, so long as they remain deserving of it,
entitled to the same protection. I would have you particu-
larly give it in charge to the troops to live in good harmony
and brotherhood with them, and avoid all differences soever. "f
One duty was enforced on the new government by ordinary
prudence, the disarming of the Canadian militia. Commis-
sioners were appointed to proceed to the different parishes to
tender the oath of allegiance, and to collect the arms in the
hands of the inhabitants. Each officer of militia was allowed
to retain a firelock, and any of the inhabitants desiring to
possess a gun to shoot in the woods, could be allowed one on
certain conditions. There was never any difficulty on this
point, any parish could obtain from seven to ten muskets, for
the purpose of the chase ; numerous certificates remain to
shew that this permission was liberally granted.
Murray was continued at the head of the government at
Quebec. He had established rules and published ordinances,
by which the public service had been conducted. Quebec
was now brought in harmony with the two other provinces,
and one system prevailed throughout Canada.
Gage, on assuming his government in October, 1760, issued
an ordinance as a guidance for the inhabitants. No deserters
were to be harboured, and no soldiers' necessaries purchased.
• Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 94, p. 254.'
+ Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 94, p. 264.
442 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
The inhabitants were informed of the mode of procedure to
be followed in the settlement of their civnl disputes, and that
finally the case could be brought before the governor. When
the appeal was made, it must be placed in writing. The
governor would then assign a day of hearing. The officers
of militia were ordered to assemble every Tuesday to adjudi-
cate on the contestations to be submitted to them.
Police regulations were enforced. Chimneys were to be
swept once a month, non-observance entailed a fine of six
livres. In case of fires carpenters were called upon to be
present with an a.xe ; every inhabitant with an axe and a
bucket ; non-attendance was punishable by fine. The snow
was to be kept level in front of each house, with a footpath of
two feet in width ; all filth and rubbish to be taken to the
river side ; the roads and bridges were to be kept in good
order; dealers were forbidden to forestall in the market under
a heavy fine.
While the civil causes were thus determined, criminal cases
were submitted to a court of military officers. In the early
days of the exercise of this jurisdiction, the difficulty was
experienced, that there was no prison where criminals could
be confined, and no executioner to inflict punishment, conse-
quentl}', the chastisement rapidly followed the crime. It was
fine or flogging. An accusation before the court was by no
means another word for conviction ; on the contrary, many
were acquitted. The pleadings before these courts must have
been sufficiently simple. At the capitulation of Quebec, all
the officers, civil and military, of that district, left the colony;
and at the capitulation of Montreal, the same result hap-
pened. There could accordingly have been little technical
law in the early pleadings. Generally, however, in Canada,
in the most' peaceful days of French rule, equity had greatly
prevailed. There had never been the same forms, as are fol-
lowed in a modern court of law, or were then observed in
France. The first trace of regularity of proceeding is to be
found in the appointment of Champlain as governor in 1633,
after the abandonment by Charles I. of the conquest of Kirke.
1760] FRENCH LAW. 443
Although Champlain laid the foundations of Quebec a quarter
of a century earlier, in 1603, it is only after the conquest of
Kirke had been restored to France that the history of Canada
can be said to commence, in the sense that it was more than
the scene of the labour of a few adventurers.
The will of the governor was at this early date supreme,
for he was not forced to follow the advice of his council. In
1648 the council obtained greater influence. It consisted of
the governor, the previous governor, if in the country, for at
that date the office was granted only for three years, the
chief of the Jesuits, in case of no bishop being appointed, and
two councillors elected for three years by the council, and the
syndics of Quebec, Montreal and Three Rivers. If there
were no former governor in the country, then the fifth coun-
cillor was elected by the colony. This system remained until
1663, when Canada became a royal government. In 1664
the company of "des hides Occidcntales" was re-established.
In 1674 the authority of the king was reaffirmed, and the
Conseil Souverain re-established, and it continued, with modi-
fications from time to time, to the conquest. It was before
this body the civil process was carried on. It had in reality
no authority beyond making some ordinary laws of police.
The intendant actually possessed power over the council, and
his ordinances were binding as laws. On the other hand,
any legislation made in France was ordered to be registered,
and it became law in Canada. It was the Conseil Souverain
which took cognizance of all cases, civil and criminal, and
laid down laws of police, when introduced by the governor-
general and intendant.
The governor, intendant and the bishop were all important
in the administration of the law, but they were not always of
accord ; indeed, serious quarrels took place between them.
This court alone was in force to render justice between man
and man. The French Canadian was not permitted partici-
pation in political or legislative affairs. The governors' courts,
after the conquest, at once had the merit of raising the cap-
tains of militia, the gentry of the country, to the important
444 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1761
duty of taking part in the government. As men of family,
they were the only part of the population with any education :
the fact must be plainly stated, that the great body of people
could not read or write, and were without the slightest know-
ledge of what was taking place in the world, beyond their
own daily experience. We have the statement of the cap-
tains of militia, that their sergeants could not write, or at
least imperfectly.* Murray describes the people he found
about Quebec, as perhaps the most ignorant people under the
sun, and hence the mo.st supcrstitious.-f-
The form of government introduced by Amherst, if we set
out of view the shock given to sentiment in the matter of the
disruption of old traditions, and the feeling that the law was
administered by men, who had attained the right of posses-
sion by force of arms, who professed a different religion, and
spoke a language not the vernacular of the people, must have
been in every respect a relief, by its contrast to the old
despotic French government. There could have been no
hardship in the absence of technical pleading, for it had been
unknown in Canada. The disputes must have been simply
cases of right or wrong, when substantial justice could be
administered through common sense, equity and honesty.
All Gage's ordinances shew the desire to act in accordance
with justice, and in harmony with the people. The govern-
ment of Montreal was divided into five districts. The first
governor's court was held at Point Claire, and had jurisdic-
tion to the west to the Cedars and Vaudreuil ; on the east to
Lachine. The second established at Longueuil, on the south
of the Saint Lawrence, included the inhabitants from Cham-
bly and Chateauguay to Varennes. The third was held at
Saint Antoinc, on the south of the Saint Lawrence, and
extended from Sorel to Verchcres, ascending the Richelieu
to Saint Denis. The fourth at Pointe aux Trembles, on
* Verreault, p. 89. " Comme nos sergents de niilice ne saveiit point eciire
ou ne le font qu' iinparfaitement."
t Can. Arch., A. & \V. I., 99, p. 170.
I761] MONTREAL. 445
the north shore, included the country to Lachenaie, and
to the north as far as Saint Rose and Terrebonne. The
fifth was placed at Lavaltrie, and embraced the county of
Berthier.
There was a special court for Montreal. The proceedings
were to be carried on in the district of the defendant.
Montreal was excepted from this regulation, the citizens
having the right to have their cases tried in the city. The
attendance of witnesses could be enforced under fine. The
proceedings were carried on in French, for excepting the
British garrisons, there was scarcely any one who knew a
word of English. Certain moderate fees were allowed for
the payment of the expenses of the court ; but the duty of
the judges, the captains of militia, were carried on without
payment. All the proceedings of the courts were conducted
in conformity with the laws and customs which had prevailed
under French rule.
I can only find the record of two executions, both early in
1761, one that of a grenadier of the 44th for robbery: there
must have been some extraordinary cause for severity, for the
ordinary punishment in such cases was three hundred lashes.
The second was that of a French soldier, formerly of the regi-
ment of La Sarre, for the murder of a Jiabitant at ile Jesus.
The man was hanged in the market place of Montreal, and
the body carried to the scene of the crime, to be " hung in
chains." *
A few months only had passed, when the opportunity
occurred for the new subjects to shew their satisfaction with
the rule under which they lived. On the death of George II.
the citizens of Montreal " placed themselves in mourning," f
and they presented an address to Gage, expressing their
sense of the protection they received, and the peace and
prosperity they enjoyed under the new government; treatment
such as a father gave his children, not the harsh tyranny of a
• Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 96. i, p. 4. .
t Can. Arch., A. & W. I,, 96.1, p. 222.
446
THE HISTORY OF CANADA.
[1763
conqueror. The address was written both in French and
Enghsh.*
On the 26th of November, 1762, Gage issued a proclama-
tion, informing the inhabitants of Canada, that the prelimin-
aries of the treaty of peace had been signed at Fontainbleau,
on the 3rd of that month. On the 17th of May, 1763, he
obtained authority to declare that the treaty had been con-
cluded on the lOth of February, 1763, and peace permanently
ADDRESS FROM MONTREAL.
* A Son Excellence Le General
Gouverneur de Montreal, Et de ses
Dependences.
L'Addresse de Mess'''^ Les officiers
de Milices Et Negociants de laVillede
Montreal.
La Parque Inhnmain a done tranche
le fil des Heaux Jours d'un Roy aussi
grand que Magnanime. Nous Venons
Epancher Nos Regrets ilans le Sien
paternel de Votre Excellence, Seuls
Tributs de la reconnaisance d'un peuple
qui ne cessera Jamais d'Exlialter et la
douceur, Et la Moderation de Ses
Nouveaux Maitres Le Heros ([ui Nous
a conquis. Nous a traitu plutot en
Pere qu'en Vanqueur, Et Nous a
laisst; un gage precieux, de Norn et
d'effets de Ses bontes, pour Nous. Que
de reconnaissance ne devons Nous pas
avoir de tant de Bienfaits ? Ah ! ils
seront Eternellement graves dans Nos
Cceurs en Caracteres Ineffacables.
Nous"* Suplions Votre Excellence de
Nous Continuer L'honneur de Sa Pro-
tection. Nous ferons en sorte de la
meriter par Notre Zele Et par les
Vceux ardents que Nous OfTrions sans
cesse a L'lmmortel pour Sa Sante et
Conservation.
Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 96.1, p. 327
Translated, as inserted in the Ne-w i'ari Gazette.
To His Excellency General Gage,
Governor of Montreal and its Depen-
dencies.
The Addres of the officers of Militia
and Merchants of the City of Montreal.
Cruel Destiny has thus Cult short
the Glorious Days of so Great & so
Magnanimous a Monarch ! We are
come to pour out our Grief into the
paternal Bosom of Your Excellency,
the sole Tribute of Gratitude of a
People who will never Cease to Exhalt
the mildness and Moderation of their
New Masters. The General who con-
quered Us has rather treated Us as a
Father than a Vanquisher, & has left
us a precious Pledge * by Name &
Deed of his Goodness to Us ; What
acknowledgments are we not beholden
to make for so many Favors ? Ha !
they shall be forever Engraven in our
Hearts in Indelible Character. We
Entreat Your Excellency to Continue
Us the Honour of Your Protection.
We will Endeavour to Deserve it by
our Zeal & by the Earnest Prayers We
shall ever offer up to the Immortal
Being for Your Health and Preser-
vation.
Pledge in French is Ga^e L-f'^]-
1763] THREE RIVERS. 447
made, by which Canada had been ceded to England. In his
proclamation, he gave in full, the fourth article which recapitu-
lated the cession. He also informed the new subjects, that
in connection with the treaty, the French paper money held
by them had been considered, and that a declaration had
been obtained from the king of France, that payment would
hereafter be made of the amount held by British subjects.
I have to allude further to the question of paper money.
Gage left Montreal in October, 1763: he was transferred to
New York to replace Amherst as commanding in chief, who
was leaving for England.*
The captains of militia presented him with an address. I
have been unable to discover this document, but Gage's reply
has been preserved. He expresses the satisfaction he had
always felt in their conduct ; thanked them for their services
to their king and countr)-, and called upon them to continue
the same care for the public welfare, which had gained for
them reputation with their countrymen, and would obtain the
consideration of the king. +
On Gage's departure Burton was translated to the govern-
ment of Montreal, and Haldimand appointed to that of
Three Rivers. Burton had administered the government of
Three Rivers until May the 5th, 1762, when he left Canada
to join the force despatched to the siege of Havannah.
Haldimand was appointed temporarily to the office, which he
held until Burton returned in March, 1763. The government
of Three Rivers was conducted on the same principle as that
of Montreal. Haldimand divided the territory into four dis-
tricts, the centres of which were Champlain and River du
Loup, on the north shore : Saint Francis and Gentilly,
opposite Three Rivers, on the south shore. He established
rules of government. It may be inferred that a class of
persons found occupation in the courts, which they exercised
dishonestly, for Haldimand included in his regulations laid
* General orders, New York. lytli November, 1763.
+ Verreault's Memoire, p. I2I.
448 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1762
down, that those pleading in bad faith should pay the
expenses in the cause.*
What must have appeared unusual to the Canadians, who
had not been admitted into the participation of any political
event, was the publication by proclamation of what was law,
and was required of them. Printing had never been intro-
duced into Canada during French rule : under the new
government full intelligence was given in French of every
duty to be performed, and every obligation to be fulfilled.
The close examination of these proceedings will establish
the utter absence of military despotism in the civil causes.
No fact can be more plain, than the desire to establish law
and order, to render justice between man and man, and to
make the Canadians satisfied with the new order of things.
To the French Canadian accustomed to government corvccs^
the harsh treatment of impressment, compelled to take the
field without pay, merely receiving his rations, and living
under the absolute control of those in authority, without one
political privilege, the change must have been extreme.
Haldimand, in a letter to Amherst, says, that nothing the
Canadians dreaded so much, was the return of the French, as
they desired to cultivate their farms peacefully and happily.f
The utmost care was taken to protect the habitant from
wrong. He was told that the troops were fed by the king,
and that it was their duty to pay in ready money, in specie
'' espkes sonnantes" for all they obtained. That horses or
carts employed were to be paid for. The habitants, in their
* " Les plaideurs de Mauvaise foy seront contraints de payer les depenses de
leurs parties ad verses suivant I'arbitrage qui en sera fait par les d. Chambres."
Verreault memoire, p. 23S.
t Haldimand to Amherst. Three Rivers, 25th August, 1762.
"La Prise de S' Jean de Terre Neuve n' a produit chez les Habittans aucuue
impression qui puisse nous iiiquietter. Je suis persuade au contraire qu'iis seroient
au desespoir de voir arriver une P^lotte & des Troupes Franfoises, dans ce Pays
en quel Nombre qu'elles fussent : .Sentant tres bien qu' ayant une comuniquation
aussi facille avec nos collonies, ils en seroient les seules victimes et en general
les Canadiens comencent trop a goutter le prix de la liberie pour elve la duppe
des Francois dans un pareil cas. lis fon-t aujourd'hui leurs recoltes tranquille-
ment & elle sera bonne cette annec." Can. Arch., B, p. 216,
I761] ORDINANCES. 449
own interest, were forbidden to take the billets d'ordonnance,
on the ground that the paper was without value, and they
were told the precise equivalent of the New York in relation
to the French currency. * There were the usual orders
against the encouragement of deserters, purchasing soldiers'
necessaries, sweeping chimneys, and the care of roads. No
one was allowed to sell liquor to soldiers. As there was a
fear of scarcity of food, the habitants were forbidden to deal
with strangers, " conrciirs dc cote" but ordered to bring their
provisions to the markets. On the 19th of February, the
death of George II. was proclaimed at Three Rivers, and the
people were called upon to take the oath of allegiance to
George III. All persons not qualified were forbidden to pass
any notarial act. An attempt was made to discover if any
British subjects, who had been taken prisoners, still remained
with the Indians, or elsewhere. Those persons who, under the
capitulation of Montreal, desired to return to France, were
requested to send in their names by the iSth of August, 1761.
On the iith of October, 1761, the intended marriage of
the king was announced. f On the ist of November the fall
of Pondichery, the taking of the island of Saint Dominique,
and Prince Ferdinand's victory of the i6th of July were
proclaimed. On the 4th of February the new subjects were
told that the king's marriage had taken place on the Sth of
* The table is given. Memoire Abbe Verreault, p. 154.
Nouvolle York
Reijontiant A la Francaise.
La piece d'orappelee porlugaisevMxX. huit piastres, )
ou soixante-quatre chelings moiinaie d' York, > 64 sclielings=48 livres.
ou quarante-lmit livres de France )
Le piastre 8 " =6 "
Le demi piastre 4 *' =3 "
Le quart de piastre ... 2 " =1 "10 sous.
Le cinquicme parlie de piastre 1. 7'' " = i " 4
Le huitieme partie de ])iastre I " =0 "15
La seizieme partie de pListre 0.6 " = o " 7 6d.
Les pieces du cuivre valent • O " =0 " I
+ One portion of the notification ran: " je suis resoUi de demander en
manage la Princesse Charlotte Mecklenburcj Strelilz, Princesse distinguce par
toutes les vertus et les qualitos aimables du c«>ur, et de I'esprit dont I'illustre
maison a donne des preuves constantes de*son zcle sincere pour la religion
protestante, et de son attachement particulier a ma fnmille." Mt^moire Verreault,
p. 202. 2E
450 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1762
September, 1761. On the 19th of March, 1762, Amherst's
letter was pubh"shed, in which he cornmunicated the king's
approval of the system he had laid down, conveyed through
lord Egremont on the 12th of September.*
Intelligence was given of the declaration of war against
the king of Spain. Instructions were published as to the
mode of dealing with the Indians ; no one was to traffic with
them privately. The sale of their furs could only be made
on the public market ; no liquor could be furnished them
before the close of the market, and no large quantity could
then be given to them. The birth of the prince of Wales,
George IV., on the 12th of August. 1762, was announced.
The notice of the suspension of the operations of war, was
made known, and the definitive treaty of peace, which deter-
mined the new nationality of Canada, was published the
following May.
* In view of the misrepresentations which have been made with rej^ard to
this period, I deem it proper to reproduce the language of the British secretary
of state on this occasion.
" Sa Majeste remarque, avec plaisir, la douceur et la benignite avec laquelle
Vous offres egalement et sans partialite, sa protection Royalle a tous ses sujets.
Les ordres que vous donnes particulierement aux troupes de vivre en bonne
intelligence, et en bonne harmonic avec les Canadiens, meritent, avec justice,
I'approbation dont je suis Charge de vous faire part. Et Comme rien ne peut
etre plus Essentiel au Service de S. M. Le Bon plaisir du Roy, et que vous
reiteri^s aux differens Gouverneurs des endroits cy-dessus nommes de Suivre les
voies de douceur et de Conciliation qui font partie des Instructions que vous leur
av^s donne, et que vous recommandies tres expressement a leur vigilance et a
leur attention, de se Servir des moyens les plus efficaces pour que les Canadiens
soient traites, avec douceur et avec huraanites. lis Sont mainlenant en effet
comme vous I'experimes fort bien, egalement sujets de Sa Majeste Britannique,
et comme tels ont Ci^alement droit de reclamer sa protection, et de jouir de tous
les avantages de cette humanite, et de Cette douceur de Gouvernement qui dis-
tingue d^ja le Regne propice de Sa Majeste, et fait Le Bonheur particulier de
tous les peuples sujets a TEmpire de la Grande-Bretagne ; et vous avertires les
Gouverneurs cy-dessus nommes de doimer des ordres precis et tres-expres, pour
empecher qu' aucun soldat, matelot, ou autre ninsulte les habitans fran9ois qui
Sont maintenant Sujets ilu meine prince, deffeiidant a qui que ce soit de les
oflfenser en leur rappellant d'une facon peu genereuse cette inferiorite a lacjuelle
le sort des amies les a reduits, ou en faisant des remarques insultantes sur leur
Langage, leurs habillemcns, Icurs modes„ leurs coutumes et leur pays, ou des
reflexions, peu Cliaritables et peu Cluctiennes sur la Religion qu'ils professent."
Memoire Verreault, p. 217.
I761] POLITICAL EDUCATION. 45 1
The new subjects were, by these means, admitted to a
knowledge of the poHtical events, which were happening in
other hemispheres throughout the empire. Their experience,
had been hitherto Hmited to what took place in their parishes,
and at their own firesides. They were now e.xperiencing a
consideration from their rulers, until this date unknown to
them. As we, to-day, consider the notifications contained in
the governors' proclamations, they may appear a slight matter,
and of little benefit to those to whom they were addressed.
To place ourselves in the position of understanding how they
contained within themselves the first element of political
education, we must remember that printing had hitherto been
unknown, and in the rural parishes outside of the cities of
Montreal, Three Rivers and Quebec, the life of the habitant
was diversified by no public event beyond his social and family
relationships and his lawsuits, except when forced to take up
arms in the field at the call of the governor. The only channel
by which he obtained news of the contest, was when a
mandeuiciit was issued for a Te Dciim to be chanted for a
victory. In no country is mention made of disaster, and
French Canada was no exception in the hour of depression.
The one promise of rest to the habitant was peace ; peace, to
be freed from corvccs and military duties. As it was always
yearned after, it was always being foretold, but delay followed
delay till even hope ceased to be felt, and the future loomed
forth pregnant with evil days. The habitant was held to till
the soil, to pay his cois ct rentes and to be simply counted
among the number of men capable of bearing arms. It was in
the latter respect his value was felt. It is difficult in the period •
of French rule to discover any evidence that there was the least
thought of his happiness or the least care of his advancement.
Provided the habitant was faithful to the state and dutiful and
obedient to the church little else was thought of. How he lived,
and toiled, and remained unchanged generation after genera-
tion was of little account. It was British rule which first
awoke the French Canadian rural population to the duties,
the obligations and independence of manhood.
452 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1761
CHAPTER IX.
During the interregnum lord Egremont, then secretary of
state, called for reports from the three governors of the
districts of ^Montreal, Three Rivers and Quebec. These
documents, drawn up in 1762, throw much light both on the
system observed during the period of the French government,
and on the proceedings of the British governors. Gage's
census of the whole district of Montreal shews the number to
have been 24,957 : * he describes the care which had been
* AH the governors reported upon the population of their several govern-
ments. Gage thus gives :
Population district of Montreal, 1761.
Males. — Boys under 16 5,142
Men, 16 to 60 7,764
Men above 60 777
13.683
Slaves or Negroes.
Under 16 j'ears 35
Above 16 years 47
— 82
13.765
Females. — Girls under 12 years 5.090
Married women and widows 5.849
10,939
Negro Slaves.
Under 12 years 20
Above 1 2 years 73
— 93
11,032
Religious Orders.
Members of Communities. . , 35
Cures 24
— 59
Religieuses loi
i6o
Total 24,957
I761] POPULATION. 453
There is likewise the number 3,005 arbitrarily. added to ;he above, without
classification. I can only explain these figures by presuming that they represent
the garrisons of the district, the return of which was not copied.
The Indian population is given :
Men 284
Boys 176
Women 343
Girls 136
Total 939
[A. & W. I., 97.1, p. 141.
The population of Three Rivers is thus reported by Burton. [A. & W. I.,
97.1, p. 296.]
Housekeepers, males 1,217
Married women and widows 1, 1 82
Males, unman ied, and children 1,838
Females, " " " 1,948
Male servants 243
Female " 1 84
Total 6,612
The two Abenaki villages of Biicancour and Saint Francis, with the Algonquin
village of Point du Lac, contained a total population of 500 souls.
Murray's census of the ilistrict of Quebec is given. [Series Q, p. 15.]
Return of the number of souls in the several parishes belonging to the
government of Quebec.
Males under 16. . . 6,709
" from 16 to 60 5,969
" above 60 627
13,305
Women 5,428
Maids 8,535
^ 13.963
Domestics, Male 68c >
" Female 475
M55
Strangers having no settlement 1,788
Total 30,211
No return of the Indians is given.
Murray reports the total population of the city of Quebec at this date at
3.500. He adds a note to his statement, tlxit he possesses a copy of the French
census of 1755, by wliich llie population of the district is shewn as amounting
to 39,873, and that by these returns that of the city of (Quebec stands at 7,215.
454
THE IIISTORV OF CANADA.
[1761
By tabulating these statements, we obtain a total of the whole of the popula-
tion of Canada in 1761, amounting to 61,780 souls.
•JU3IU3|110S
OU aniAVll
■zi ia.\Q ^ cj)
O
•ei ispun O ■^
O N CO
•s.ttopiAv 1- 00 t^
pUE paijii'iv; ^ "■ '^
O 00 m
•09 01 91 uiojj p.
I761] THE FUR TRADE. 455
shewn in the rule of the inhabitants, his desire to concih'ate
them and treat them with justice.* The address presented
by the inhabitants of Montreal to Gage, f is ample proof of
the success of his policy. There was likewise an endeavour
to introduce a better system of trade in the west, than that
which had previously prevailed. There had been three classes
of posts: those of the king; those sold to private persons for
an annual rent ; and those open to all who would pay a
license to trade. The King's posts were La Galette (Prescott),
Cataraqui (Kingston), Toronto and Niagara: before the con-
quest of them, the Ohio posts, from Presqu'ile to Duquesne,
had been also ro}'al posts. The posts sold to private parties
were lake Tcmiscaming; Sault St. Mary; Michipicoten; lake
Superior; Abrinipigon, evidently lake Nepigon, north of lake
Superior; Kaministiquia ; La Mer d'Ouest, west of lake-
Superior, doubtless lake Winnipeg; Chaquimagon, southwest
of lake Superior; the bay des Puants, lake Michigan (Green
bay) ; Saint Joseph at the head of this lake.
The highest price paid was 25,000 livres annual rent, being
the amount paid for the bay des Puants. This place obtained
its importance by commanding all the trade of the upper
Mississippi. The traders from Louisiana rarely came above
the mouth of the Illinois, and their last post to the north was
Vincennes, on the Wabash. The next in value was the Mer
• His language is deserving of preservation, and is important, as it plainly
shews the spirit in which the government was conducted.
" No Invasion of their Property, or Insult on their Persons, have gone
unpunished. All Reproaches on their Subjection to the Fate of Arms, Reviling
on their Customs or Country, and all Reflections on their Religion, have bee^i
discountenanced and forbid.
" No Distinction has been made betwixt the Briton & Canadian, but equally
regarded as Subjects of the same Prince. The Soldiers live peaceably with the
Inhabitants, and they reciprocally acquire an Affection for each other.
« « « • •
*' The Indians have been treated with the Same Principles of Humanity.
They have had immediate Justice for all their Wrongs, and no Tricks or Artifices
have hitherto been attempted to defraud them in their Trade."
Can. Arch., 97.1, p. I2l.
t Ante p. 446.
456 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1761
d'Ouest, for which the rent was 20,000 litres. Sault St. Mary
was rated at 18,000 livres, Temiscaming at 14,000; the
remaining posts paid from 14,000 to 10,000; Kaministiquia
only 8,000 and Saint Joseph 3,000 livres.
The remaining posts, Detroit,* Michillimackinac, Miami and
Homilliatanon f on the Wabash were free. Passes were
granted for trade at the rate of $600 per canoe, with the
obligation of carrying four cwt. for the king.
Gage formed an unfavourable opinion of the system. By
the grant of exclusive privileges expensively paid for, a higher
price for goods was exacted from the Indians, while the trade
was carried on, to suit the conditions of the monopoly, by which
it was injured rather than developed. No control was exercised
over the men engaged in it, who were independent of all
inspection and many wrongs were committed on the Indians
for which no redress could be obtained. Consequently the
Indians frequently murdered the traders, and the French had
been drawn into the necessity of sending out expensive
expeditions to far distances. The trade in this form was also
demoralizing, for it created a numerous class living among the
Indians, which abandoned civilization and intermarried with
squaws, firrally to accept as their lot in life, the mode of exist-
ence which they could not be induced to abandon. While the
minor trading posts thus became multiplied, Gage did not
consider that they increased the trade; for those engaged in
these expeditions went far distances among the Indians, and
obtained the furs, which otherwise would have found their way
to Detroit and Michillimackinac. In spite of the large sums
paid for the licenses, little of the amount found its way into the
coffers of the king. There was so much abuse and so many
charges recognized and permitted, that the amounts paid into
* The capture of Niagara proved the destruction of the fur trade. De Bellaitre,
who had been in command at Detroit, on the surrender of tiie post to Rogers was
sent to New York, On his arrival there he informed Amherst that since Niagara
had been taken there had been no trade and that " three thousand packs " of furs
had been collected : none had been sold except to some British traders, who had
reached that place. [Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 96. i., p. 220.]
t Appro.Kimately on the latitude of Saint Louis.
1761] TETES DE BOULE. 457
the royal treasury dwindled to a small remaining balance.
Indeed there was only one means to obtain a revenue on furs
at little cost : it was to place a small tax on the exportation
of them.
Gage accordingly abolished all trade monopolies ; the
incumbrances on the fur trade were removed, and traders
frequented such posts as they deemed expedient. Montreal
was the spot whence these expeditions were organized, and
the relaxation of the previous regulations, limiting the busi-
ness to a few, must have led to increased activity; especially
as all Indian interference with the passage of the canoes
ceased to be cause of alarm.
At Three Rivers the Tctes de Boule tribe descended by the
northern waters to the town, generally at the end of May, or
the beginning of June. Trade with this tribe was one of the
principal industries of Three Rivers, and great efforts were
made to direct it to the town. In October, 1761, Burton
issued a proclamation, forbidding parties, under the penalty
of the confiscation of the cargo, to proceed among the Tetes
de Boule for the purpose of obtaining their furs. He set
forth, that it was the desire of the British government that
the trade should be open to all, and that there should be no
forestalling. Burton pointed out that those who had made
these expeditions, desired to profit by the ignorance of the
Indian, and when doing so, in order to further their own
ends, they had endeavoured to create a prejudice against the
British. Every encouragement was given to the Indians, to
induce them to descend to the town. On their arrival, their
goods were placed with the Sieur de Francheville. After the
arrangement of debts due for the advances made by mer-
chants, the articles were exposed for sale in the public
market, of which due notice was given. The governor
assisted the trade, by supplying the merchants with powder,
to be furnished to the Indians on certain conditions. I have
spoken of the control exercised over the sale of liquor to
them.
British rule on this continent has been invariably distin-
458 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1761
guished by the desire to treat the Indians with honesty and
justice. It is the principle which to-chiy is acted upon by the
dominion. Gage recommended that a small detachment of
troops should be placed at the trading posts, the officers
having power to administer justice, either unaided, or assisted
by responsible persons at the post. By these means, the
traders would be unable with impunity to defraud the Indian,
and the tricks and artifices of the white men would meet
with instant punishment ; the insolence of the ^Indian would
be repressed, and any cause of quarrel removed, so that the
peace would not be disturbed.
The governors could discover only two causes of dislike to
the new government. One, the fear on the part of the
inhabitants of losing their paper money, of which every one
held a large amount ; indeed, until the arrival of the British
troops, it was the only currency. Gage drew Amherst's
attention to the subject, with the view that by his recognition
of this fear of loss, some steps might be taken to lead to its
redemption by France. The matter was finally arranged at
the peace ; that any payment was at all made, was entirely
owing to the persistence of the home authorities. It thus
became an early duty of the British government to obtain
satisfaction from the court of France, with regard to the
obligations entered into before the conquest, by the French
government and intendant. The " new subjects " being now
entitled to British protection, fully received it.
Much misrepresentation has been made on the subject of
this money. British officers and civil officials have been
charged with deceiving the habitants, and of taking advantage
of their position to obtain the paper-money at the lowest
value, far beneath its actual worth, with the knowledge that
it would be ultimately redeemed, and that large sums were
made by the operation. The assertion is simply a calumny,
unsustained by fact ; an assertion without proof No scrap
of evidence can be found to establish it ; on the contrary,
every care was taken by the governors to give information on
the subject, and to caution the habitant both when the paper
1760] CARD CURRENCY. 459
was considered to be valueless not to receive it, and when
there was a prospect that it would be redeemed by the
French king, not to sacrifice it.
During the war, as early as June, 1760, Murray issued a
manifesto on the subject of the circular, which de Vaudreuil
and Bigot had caused to be distributed, by which they prom-
ised that the letters of change of 1757-1758 should be paid
in three months after the peace ; those of 1759 to be paid in
eighteen months ; the billets iV ordonnancc to be settled when
circumstances would permit. Murray's proclamation dealt
with these promised liquidations ; he shewed that it was an
engagement for a payment of six millions per month to com-
mence at a certain date, to pay off a debt of one hundred or
one hundred and twenty million iivres, and that circumstances
would not permit the redemption of this immense amount of
paper-money. Possibly Murray's desire was likewise to
depreciate the card currency, for it was the time of war.
On the 22nd of September, 1760, by proclamation, Burton
expresses his surprise to hear that, in spite of the proclamation
of general Murray, the card money and billets d'ordoiinancc
continued to be paid and received in ordinary business. The
use of this money, he said, could only proceed from bad faith.
Burton accordingly directed the captains of militia to assemble
the Jiabitants oi the parishes, and to make known to them that
the use of it was forbidden, and that he would punish any one
who would impose on the credulity of the Jiabitants by forcing
upon them this fraudulent payment. That there should be
no mistake with regard to the value of the coinage in use,
he published a schedule of relative value of the French and
English coin.*
Thus by the end of 1760 the card currency was entirely out
of use, and the only question affecting its future value, was
the course which the British government would be able to
take in the settlement of the conditions of peace, whether or
not it would be possible to obtain recognition of it, and enforce
its liquidation.
* Ante p. 449.
46o THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1763
In the treaty of peace of 1763 a declaration was appended
with regard to the amount held in Canada. It set forth that
the most christian king would pay the sum due to the new-
subjects of Great Britain, but that the amount must not be
confounded with the money held by French subjects. On
the 27th of May, 1763, Gage issued a regulation with regard
to the holders of this paper money, by which a declaration
could be made of the amount in possession. They were
requested between the ist and 30th of June, to place the
amount held by them in the hands of Maitre Panet, greffier
of Montreal, designating the character of the notes, with the
name of the holder, upon which certificates of receipt would
be given. It was to be bend fide the property of the depositor:
a fee of five sous was to be payable for every thousand livres
so deposited.
It is not impossible that this notice caused some speculation
and that the paper-money became an object of traffic. To
guard the habitants against any sacrifice of their interest,
Haldimand issued a proclamation in the district of Three
Rivers, calling upon them not to discount the notes at a low
price. He counselled them to wait with patience the settle-
ment of the matter, adding that buying and selling the notes
might prejudice their rights to hinder, or delay settlement.*
Nothing was done until the 29th of March, 1768, when general
Conway, on the part of Great Britain, and count de Guerchy,
appointed on the part of France, with full powers from their
governments, concluded a convention, in which a reduction of
fifty per cent, was made on the bills of exchange, and seventy-
five per cent, on the ''ordon nances" for which sums, certificates
were granted. Money was to be paid according to this reduc-
tion on the face value of the certificates. For the amounts
remaining unpaid, what in modern days would be called
debentures, bearing four and a half per cent, were issued
subject to the tax of the dixicnie. Certain forms were laid
down, so that the property of British subjects, only should be
included in the arrangement.- No certificate was in any case
• Momoire Abbe Veneault, p. 2S1.
1763] RELIGIOUS FEELING. 46 1
to exceed in value one thousand livres to^irnois. A period
dosing on the ist of October, i/C.S, was given for making a
declaration of the amount held by each person, after which
date neither the card money nor ordonfiances could be
recorded, and they must be considered as null and of no value.
Every means was taken to inform the habitant of the course
followed by the British government, and of the actual value
of the obligations held in Canada. If any parties, under the
pressure of present necessity, sacrificed their property, they
only acted under influences which are daily in operation.
The second point of dissatisfied French Canadian feeling
was jealousy and fear concerning their religion. This distrust
in a short time became greatly abated, but many circumstances
contributed to its continuance. The higher clergy, born in
France, were Frenchmen in feeling and many of the Canadian
priests educated in French seminaries strongly entertained
their sentiments. The most implicit reliance was placed on the
statements made by ecclesiastics, and they exercised great
control over the minds of the habitants. Both Gage and
Murray saw the necessity of obtaining a class of priests, includ-
ing the highest dignitaries, born in Canada, who would be
educated with feelings of attachment to their own country,
apart from any colouring of French nationality; consequent!}'
the appointment of a bishop was indispensable, so that native
Canadians could be admitted to orders, and the country would
not be forced to obtain foreign ecclesiastics, to perform the
offices of the church. There was no present anxiety with the
French Canadian, the fear was for the future. During French
rule there was by no means cordiality of feeling between the
civil rulers and the dignitaries of the church. From the earliest
days of British occupation the higher ecclesiastics and the
working clergy were treated with respect and consideration.
Nevertheless, from the feeling I have described, the French
Canadians availed themselves of the political liberty they had
attained, to form a party of their race and language distinct
from the British ; and the Roman -church presented a secure
basis on which a close union of this character could be
462 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1763
established. To this hour every French Canadian poHtician
endeavours to bid higher than his opponent, to secure the
support of the clergy. The fear, that some sinister design was
conceived against the religion of the Canadians, was the one
cause of distrust at this early date. The want of education of
the habitant led him to concentrate all his most passionate
attachment upon his church. Under circumstances of this char-
acter, it is a point on which jealousy can always be easily
awakened. Even in modern times inferior writers, seeking to
ingratiate themselves with men in power, and ambitious young
politicians, having an eye to rufal constituencies, still find it
advantageous to exclaim against Protestant intolerance, in the
effort to awaken groundless doubts and fears, and thus they
create much unpleasantness of feeling. Many political cures,
and in what creed is not this abuse of religious duty practised,
still find it a help in their propaganda, to talk of the pernicious
and demoralizing errors of Luther and Calvin. The two
reformers are generally classed together, by men who have
never read a line of their writings, and of whose lives they
relate some monstrous fables, at which one with the slightest
knowledge of history can only laugh. In the great body of
the Canadian clergy there are many remarkable exceptions to
this class ; men highly educated and of extended acquire-
ments, who certainly never set history at defiance. Politics,
however, have become interwoven with a professional devotion
to the church and a dependence on clerical influence. It was
at this date, to some extent, that this tone of thought took its
origin. For it was early seen, how the union of the two could
lead to the establishment of a solid phalanx to act in one
direction. Of late years, however, there are signs of disintega-
tion ; but it is impossible to foretell to what extent it may be
carried.
Little can be narrated of the condition of the Roman
catholic church during the interregnum, more than the services
of religion were in all churches carried on in the ordinary
form, without obstruction or interference. After the death of
Mgr. Pontbriand the canons of Quebec met on the 2nd of
1764] MURRAY FIRST BRITISH GOVERNOR. 463
July, 1760, in the Ursuliiic chapel, Quebec, where they resolved
that M. Briand should be placed in authority over that por-
tion of the country which was under British authority. M.
Perreault was charged with the government of Three Rivers,
and M. Montgolfier with that of Montreal. After the estab-
lishment of peace was known, the chapter again met and
unanimously elected M. Montgolficr, "V'.C, as bishop. He
proceeded to England to obtaiiji recognition of his election,
but Murray objected to the appointment and it was not
accepted. Montgolfier resigned and in doing so indicated
Briand as his successor. Mgr. Briand being chosen, started
for London with letters from Murray, who recommended his
appointment. It was not until January, 1766, that the bull of
acceptance was obtained from Rome. Briand was consecrated
in Paris on the i6th of March, 1766, and arrived in Quebec on
the 28th of June the same year. The bishopric had remained
vacant for six years. The first niandcnioit of Mgr. Briand, of
the 26th of Jauuary, 1767, was the proclamation of a jubilee.
No change, however, took place in the form of government
I have described until the loth of August, 1764, On the
abandonment of Canada to Great Britain, Murray was
appointed captain general and governor of the province of
Quebec: his commission bears date the 21st of November, 1763.
He only received and published his appointment on the lOth
of August, 1764, when he assumed the duties of his position.
Murray had conducted his government with the care and
consideration which had distinguished his rule from the com-
mencement. The only change after the capitulation of
Montreal was the reference of the disputes to the arbitration
in the form observed in the other governments. Quebec, how-
ever, was exposed to an influence from which Montreal and
Three Rivers had not suffered, having been the seat of a
devastating war ; consequently greater want was experienced
by many of the population. I ndeed, there was positive distress.
Amherst reported to Pitt, on the authority of Murray, that
many of the Canadians were in a rpiserable situation for want
of some help and that the officers and merchants had assisted
464 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1761
them, moreover, that the soldiers gave one day's provision in
the month for the support of the needy.*
It has been frequently stated, and I believe to some extent,
it is an accepted fact, that a large emigration from Canada to
France took place not only at the capitulation of Quebec and
Montreal, but after the peace. I have looked in vain to find any
authority for the statement. Both in 1759, after the capture
of Quebec, and in 1760, after the capitulation of Montreal, the
several civil officials of these two districts accompanied the
troops to France. No subsequent departure took place to any
extent. On this point Gage wrote from Montreal, in March,
1762: "No persons have left this Government to go to France
except Those who held Military and Civil Employment under
the French King ; nor do I apprehend any Emigration after
the Peace, being Persuaded that the present Inhabitants will
remain under the British Dominion. I perceive none preparing
to leave the Government or that seem inclined to do it, unless
it is a (qw Ladys whose Husbands are already in France, and
they propose to leave the Country when Peace is made if their
Husbands should not rather choose to return to Canada." f
At the same time Burton wrote "None have hitherto to my
knowledge Emigrated from this Government and at present
there seems no ground to fear the Emigration of any of them,
the Gentry are the only People Who may perhaps Intend to
Remove if the Country should Remain Under the Govern-
ment of Great Britain. In general they Choose not to speak
upon the Subject as they still flatter themselves with tacit and
Distant hopes of the Country being Returned to its former
Masters." ij:
Murray does not allude to the subject : it is reasonable t6
* Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 96, p. 223.
t A. & W. I., 97, I. p. 132.
t Can. Arch. A. & W. I., 97. i, p. 293.
Some ten or twelve names have lieeii meniioned of those, leaving Canada under
these circumstances, who subsequently obtained distinction in France. Two, so
mentioned, may be at once taken from the list. Dumas surrendered at Montreal,
and de Kepentigny was included in the exchange of some officers and 447 men on
the 1st of January, 1761. [Can. Arch. A. Cc \V. I., 95, p. 12.]
1763] THE FOUR YEARS' INTERREGNUM. 465
believe that if any such event had taken place, or was threat-
ening to happen, he would have reported it. I can find
nowhere any allusion to a numerous departure from Canada,
and I should ask for strong proof that such was the case
before I could give credence to it. Some French Canadian
writers have alluded to the event, as if those, who left the
province, regarded existence under the new government as
one of misfortune and suffering. I have diligently made
search to find any remark to warrant this view. Without
fuller information on the subject, and none is extant as far as
I can learn, my belief is that no such abandonment of Canada
took place.
All who dispassionately consider the narrative of the four
years I have endeavoured to describe, cannot but recognize
the beneficence of the British government towards the " new
subjects," and the justice and moderation observed on all
occasions. The Canadians were denied no single privilege.
The offices of religion were performed with decency and
order. Every man was paid for what work he performed, or
what property he parted with. All were permitted freedom
of domestic life, and were safe from wrong or insult or unjust
government exactions : the conqueror shewed neither arro-
gance nor insolence. The desire was to reconcile the new
subjects to the new government. If the habitant committed
crime, if he were a murderer or a thief, or harboured deserters
like an old subject, he came then within'a jurisdiction of the
military court. There was the same system of law for all,
without regard to race or religion. The many acquittals shew
that every opportunity was given to the accused to prove his
innocence; there was no desire to con\-ict. If the procedure
was simple in its form, it was just in its principle, and a neces-
sity in the conditions under which the country was held: there
has no contcmporar)- complaint come down to us. But in spite
of all that has been positively said of the good government of
that time, and the absence of all proof on the negative side,
criticisms and invective, as absurd as they are unjust, have
been thrown upon these first da\-s of British rule. Some
2F
466 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [i;6^
ridiculous deductions have been made to the answer of
Amherst to the 41st article, which asked that the Canadians
and Acadians should not be forced to bear arms against the
most Christian king, viz. : " They became British subjects," a
Summary mode of negativing an untenable request.
Every description of privilege and of condition has been
attempted to be twisted from these simple words, given in
reply to what never should have been asked,with the desire to
prove the hard treatment which the "unhappy Canadians"
experienced. All, who will study the subject and honestly
follow their convictions, must reject any such theory as false
and untenable. Indeed, there is no brighter passage in the
history of the empire, than the consideration shewn to the new.
subjects of Canada by those in power, who for four years held
the country by right of conquest ; par droit dc conqjictc.
1760] ACCESSION GEORGE III. 467
CHAPTER X.
In my humble juclg-mcnt, it is not possible to record the
negotiations which concluded with the peace of Paris without
a narrative of the political events which took place in Great
Britain during the twenty-eight months which interv^ened
between the death of George II. and the signing of the defini-
tive treaty. Most of the world's important changes of circum-
stance and dynasty have been rapidly accomplished ; and if
not immediately consummated, have, with little impediment,
taken the form which led to the looked for development. The
force which impelled them has often been insignificant; its true
strength being, that it was exercised at a critical moment, when
public sentiment was in accord with it. The rapidity, with
which what may be called a political revolution took place in
the first years of the reign of George III., is extraordinary in
the sense that it was unlooked for, and at variance with opinion.
The theories of government, which were then introduced,
remained for sixty years, more or less in operation, to be
followed by ten years of discontent, turmoil and depression.
The effort to reform a parliament, which in noway fulfilled the
functions it professed of being representative; the attempt to
establish a press, free in the sense of having strength to defy
the cabals of the court and of cliques interested in silencing it ;
the admitted necessity of publicity for parliamentary proceed-
ings, the truest safe-guard of well balanced liberty ; the recog-
nition of merit above the claims of family and of men in
power ; the extension of education ; the widening, it may be
said the creation of sympathy between different classes;
all these indispensable essentials, in the government of a free
country, were utterly antagonistic to the attempt of George III.
to govern, independently of party combinations and a respons-
ible ministry, as autocratically as he saw fit. These concessions
468 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
have only been obtained by nearly three-quarters of a centur\-
of constancy of purpose, determination, moderation and states-
manship, and in the memory of man have been permanentlv
engrafted into the constitution.
No writer can alkide to the period of Pitt's administration,
in the reign of George II., witliout feeh'ng every fibre of
patriotism, which he possesses, strongly awakened. It has
often been said, and it cannot be said too often, that it was the
most glorious administration which to this day the empire has
seen ; and yet, in spite of public confidence and an almost
universal assent in its policy, in spite of unlimited faith in
Pitt's acknowledged genius, and without even the semblance
of discontent in any direction, this administration, by the
intrigues of the king, his mother and lord Bute, in eleven
months was broken up.
Many circumstances have cast a halo over the memory of
George III., and he is one of the most difficult characters to
describe in history. He lived in an age when our present
publicity of events was unknown. How different to the days
of the queen: we have nothing to learn about her majesty.
Her reign, as it is written to-day, will be an admitted chapter
of history. Her fidelity to constitutional freedom, her good-
ness and sympathy with her people are facts, which by a free
press have penetrated into the smallest dependency of the
empire. They are not the fulsome praise of selfish and
interested courtiers. They constitute the verdict of a period,
when great intellectual vigour, strong political feeling, and the
most unbounded liberty of speech have been exercised. The
admiration of the queen is not merely personal : it is political.
Our judgment receives its inspiration from that spirit of
rational ancl well ordered liberty, which it is the pride of the
constitution to extend to every land, blessed by living within
the ample folds of the liritish flag.
It is necessary to bear in mind that during the first years of
George III. the attempt was made to create the very opposite
to this condition. P'rec thought became paralyzed in the
success of the attempt, to increase the direct personal power of
1760] THE king's personal CHARACTER. 469
the monarch; and a generation grew up innpressed with the
respectabih'ty of these theories. There must always be a great
impulse given to opinion by the habits and expressed views
of a court. One of its influences is the establishment of what
is held to be fashionable, against which the majority aiming
at social distinction are unable to contend ; certainly, they
rarely attempt to do so. The younger generation of this date
grew into manhood under the influence of the higher classes,
who generally regarded the f^ivour of the monarch as the only
avenue to distinction. With a house of commons, most of the
members of which looked to the court for advancement, and
who would accept payment for their votes ; without a press by
which public questions were fearlessly discussed, there grew
up a tone of thought which objected to any liberality of
opinion as vulgar and common. This absence of public
discussion not only negatively affected the general views of
life ; but it gave rise to a class of writers who found support
by advocating things as they were, who stigmatized all
attempts at change as revolutionary, and as a system, pro-
claimed the private virtues of the monarch, as a sufficient
reply to all dissatisfaction and discontent.
George III. had many personal qualities which commanded
respect, and had he lived in a less exalted station few would
have died more honoured. He was simple in his tastes, with
deep religious feeling, moral, abstemious, and he was laborious
in undergoing the drudgery called for, by the discharge of his
duty as king. As a husband and father he was irreproachable.
He possessed courage never known to quail. His appearance
was distinguished ; he had the manners of a gentleman, and on
trying occasions behaved with dignity. He never thought of'
his ease, he loved his country and desired to see her prosperous
and great. In his old age blind and without his senses, his
remarkable appearance evoked pity and respect. As such
he has come down to the most of us ; and he commands from
those most opposed to his rule and government, an involuntary
feeling of pit\' and reverence, in one sense even of regard.
It is not in this sense only, that a monarch of the British
470 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1760
empire can be considered. George III. endeavoured to trans-
form the constitutional rule of his grandfather into an arbitrary
absolute government. It was not to attain any personal
object he pursued this view ; he would have consulted his ease
had he acted otherwise : but it was the desire to be as absolute
as he beheld Maria Theresa or Louis XV. No explanation of
his immense debts, amounting to three millions four hundred
thousand pounds sterling can be given, except that the
expenditure was incurred by bribing members of parliament.
His household was even meanly conducted. The king had no
extravagant tastes. George IV., who certainly knew good
wine, once dining with the equerries at Windsor, found the
claret so bad that he could not drink it. His education had
been neglected; he was ignorant. Miss Burney tells us how
he thought Shakespeare " sad stuff, only one must not say
so." It would have been fortunate for his majesty if he had
respected public sentiment in more important matters. He
was obstinate and arbitrary in his opinions. Like many men
of this inferior calibre he had faith in himself, considered his
judgment to be infallible, and looked upon his prerogative as
derived from heaven.
His character had been for the most part formed by the
princess dowager, his mother ; but it is questionable if any
influences would have developed into a correct mode of think-
ing, a mind so intensely subjective, daily exposed to the con-
tinual flatteries and obsequiousness of a court. All men in
power, even those who are by no means royal personages, have
to accept so much homage, that a wrong direction given to
their opinions is easih' conceivable. The monarch who can
rise above this bewilderment must possess great force and vigor
of mind, and be sustained by high principle, and an uncon-
querable sense of duty, based on wide, generous sympathies.
Augusta, of Saxe Gotha, the princess dowager, was at the
king's death about fort)'-one years of age. She had arrived in
England in 1736, when seventeen years old, to marry prince
Frederick of Wales. We learn from the memoirs of lord
Hervey, when presented to the king and queen " as she came
1760] THE PRINCESS DOWAGER. 47I
in she threw herself all along the floor, first at the king's and
then at the queen's feet. Her conduct gave the spectators
great prejudices in favour of her understanding, which, on
better acquaintance, mouldered away." She was fond of
power, and had the narrowness of view entertained at a petty
German court of a century and a half back, with an intense
sense of her own weight in the state, and not disinclined to
political intrigue. Her husband could have little commanded
either her affections or her respect; but his death must have
been seriously felt, in so far as she ceased to hope to enjoy the
honour of being a queen. In her husband's life his home had
been the centre of an opposition which gave trouble to the
court. The widowed princess had the sense to see that she
had everything to lose by continuing in this direction, and her
conduct was marked by duty and obedience to the king.
* The princess came to England with a single attendant, not having been per-
mitted to bring any friend with her. Sir Robert V'alpole was much struck by the
success she had achieved. In one interview she gained the favour of the king;
and her behaviour on meeting the prince at Greenwich had reconciled him to the
marriage; to use Wal pole's words, "It spoke strongly of brains that had but seven-
teen years old." Hervey has given us a description of her person. "She was rather
tall, and had health and youth enough in her face, joined to a very modest and
good-natured look to make her countenance not disagreeable, but a person from
being ill made, a good deal awry, her arms long and her motions awkward, had
in spite of all the finery of jewels and brocade, an ordinary look, which no trap-
pings could cover or exalt." She knew no English and little French. It had
been suggested to her mother, the year previous when the match was proposed,
that she should study these languages, but in the maternal view it was unnecessary,
for she said that the people about the English court spoke German as often and as
well as English. The princess attracted some attention by her freedom from
embarrassment. On this point, lady Suffolk, the daughter of count Grammont,
remarked, " Pour moi je trouve qu'on juge tres mal, si cette pauvre princesse avait
le sens commun elle doit etre embarrassee dans sa situation ; quand on a un tel
role a jouer, qu'on doit epouser un sot prince et vivre avec un desagrcable animal,
toute sa vie prive;; on doit sentir ses malheurs, et je suis siire qu'clle est sotte, et
meme tros sotte puis qu'elle n'est pas embarrassee, et qu'elle ne parait point
confondue dans toutes les nouveautes parmi lesquelles elle se trouve."
The appearance of the princess Augusta led to a change of manner on the part
of the prince himself, in his conduct to his brothers and sisters. He had hitherto
been perfectly indifferent on points of etiquette. When the dinner, at which they
were present in the princess' apartments, took place, all sorts of difticulties were
raised. The prince claimed tliat he and his bride should sit in arm chairs, his
472 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [176 1
John Stuart, carl of Bute, was groom of the stole in the
princess' household. He was born in 17 13 and was thus three
years older than the princess dowager. Shortly after he came
of age, in the middle of a parliament, he had been elected to
fill a vacancy among the Scotch representative peers. His
votes given in support of tory opinions had caused his non-
election at the next dissolution. He had lived for many
years in retirement at his seat in the Hebrides. His introduc-
tion to the prince had been accidental. The prince was living
at Cliefden, on the Thames, near Maidenhead,* and had
attended Egham races. The rain came on ; as it was pro-
posed to amuse the prince by cards, it was desirable to find
men of rank to play with him. Bute had been seen on the
course, and being an earl his name suggested itself. There
was difficulty in Bute finding his way home, for the person in
whose carriage he had arrived, on hearing that he had joined
the prince's party, had left. Prince Frederick, learning his
embarrassment, invited him to return with him to Cliefden.
It was the commencement of a long and intimate relationship.
Bute was remarkably handsome, with agreeable manners. Not
being able to take part in public life he had occupied his time
brothers and sisters on stools, and that they should not be served on the knee.
The princesses had received their instructions from the queen as to their conduct,
and they remained in the anti-chamber till the stools were taken away and chairs
carried in. They were served by their own servants, who were ordered to act as
the princess' servants. But they had to go without coffee, for as it was poured
out by one of the household of the princess of Wales, they refused to take any,
from fear, that in accepting it, they would be subjected to some slight. [Lord
Hervey's Memoirs, II., p. 113 et ult.]
A younger daughter of the princess dowager was the ill-fated Caroline Matilda,
queen of Denmark. Her eldest daughter, when twenty-seven years old, married
the hereditary prince of Brunswick. It was from his government that the Bruns-
wick contingent, under general Riedesel, was obtained, which surrendered with
the incompetent Burgoyne at .Saratoga in 1776. A daughter of this princess was
the unhappy queen Caroline, wife of George IV. The princess dowager was the
mother of nine children.
* The seat of the duke of Westminster. It will always be memorable from the
fact that it was at Cliefden " Rule Britannia," composed by Dr. Arne, was first
played and sung, in 1740, in Thompsons masque of "Alfred." The original
building was burned in 1795.
iy6l] LORD BUTE. 473
to some extent with literature, of which he affected to be a
patron. He pretended to some acquaintance with mathematics
and mechanics, and made claim to a critical knowledge of archi-
tecture and painting. He was undoubtedly fairly educated
and possessed some reading. He had a fondness for private
theatricals and, like many amateurs, obtained a reputation on
slight pretensions. He always looked well on the stage and
was carefully dressed : one of his special delights was the
adaptation of dresses for masquerades. He had a remark-
ably fine leg. Lord Bute's legs indeed are constantly alluded
to in the literature of the time. His enemies said that he
passed many hours every day walking on the banks of the
Thames that he might contemplate them in the placid waters.
Bute is described by Horace Walpole on an occasion " when
his bows grew more theatric and his graces contracted some
meaning and the beauty of his leg became more displayed."
In his amateur acting, the part of Lothario in "the Fair
Penitent" was one in which particular care for his personal
appearance was in accordance with the text. Wilkes, in his
letter* to him, alluding to his performance in this part, remarked
— " you were so great that the general exclamation was, that
you did not act."
The allusion^ here must be plainly stated. At the time
Bute was looked upon as the accepted lover of the princess
royal, and no writer of any authority has hesitated to admit
the fact.-f" The confidential relations between the two were
* 5th of March, 1763.
t On this point the reader may be referred to Walpole's George III., 11., pp.
204-205 ; to lord Waldergrave's memoirs, p. 53, whose few words may be quoted,
"nor were tliey (the sober and conscientious part of the world) much edified with
other rumours * * * which were now universally credited."' As early as 1756,
Oct. 17th, Horace Walpole wrole to sir Horace IMann, " Peace is made between
the courts of Kensington and Kew. Lord I'.ute, who had no visible employment
at the latter and yet whose office wns certainly no sinecure {sic) is to be groom of
the stole to the prince of Wales ; which satisfies." [Letters IIL, p. 207.] A
common caricature of the date was a boot and a woman's smock, the former a
play upon Bute's name, the latter an emblem of the power of the princess dowager.
One of the productions of tiie day represented Bute and the princess as /Eneas
and Dido entering the cave, with the announcement that the play was to be
474 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1761
remarkable, and every circumstance tends to establish that
connection. No other cause can explain his sudden emergence
from obscurity to power, and his equally sudden abandonment
of it. George III. had a passionate love for his mother. It
was mainly by her teaching and influence, that his character
had been formed, to the misfortune of the empire. An equally
unhappy direction had been given to the young king's mind,
by many of the impulses, concerning the extent and unlimited
nature of his prerogative, having been communicated by Bute.
Bute's intellect was cold and unsympathetic, incapable of
estimating events and opinions, except through the medium of
his own feelings. His mind was narrow, and he could only
imperfectly weigh what took place beyond the limited horizon
of his observation. Frederick one day placed on record a fit
estimate of Bute's abilities ; he told him he was the man to be
envoy at a small German court where there was nothing to do.
The princess dowager had kept the young king secluded
from society. Those, who did not like her, said she had done
so in order to retain her authority over him. Her own
explanation was, that the profligate character of the young
nobility would contaminate her children. She had based her
theories of English politics on the experience of her young
years in Saxc Gotha, and on the extreme views of the Jacobites,
enacted within. Only a {<i\v days after the king's accession, a handbill was affixed
to the royal exchange, "No petticoat government, no Scotch favourite, no lord
George Sackville." The satires were numerous, many libellous, many of thera
objectionable from their obscenity. Wright mentions "The royal dupe." The
princess of Wales is seated on a sofa lulling the young king to sleep on her lap :
lord Bute is stealing his sct^ptre. Fox, the first lord Holland, is represented pick-
ing the king's pocket. Two pictures on the wall represent the scene from Hamlet
and the fall of Mortimer. Wilkes brought out a new edition of the unfinished
tragedy of Mortimer by Ben Jonson, with a burlesque dedication to Bute, trusting
that he might experience that unfortunate man's fate.*
Horace Walpole 'records (jrd March, 1761) a caricature in which the princess
is reproving Miss Chudleigh, one u( her maids of honour, for some impropriety,
upon which the lady replies "A/ai/amc\ cliaciim a son i;uT(e)."
* Mortimer, the lover of queen Isabella, made prisoner by surprise at Nottin"--
ham Castle by Edward HI., then in his eighteenth year, with the lords who took
up his cause. He was brought before a p.arliam'ent summoned to condemn him,
and was hanged on a gibbet at Elmes, near Lontion, in 1330.
I761] THE POSITION OF THE SOVEREIGN. 475
who had become reconciled to the rule of her husband's family.
As Hallam says : " her little court had arrived at the belief
that the crown had been reduced to a state of vassalage." The
future policy was doubtless often discussed and as often the
dogma inculcated on her son by the princess. " George, be a
king," which unhappily too readily took possession of his mind.
In the British constitution, notwithstanding the personal
influence that the monarch may possess from his force of char-
acter, joined to the power which he can always exercise, as a
political theory the king is without autocratic authority. Gov-
erning by the advice of his ministers, it is held that he can do
no wrong, the policy which is followed, not being that of the
king, but of the nation, represented by the ministry, sustained in
their executive authority by a vote of the house of Commons.
Whatever the theory, no one will dispute the direct personal
influence of the sovereign under any circumstances. The
young king, however, by his advisers, had been taught to
desire its recognition as a direct and acknowledged principle.
It was the doctrine never abandoned by the king during his
long reign. His theory of government was that the policy
^should be conceived by the monarch ; that the several ministers
appointed could possess the most discordant opinions, parlia-
ment being controlled by "the king's friends," the name given
to such members who voted as the king's will dictated, accept-
ing this servile position from the gratuities they received. It
was the period when the divine right of kings was fulsomely
preached from the pulpit, while it was the professed creed of
all who desired to push their fortunes by help of the
public purse.
George III. succeeded, amidst universal acclamation. The '
country was at the height of power, in the full tide of success.
Pitt's policy, which had achieved a series of triumphs abroad,
had led to peace and prosperity at home. There was no
opposition to his government. Among the first news which
reached the country after the king's accession was the conquest
of Canada. Xcxcrthclcss only a few hours were to pass when
events took place that portended change. Within three days
476 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1761
of the king's accession Bute was appointed to tlie privy
council ; and it was soon seen that he was in high favour with
the young monarch.* Every one bowed down before the
favourite ; among them the duke of Newcastle, who expressed
the hope he would see him in high employment and declared
his readiness to serve under him. Pitt was not on good terms
with Bute. There had been friendly feelings until the disgrace
of lord George Sackville. Bute, for purposes of his own,
desired toward off the prosecution : Pitt had refused to inter-
vene. At the first levee of the king much dissatisfaction had
been felt by the consideration shewn to lord George Sackville,
known to be a friend of Bute. This proceeding was looked
upon with great disfavour by Pitt and has been described as
one of the causes of his opposition to the favourite. The first
speech of the king to the council was written by Bute. He
introduced the words " a bloody and expensive war " and
expressed the hope of obtaining "an honourable and lasting
peace." Pitt objected to these words ; they were a reflection
on his ov/n ministry, and the former policy of the kingdom,
while the expression was impolitic. Three hours were con-
sumed in expostulation before Pitt could obtain the substitution
in the printed copy of the words " an expensive and necessary
war " and the insertion after the word peace, " in concert with
our allies."
It was on the point of peace that Bute desired to impress
opinion: he had resolved to bring the war to a close by causing
Great Britain to abandon her continental alliances, and to
withdraw the troops from Hanover. He had no motives of
patriotism in this course. It was dictated as a matter of per-
sonal advantage ; he hoped to advance his ambitious views
by creating a party to pursue this policy. There was strong
argument by which the advocac\' of peace could be enforced.
The large increase of the debt ; the heavy expenditure in the
conduct of the war; the difficulty of obtaining men for service;
* It was a witticism of tlie clay, wiihiii two months after the king's accession,
whether the king would burn in his chambers; "Scotch coal, A'tivca s t le codX or
/'/■//coal." 3
I761] ATTACKS UPON PITT. 477
there was, moreover, the feeling that Great Britain had
obtained all that was possible in the contest ; that in future
the war must be continued on the continent, where Great
Britain had no object to attain in regard to territory, or dis-
puted rights ; moreover, the burdens of the war began to be
seriously felt. The one object attainable was the further
reduction of the power of France to make impossible on her
part, any renewal of her interference with the British posses-
sions either in the east or west. One month after the king's
accession, Bute was entering into intrigues to obtain power.
He told Bubb Dodington, that lord Holdcrness, one of the
secretaries of state, was prepared to pick a quarrel with his
colleagues and resign, so that Bute could be appointed to his
office in a natural way, without attracting attention. At this
period the step appeared too hazardous ; so it was delayed.
Their great mark was Pitt, and in January, 1761, some five
weeks later, it was agreed that pamphlets and handbills
attacking him should be put out. On the 2nd of March,
parliament was dissolved. Great bribery was exercised during
the elections and every effort made to bring in the " king's
friends." The government had a majority. Had the ministers
been united they could have despised Bute's attempts to
supplant them, and the policy of the king to obtain the
government he desired. Pitts' fame was at its zenith, his
genius universally acknowledged ; while his honesty and
patriotism made the executive unassailable, so long as it held
together. In the time of George II., all jealousy had been
repressed. Under the new aspect of events, discontents began
to shew themselves. Legge, the chancellor of the exchequer,
was no longer on cordial terms with Pitt. Many of Pitt's
colleagues were enviouij of his popularity ; others were angered
by his imperious manner. In some cases there was dread
and doubt as to the great expenditure which the country was
being called upon to make ; these views were represented by
the duke of Bedford, the chancellor, lord Hardwicke, and
George Grcnville, Pitt's brother-in-law, the treasurer of the
navy : lord Temple, hi.s other brother-in-law, acted with Pitt.
478 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1761
These differences were publicly kno.wn, and encouraged
Bute, who was powerful owing to the influences which sus-
tained him, to act with vigour. Legge was dismissed ; he had
incurred the enmity of Ikite by refusing to give his aid to one
of Bute's creatures at an election in Hampshire, and in giving
up the seals of office he was treated with much discourtesy.
The time was now ripe for the Holderness intrigue to be
consummated. In March, five months' after the date when
the proceeding had been considered hazardous, Holderness
resigned his office, receiving as a reward the reversion of the
wardenship of the Cinque ports, held by an old and infirm
incumbent, the salary of which was ^^4,000 a year. Bute
became secretary of state. Other changes had previously
been made : Barrington was appointed chancellor of the
exchequer ; Charles Townshend, secretary of war ; sir Thomas
Dashwood, treasurer of the chamber : both followers of Bute.
Baron Henley, the lord keeper, became lord chancellor.
Among other changes Bubb Dodington received the title of
lord Melcombe. On the 8th of September the king was
married, the coronation taking place on the 21st of the month,
I cannot see evidence that Pitt was desirous of prolonging
the war from feelings of personal interest. What he did
desire was, that a peace should be made which would prove
truly permanent, by being free from the danger of future com-
plications. He would not have allowed the French any fishing
rights in Newfoundland : he saw the dangers which were to be
apprehended from such a condition. His political experience
had taught him the many questionable claims which had arisen
from the mischievous clauses admitted at the Peace of Utrecht,
and he had avowed, no such treaty should ever again be passed
while he could oppose it. His own declaration is conclusive
on this point. " I contended," he said, during the debate on
the treaty,* " several times in vain for the whole exclusive
fishery, but I was overruled, not by the foreign enemy but by
another enemy." After a period of one hundred and twenty-
eight years the ancient dispute is reopened. A painful heritage
* 9th of February, 1762.— 138.
I761] PEACE NEGOTIATIONS. 479
of the incapable minister whose position had been obtained by
the monarch's personal favour and who, if he foresaw, was
also indifferent to the future evils his concession might call
forth.
In the proposition for the cession of Canada Pitt added :
"and its appurtenances," so no evasion of the meaning of the
article could be based on want of completion of description.
From the commencement he declared the terms on which
Great Britain would make peace. There was no evasion and
no intrigue to interfere with the negotiations. His course was
direct and unswerving ; his policy was the exaction of terms
which he held to be indispensable to the greatness and security
of Great Britain, and he declared that he would continue the
war until he had obtained them.
De Choiseul was not averse to peace, but Madame de
Pompadour was still desirous of pleasing " sa bonne aniicl' the
empress-queen. There had been proposals for peace in 1759,
and the French minister had written to Canada that it would
be attained. The prospect of its acceptance had also para-
lyzed the British provinces: in expectation of its taking place,
they delayed the enlistment of men, in the hope that the
expense might be saved.
Early in 1761, de Choiseul induced Austria and Russia to
join France in a declaration of their willingness to treat, and
proposed a congress at Augsburg. De Choiseul, however,
formed the opinion that matters would be greatly advanced
by France and Great Britain first entering into negotiations
for a separate treaty. With this view, Mr. Hans Stanley was
sent to Paris by Pitt, and de Bussy arrived in London to
represent France.
When de Choiseul wrote on the subject in March, he had
offered to cede Cape Breton and Canada with other conces-
sions in the West Indies and India. Each government was
to retain the territory held in possession, in Europe on the ist
of May; in the West Indies and Africa on the ist of July; in
the East Indies on the ist of September. Pitt contended
that the principle of uti possidetis should be applied at the
480 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1761
signing of the articles. Both argued in favour of the principles
from which advantage could be drawn. The operations of the
war were in no way relaxed, and Pitt determined to attack
the island of Belle-Isle off the coast of Brittany. The spot
was of no value to Great Britain, and the one object was to be
able to urge its value as an exchange, in the settlement of the
conditions. An expedition consisting of 9,000 land troops
with several ships of war appeared before the place on the 8th
of April. It was not until ,the 7th of June that the fortress
capitulated. This event was followed by the taking of the
island of Dominica in the West Indies, and by the surrender
of Pondichcrry.
I cannot myself agree with those writers who conceive that
the conquest of Belle- Isle had a favourable influence on the
negotiations ; the settlement of the conditions depended
entirely on the strength with which they could be enforced.'
The loss of Belle- Isle powerfully affected France ; it was the
re-establishment of their ancient enemies on French territory,
the renewal of the days when the English held France, which
the people believed had forever passed away, when Calais was
conquered by Guise in the time of the Tudor Bloody Mary.
The capture of Belle- Isle awoke the whole national spirit.
De Choiseul availed himself of the feeling, and he secretly
urged cardinal La Rochc-Amion to incite the parliament of
Languedoc to offer a vessel of war to the king, as in the wars
of the succession it had raised a regiment of dragoons.
The vote was unanimously carried. Throughout the whole
country the cry was, that the marine should be re-established.
Everywhere the example was followed and on all sides offers
of ships of war were made. Sixteen vessels were promised
from the several ports of France.* These donations amounted
in value to thirteen millions of livres. Great activity pervaded
the sea ports which since 1759 had remained gloomy and
silent, and in every direction along the coast, vessels were to
be seen in course of construction, or under repair.
The negotiations, however, continued. From this date we
*The list is given by Henri Martin, W., p. 5S1.
I761] FRENCH DEMANDS. 481
begin to trace Bute's presence in the couiicil. Pitt's advocacy
of peace had been hitherto unflinching in its adherence to the
conditions he had named. On the 29th of July the'terms sent
from London were moderated. The offer was made to restore
Guadaioupe, Marie Gallante and Belle-Isle, the French to cede
Canada without new limits or any exception soever. The
demand, for Cape Breton or any island in the gulf of St.
Lawrence by F'rance, was rejected. The privilege of fishing
on the coast of Newfoundland would be granted, only on the
consideration of the demolition of the fortifications of Dunkirk.
The French claimed that Cape Breton should be restored, or
the privilege of fishing on its coast be granted. They adhered
to their treaty rights of fishing on Newfoundland. They
objected to the demolition of Dunkirk. A demand was made
for the return of all captures by sea, taken before the war.
The consideration of matters on the continent presented
greater complications. De Choiseul offered to withdraw the
French troops, but on condition that the force under prince
Ferdinand should not operate with that of Prussia. Pitt's
lofty idea of the greatness of England and of what was due by
a power of the first rank to an ally, had led him unmistakably
to declare, that no separate peace could prevent the king of
Great Britain from aiding his ally, the king of Prussia, as he
deemed proper.
Events in the meantime were shaping themselves in France,
to lead de Choiseul to refuse the acceptance of conditions'
which otherwise he would have been driven to admit. The
financial position of France had gone on from bad to worse.
In 1759, Silhouette* had endeavoured to reduce the expend-
iture and to obtain money in all directions. He had been
replaced by Bcrtin, but the same poverty of resource con-
tinued. In this desperate condition, de Choiseul had the good
fortune to impress the king of Spain with the necessity of
* We retain his n.ime in tlie black outline pui^[i^id7^d7l.as nut enti.ely dis-
api>eared, but which before the days of i)hutoi,Maphy, was so -eneral. The French,
from Its poverty of cohmr, gave it the name-of that minister as a satire on his
economy. Tliey extended this sentiment in other directions. There were
trousers I'l ia Silhouette : they liad no pockets.
2C,
er
482 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1/6 1
joining France in the war. Charles III. was on the throne,
having been translated from the crown of Naples to that of
Spain. He hated England: he had never forgotten or
forgiven the presence of a British fleet at Naples, when he was
called upon, within an hour, to sign a treaty of neutrality, in
other words not to join the coalition against Maria Theresa, or
the city would be bombarded. The king accepted these hard
conditions, but with a feeling of detestation of the power which
had exacted them. During the negotiations with France, Spain
had expressed dissatisfaction with Great Britain on several
points. There was always the British possession of Gibraltar,
and the question of the future sovereignty of Minorca, to
excite peninsular feeling. With this sentiment to play upon
in connection with the ambassador at Paris, Grimaldi, de
Choiseul was successful in leading to the arrangement known
as the " Family Compact."
The kings of France and Spain declared that any pow
becoming the enemy of one country was the accepted enemy
of the other. They mutually guaranteed their territories, and
admitted to the union the king of Naples and the duke of
Parma, on their acceptance of its conditions. The full strength
of each government, in case of requirement, was to be put forth ;
and as the first aid, the power called upon should, within three
months, place at the disposal of the other kingdom twelve ships
of war and six frigates ; 80,000 troops if France was to inter-
vene ; 12,000 if Spain. Spain was not forced to take part m
the continental wars in Germany, unless a maritime power
should intervene, or French territory was attacked ; shewing
clearly the direction of the alliance against Great Britain. In
that case Spain would furnish 24,000 men. The force was
placed at the absolute disposal of the power it was sent to
assist, but the maintenance of it was enforced upon the power
furnishing it. The operations of war were to be conducted in
joint accord. Peace was only to be concluded on the princi-
ple, that each monarch should look upon the cause of his ally
as his own, and in the adjustment of compensations, France
and Spain should act as one power. No relationship would
I761] THE FAMILY COMPACT. 483
be admitted into the compact, except by a royal personage of
the Bourbon blood. The flags of both powers were to obtahi
equal consideration in the ports of the two countries. Any
foreign alh'ances, even any negotiations which might be com-
menced, were to be communicated.
The convention was kept entirely secret. The further
condition was added that if peace with Great Britain were not
made by the 1st of May, 1762, Spain would then declare war.
Portugal was to be invited to join the convention. Minorca
was promised to Spain, and Spain was dazzled with the
prospect of obtaining Gibraltar.
The conditions embraced in the treaty of the " Family
Compact," * as it is called in history, were at the time looked
upon by its originators as likely to cause great results. De
Choiseul, as his engagements with Spain became more assured,
changed his manner to the English envoy, and in discussing
the terms with Stanley he had remarked, that if the war was to
continue, France would take the field with other allies. Intelli-
gence was received at this time of preparations being made
in Spain, which evidently were intended for the attack of
Gibraltar. In order to lead Pitt to recognize this newly
attained strength, de Bussy, when submitting some proposi-
tions on the part of France, presented a French memorial with
regard to the affairs of Spain, dated the 15th of July, on the
ground that the treaty under discussion might not be affected
by the demands of another power. This paper proceeded to
recapitulate the demands of Spain ; the restitution of captures
made previous to the war ; the right of fishing in Newfound-
land ; and the destruction of the settlements of Honduras.
De Choiseul asked for an adjustment of these points, with the
request that Spain might be invited to guarantee the peace.
Pitt's answer was an expression of indignation at such a
demand, and that its repetition would be regarded as an
insult,f while lord Bristol was notified to inform the Spanish
* The French tenu is tlie s.ime, " pacie a'e ftiiiiilie."
t lie replied to M. tie IJiissy : " It is my duty to declare to you, in the name
of His Majesty, that he will not suffer the disputes with Spain to be blended in any
484 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [176 1
court, that it would not aid the settlement of any question bv
addressing it through France. The ambassador at the same
time was called upon to ask an explanation of the armaments
which were being made. The most pacific professions were
given in reply. The object on this occasion was to obtain
delay, so that the treasure ships from South America could
reach the Spanish ports.
The news of the treaty was positively made known by lord
Marischal, who had lately obtained pardon as a Jacobite and
had lived some years in Spain ; other sources led to the con-
viction that the treaty of union existed. Pitt acted in the
spirit of his early resolution and statemansliip. He broke off
the negotiations with France, recalled Stanley from Paris and
gave de Bussy his passport.
Convinced of the intentions of Spain, Pitt was desirous of
declaring war. Fie designed to attack Havanna and the
Philippines, and to send a large fleet to await the arrival of
the treasure ships. Eute declared the course rash and un-
advisable. His policy was peace, and to accept Pitt's views
would be to retrocedc on the path he had followed. The
only member of the government who adhered to Pitt was
lord Temple. Pitt immediately resigned : this event took
place on the 5th of October, in less than a twelvemonth
from the late king's death.
The parting scene at this meeting has been preserved and
has been recorded in the Annual Register of the year, I have
no doubt with the design of shewing what Pitt's enemies
called his arrogance, and of establishing the statesmanship of
those who opposed him. When Pitt saw that his proposal to
declare war was rejected, with great warmth he rose and said
" that he was called to the ministry by the voice of the people,
to whom he considered himself accountable for his conduct,
manner whatever in tlie negotiation of peace between the two crowns ; to which I
must add, that it will be considered as an atfront to His Majesty's dignity to make
further mention of such a circumstance. Moreover, it is expected, tliat France
will not at any time, presume a right of intermeddling in such disputes iietween
Great IJritain and Spain."
1 761] EARL GRANVILLE. 485
and he would not remain in a situation which made him
responsible for measures he was no longer allowed to guide."
Lord Carteret (earl Granville) replied on the part of the council :
"I can hardly," he said, "regret the right honourable gentleman's
determination to leave us,as he would have otherwise compelled
us to leave him ; but if he be resolved to assume the right of
advising His Majesty and directing the operations of the war,
to what purpose are we called to this council ? When he talks
of being responsible to the people, he talks the language of the
house of commons and forgets that at this board he is only
responsible to the king. However, though he may possibly
have convinced himself of his infallibility, still it'remains that
•we should be equally convinced, before we can resign our
understandings to his direction, and join with him in the
measures he proposes."*
• What may almost be called the last sentences uttered by lord Carteret [earl
Granville] relative to the peace, have been often repeated, as if in themselves
sufficient to justify its character. It was the duty of the under-secretary of state,
Mr. Wood, to submit to him the preliminary articles. Wood found him so
languid that he proposed to postpone reading them. Carteret, however, insisted
that Wood should continue ; and adding that he would not prolong his life by the
neglect of his duty, he quoted from the twelfth Iliad, a passage of the speech of
Sarpedon to Glaucus.
'fl Tvenov, e'i fiev yap ttoaeuov izefil roves (pv/ovrc,
A'tEi 6fj fj.eA.7iocfi£v ayr/pu r' adavaru T£
'Effff£(J0', o'vre kev avrbq kvl wfiuroiai /xnxn'/J->}v,
OvTE KE as aTD-'AQiiii fidxr/v Eg wdidvEipav
mi'V 6', EfjLTvrjq yap Kf/peg E<pEG-a<Jiv ■dnvdroio
M-vpiat, ag o'vk sari fvyelf (ipoTov, ov6' i'-aAv^aiy
'lOfJLEV *
Iliad XII., 322-32S.
As he finished the lines, lie described the late events as the most glorious war,
and the most honourable peace the nation ever saw. Two days after this he died,
in January, 1 763..
Lord Mahon remarks, "the calm reflections of posterity will not confirm this
* "Oh my friend ! if indeed by avoiding this battle, we could be certain that
eternally we would escape -old age and death, I would neither fight in the fore-
most ranks, nor send you onward to the combat, giving such glory to men. But
since myriads of the fates of death are present, from which it is not possible for
a mortal to flee, or to escape, let us now go onward."
486 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1761
To me the answer reads as establishing the extraordinary
influence which Bute had attained, and that being regarded as
representing the king's opinions, he was unopposed by those
he called his colleagues.
partial judgment." The true question is not the advantages derived from this
peace, but what the conditions ought to have been, and what they would have
been, with a different first minister and a different negotiator to lord Bute and the
duke of Bedford.
1762] BUTE FIRST MINISTER. 487
CHAPTER XI.
The resignation of Pitt placed the actual power in Bute's
hands, although owing to the presence of the Duke of New-
castle in the Ministry, he was not its ostensible head.
Newcastle read the progress of events so oppositely to
their true significance, that in the first instance he viewed
Pitt's retirement with satisfaction. The loss to the nation,
in the crisis of its history, did not cross his mind. There had
always remained a jealousy of Pitt's power, and he believed
that his removal opened the way for the ancient ascendency,
which he had himself formerly possessed. He was soon
undeceived : he was early made to feel that his presence in
the government was of no account. Questions of the highest
importance were determined without his knowledge. On all
sides he experienced slight. Bute behaved to him with
insolence, and the king treated him with such a want of con-
sideration, that Newcastle felt it to be designed. In May, 1762,
he abandoned his position. On no occasion did Newcastle
shew greater dignity of character ; he refused the pension
offered to him, although his fortune had been greatly impaired
by his political career. Bute now became the first minister,
and George Grenville was named secretary of state in his place.
Thus, within eighteen months of the king's accession Bute
attained the highest dignity in political life, displacing a
minister whose name remains a household word. At the death
of George II. Ikitc was unknown in politics. He was a com-
monplace personage, his reputation having never risen higher
than that of a tolerable amateur actor. He was totally
unaccustomed to public business, without parliamentary train-
ing, and although stopping short at no corruption, and at no
wrong or injustice towards those who stood in his way,
he was incapable of managing men. Many politicians owe
488 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1762
their success to their skill in reading character, and knowing
how to apply the prizes at their disposal. Without true
abih'ty and originality of mind, and guiltless of all patriotism,
there are men able to marshal in order those persons, whose
services and praises they know how to acquire, and thus retain
influence and power. Bute entirely failed during his brief
career in impressing what is called in modern times a "follow-
ing." He must be regarded as a political Phaeton entrusted
for the hour with the chariot of state, who in the fable, unable
to control his steeds nearly set fire' to the earth. The myth
tells us that Helios was persuaded by the Oceanid Clymene
to entrust his chariot to his son to drive across the heavens.
Like his prototype, J3utc owed to female influence the promi-
nence he briefly enjoyed,* to be struck down by the lightning
of his own unpopularity, and by the form.idable responsibilities
and the immense embarrassments in which, on every side, he
had become entangled.
It was not possible to displace Pitt from the office which he
had held with so much dignity and power without giving rise to
strong discontent, and creating an excitement in public feel-
ing, difficult to control. Although the council had followed
Bute in rejecting Pitt's policy, and the facts under which his
resignation took place could not be disclosed, it was well known
that it had been caused by Bute's opposition. Everythino-
was done to conciliate Pitt : he was offered the governorship
of Canada, with a salary of ^^5,000 a year as a sinecure, for in
those days residence was not exacted. He was promised the
position, with the understanding that a bill should be brought
into the house of commons authorizing the retention of his
seat in parliament while holding office. Pitt's answer was
that he required nothing for himself He was devoted to his
wife, and it was intimated that an honour paid to her would be
acceptable to himself The result was that she was created a
baroness, with a pension of ;^3,ooo, for three lives, and it must
be admitted that his eminent services justified this mark of
royal favour. The grant of the barony and of the pension
• Bute rcsi-jned Stli of Apiil, 1763. ~ '
1762] PITT'S RETIREMENT. 489
were published in the gazette which announced his resignation,
evidently with the design of destroying the prestige attached
to his name. The proceeding was not wholly without success.
The knowledge that Pitt accepted the favour of the court was
not welcomed by his admirers. The feeling we now entertain,
after an interval of a century and a quarter, may be compared
to the sentiment which was then experienced. In the first
instance (c\v of us read the narrative with satisfaction ; but it
is not possible to put out of view that Pitt was poor, that he
had performed important services with great disinterestedness,
and that he was entitled to recognition by the country. As
his unpopularity rapidly passed away with his contemporaries,
so the modern reader must accept the uncontrollable force of
the circumstances under which he acted.*
There was one source of strength which Bute sought and
which he highly valued, the aid of the political writer. He
became the patron of all who would minister to his purpose,
* The story of Pitt bursting into tears when attending a levee on the king
saying a few kind words to him is well known. " I confess, sir, he said, I had
too much reason to e.xpect your Mnjesty's displeasure. I did not come prepared
for this exceeding goodness. Pardon me, sir, it overpowers, it oppresses me."
His emotion is perhaps not difficult of explanation. Pitt was present with the
strong feeling that his reward for the great services he had performed had been
arrogance and insult. He came prepared to receive slight and neglect, the un-
expected civility of the king, possibly unlooked for, overmastered him. A man
of great sensibility and of quick impulse, he was unable to control emotion, which
he well understood was not in character with the scene, or his own dignity.
Carried away by a revulsion of feeling which he could not master, he strove to
justify it as he was best able. His letter to Bute of the yih of October, 1761, is
more difficult of explanation. [Chatham Correspondence. II., p. 149.] There
can be no doubt of its genuineness for it has been published from a draft in Pitts
own handwriting. It suggests that an office besides that of the government of
Canada was offered to him. He .says, "I tvu.st that it will be judged obedience,
not presumption, if I express the doubt I iiave as to the propiiety of my going into
either of the otTfices mentioned, or indeed considering that which I have resigned,
going again into any whatever."'
The letter, from its fulsome humility, is positively painful to read. It is
unworthy of the most commonplace politician. In my poor judgment, Pitt, in
his desire to put to paper a finished rhetorical cfunposition, lost sight of those
higher principles by which, in so many difficult circumstances of his career, he had
been guided. Even in this point of view it is a mean production.
490 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1762
and he found out the channels by which he could enlist the
most wretched scribbler of scandal. He early endeavoured to
bring together a class of supporters gathered from among
needy, struggling authors, whose poverty led them to bespatter
witli praise, or befoul with, abuse as their patron instructed
them. At the same time he selected men of high rank in letters,
to whom he shewed attention. It was he who gave the
pension to Johnson ; but Shebbcare, whose insolent attacks
on the house of Hanover had placed him in the pillory, also
experienced the royal bounty. Both Smollett and Arthur
Murphy received favours from him. George III. must have
been ignorant of Shebbeare's offensive attacks against the
house of Hanover for he had described the "white horse," the
badge of the elector of Hanover, as "an ignominious mark of
slavery." Hogarth, on the accession of George HI., had been
appointed "sergeant painter to all his majesty's works." In
September, 1762, he issued the caricature of "the Times," No. i,
as if it was to be one of a series. It was an attack upon Pitt;
Europe is shewn in flames, Bute is endeavouring to extinguish
the fire, but is prevented b)- Newcastle bringing a barrowful of
North Britons, and other papers. Churchill and Wilkes did
not patiently submit, they retorted savagely upon Hogarth.
The quarrel, which may be described as celebrated, now-
followed. Hogarth died on the 26th of October, 1764 ; many
trace his death to the pain he suffered from the remorseless
mode in which he was assailed ; but it must be remembered
that in the first instance he had wantonly commenced the
attack. " The Times," plate H., now included in his works, in
which Wilkes is shewn in the pillory, was found among his
papers, but it was not published till some years after his death,
when all feeling in the quarrel had passed away. The prob-
ability is that it was held back from motives of prudence.
The attacks upon Pitt increased in virulence after his
retirement. A defect in his character was his striving for
effect, and after his resignation he advertised his carriai^e
horses for sale. He was caricatured as the "distressed states-
man " ; he was represented as one suffering from a dis-
490 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1762
and he found out the channels by which he could enlist the
most wretched scribbler of scandal. He early endeavoured to
bring together a class of supporters gathered from among
needy, struggling authors, whose poverty led them to bespatter
with praise, or befoul with, abuse as their patron instructed
them. At the same time he selected men of high rank in letters,
to whom he shewed attention. It was he who gave the
pension to Johnson ; but Shebbcare, whose insolent attacks
on the house of Hanover had placed him in the pillory, also
experienced the royal bounty. Both Smollett and Arthur
Murphy received favours from him. George HI. must have
been ignorant of Shebbeare's offensive attacks against the
house of Hanover for he had described the "white horse," the
badge of the elector of Hanover, as "an ignominious mark of
slavery." Hogarth, on the accession of George HI., had been
appointed "sergeant painter to all his majesty's works." In
September, 1762, he issued the caricature of "the Times," No. i,
as if it was to be one of a series. It was an attack upon Pitt;
Europe is shewn in flames, Bute is endeavouring to extinguish
the fire, but is prevented by Newcastle bringing a barrowful of
North Britons, and other papers. Churchill and Wilkes did
not patiently submit, they retorted savagely upon Hogarth.
The quarrel, which may be described as celebrated, now-
followed. Hogarth died on the 26th of October, 1764 ; many
trace his death to the pain he suffered from the remorseless
mode in which he was assailed ; but it must be remembered
that in the first instance he had wantonly commenced the
attack. " The Times," plate IL, now included in his works, in
which Wilkes is shewn in the pillory, was found among his
papers, but it was not published till some years after his death,
when all feeling in the quarrel had passed away. The prob-
ability is that it was held back from motives of prudence.
The attacks upon Pitt increased in virulence after his
retirement. A defect in his character was his striving for
effect, and after his resignation he advertised his carriai;e
horses for sale. He was caricatured as the " distressed states-
man " ; he was represented as one suffering from a dis-
17^2] SPANISH AGGRESSION. 49I
appointed career, who, broken in spirit, had gone back, a
political wreck, to private Hfe ; his very successes were paraded
to his disgrace.* He was represented as the evil spirit of war,
as an incendiary, who, by his policy, had burned and destroyed
from the sheer love of bloodshed and ruin. His wife's
peerage was the continual theme of the purchased satirist,
and prophecies were made of his unscrupulous opposition to
the king's good and benevolent design of obtaining peace.
The retirement of Pitt in no way led to peace, and the
events which followed proved how wisely he had judged, and
the intuitive power he possessed of penetrating the policy of
foreign states. It soon became evident that the pacific
assurances of Spain were dictated by no other motive, than to
gain time in order to complete her preparations, an^ to admit
the arrival of the ships bearing the treasure from South
America. They at length reached port, and as fear of naval
attack had been quieted, the claims of Spain were renewed
with offensive pertinacity. The consequence was that the earl
of Bristol, the ambassador at Madrid, was ordered to return
home. The Spanish ambassador, de Fucntes, previous to
leaving London, addressed so insulting a memoir to lord
Egremont, the new secretary of state, that war was declared
against Spain on the 4th of January, 1762. No higher praise
can be given to Pitt's diplomacy.
Bute, however, still persevered in his efforts to effect peace,
regardless of the situation in which the country was placed.
One of his designs was the abandonment of Prussia. No
policy could be more at variance with the observance of good
* There is a caricature, 8,',t l.y 6vV inches, in which Pitt is shewn sustained by
an immense l)iil)l)le, on which is inscribed " Pride, Conceit, Patriotism, Popu-
larity," while small bubbles arc dispersed around, inscrdjed "Spanish war,"
'♦Honesty,' "Nurih America." "Self-importance." Holdinjj a dish of sonp suds
in his left hand, in his rii,dit there is a tobacco pipe, from which he is blowing the
bubble ".Moderation." A ri^in-j sun, evidently Pule, appears above West-
minster Hall. The l^-end is added "Sic transit -loria mundi." The whole
execution of this etciiinc; sujr-ests it to be the woik of lloi^arlh, although
unacknowledgeil. It is of tiie same charncler :\s the two productions " The Times "
allu<led to in the text.
49- THE HISTORY of Canada. [1762
faith, due to an ixWy, and the mode in which an attempt was
made to influence pubhc opinion was equally objectionable.
The duke of Bedford, who had abandoned the Whigs and been
appointed by Bute lord privy seal, moved an address in the
house of lords to withdraw the troops from Germany. Bute,
as prime minister, met this motion, made by a member of
his government, by the previous question. The one objection
he could urge, was as to the mode and time when the address
was moved, not from his sense of duty of adherence to the
cause of the ally of his country. It was not the only act of
duplicity in this direction. In January the death took place
of the czarina Elizabeth of Russia, the constant enemy of
Prussia. She was succeeded by Peter, duke of Holstein, an
admirer of Frederick the Great, who, in a short time espoused
his cause. Bute advised the Russian minister to represent to
the czar, the policy of adhering to the Austrian side and not
withdraw his troops from Prussia; for the king of Prussia would
then be compelled to make concessions to lead to peace, and
that Great Britain was not interested in his preservation
beyond a certain extent. The czar sent the despatch of
prince Gallitzin to the king of Prussia, who placed it in the
hands of the British ambassador. Bute denied that he had
been correctly understood. The reader can form his own
opinions of the evidence; but this may be said, that it does
not appear possible that such a proposal would have been
invented by the Russian ambassador. Bute, by claiming that
he was misunderstood, admits that a conversation took place,
and the words attributed to him were in accordance with the
policy he professed.
The war was carried on with a continuance of the success
of former years. The spirit of Pitt survived beyond the
shores of Great Britain, although his genius no longer directed
her councils. In the West Indies, in P^bruary, 1762,
Martinique was taken ; the surrender of the smaller islands of
Grenada and Saint Lucia and Saint Vincent followed. The
more important conquest of the Havannah succeeded. On
the 5th of March the expedition left Portsmouth ; tlie land
1762] FRENCH ATTACK OF NEWFOUNDLAND.
493
troops were commanded by the earl of Albermarle, the fleet by
admiral sir George Pocock. There were nineteen ships of the
line, eighteen smaller vessels of war, one hundred and fifty
transports. The land forces amounted to 10,000 men. The
place was obstinately defended, but the siege was conducted
with the spirit and bravery which Pitt had called forth in the
services, and which again proved irresistible. On the 14th of
August the place surrendered. Nine ships of the line and four
frigates were taken ; five were destroyed, some being on the
stocks, others burned during the siege. The booty taken
amounted to three millions sterling. During the year several
Spanish vessels were captured, among them a galleon contain-
ing treasure amounting to a million. In the east, sir William
Draper, from Madras, captured the Phillippine islands. Thus
the national prestige retained its pre-eminence.
The one advantage claimed by Spain was the capture of
the Portuguese settlement of St. Sacramento, and the tempo-
rary advantage obtained by the French at St. John's, New-
foundland.
One of the results of Pitt's retirement from office was the
confidence it gave to France. It was soon known and felt
that there were other rulers in England, and that the power
was no longer the same which had effected the conquest of
Louisbourg and Quebec. In May, 1762, a French squadron
of some strength sailed from Brest, its destination being New-
foundland. It consisted of " le Robuste," 74, " I'Eveille," 74,
"la Garonne," 44, "la Licorne," 30, and a bomb ketch, with
1,500 soldiers. Sir Edward Hawke, with seven ships of the
line and two frigates, went in pursuit but failed to meet the
enemy. The French fleet was seen some fifty leagues north
of the Lizard by admiral sir Joshua Rowley. His force was
inferior in strength but he prepared to engage. The French
refused the challenge and sailed away to carry out the object
of the expedition. On June, the 24th, a landing was made at
Bay Bull, twenty miles to the south of Saint John's, and by
aland march the garrison was surprised: it consisted of sixty-
three men, such was the condition in which Bute had left this
494 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1/62
important station. The "Grammont," sloop of war, was in the
harbour. Her crew, with the garrison, were made prisoners.
The French seized the merchant vessels and took possession
of everything of value in the place, and immediately com-
menced the improvement of the fortifications, with the design
of permanently holding the harbour.
Captain Douglas, in command of a small squadron off the
coast, hearing of the approach of the French fleet, engaged two
merchant vessels, appointing officers to them, with instruc-
tions to cruise off the banks to meet the convoy from England,
and to relate what had been reported. They were ordered
to proceed to Halifax with letters to Amherst and to return
with supplies to Placcntia. One of these vessels carried out
the duty without any adventure. The second, the " Bonella,"
sloop, heard of the landing of the French, and on the outer
edge of the great bank met the governor Graves, who was
making a cruise through these waters and had been joined by
a large number of merchantmen. The news prevented these
vessels from sailing into the harbour of Saint John's and
becoming prizes to the French. The " Bonella " proceeded
to Halifax to ask for help. Lord Colville immediately sailed
with the fleet under his command for Newfoundland. On the
nth of September, he was joined by colonel Amherst, with
800 regulars, principally highlanders, and some provincial
troops. They landed, not without opposition, seven miles
north of Saint John's, and forced their way to the attack of
the harbour, storming a height, " Signal Hill," which com-
manded the place. Lord Colville with his fleet blockaded
the port, when the elements intervened to save the French.
A violent storm drove the British ships from the coast. A
heavy fog succeeded, and the French ships seized the oppor-
tunity of leaving the port. On lord Colville's return the
vessels had escaped, and were too far cast to be pursued.
Colonel Amherst commenced his attack on the i6th ; on the
17th the batteries were opened. On the third day the town
capitulated. The garrison, unsustained by the fleet, surren-
dered as prisoners of war, to be carried to France. The
1762] VALUE OF THE FISHERIES. 495
French design had been to hold Newfoundland, and a frigate
with considerable supplies and many military stores 'was
despatched to Saint John's, but she was taken by captain
Hervey, afterwards lord Bristol. The French were in posses-
sion of Newfoundland from the end of June until September.
During these three months many of the inhabitants suffered
great loss and underwent much privation. Two citizens of
Newfoundland, Robert Carter and Garland, are yet remem-
bered for the beneficence and patriotism which they shewed
on this trying occasion. It was the last attempt of the French
to seize Newfoundland.
The news reached London and there arose a violent outcry
against the ministry from their failure to protect the fish-
eries; the reverse being so at variance with what had taken
place during the administration of Pitt. The writers in the
pay of Bute did their best to quiet opinion by describing the
island as barren and of little value ; nevertheless steps were
taken to redeem the disaster. Previous, however, to any
expedition reaching Newfoundland, the French had been
defeated and the port was again under the British flag.
To any statesman of ability the attempt would have shewn
the value the French attached to the fishing privileges, and
that any demand made by them should be jealously con-
sidered. Bute's want of experience, joined to his being intent
on furthering his own interests, and in extending the royal
prerogative, made him incapable of profiting by the teaching.
The objectionable concessions, granted by him at the peace,
have left behind them the seeds of difficulty, which it will
require much delicate and conciliatory diplomacy to unravel.
If there was no word but Newfoundland in the treaty of Paris,
it would be enough to establish the blight which Bute's
presence cast upon the empire.
There is a charge brought against Bute which it is not
possible to pass over unnoticed, that he was the recipient
of money from France, to influence him in the settlement of
the peace. We know, by de Torcy's memoirs, that it was a
weapon in use with the P^rench to purchase the services of the
496 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1762
foreign negotiator.* We know that large sums were offered
to Marlborough to admit the conditions which the French
desired, and that it was a part of their system to obtain by
these indirect means the conditions they deemed essential.-f-
Bute married the daughter of lady Mary Wortley Montagu,
by whom he had a large family. Her father, Mr. Wortley,
did not die until 1761 ; his brother, who inherited the property,
lived to 1777, when it came to lady Bute. How Bute obtained
money to enable him to build a large mansion is inexplicable.
The charge was made in Bute's life unequivocally by doctor
Musgrave, who had been a physician in practice in Paris in
1763 : he was known in the literary world as a translator of
some of the tragedies of Euripides. He publicly stated that
Bute and the princess dowager had received money from the
French to influence him in the settlement of the peace. The
matter came up before the house of commons some years
afterwards, in January, 1770, when Musgrave persevered in
his assertion, which he supported by^ what he held to be facts,
and the circumstantial evidence which he could offer. The
house voted the charge to " be frivolous and unworthy of
credit." Musgrave lived until 1780 and no attempt was made
to prosecute him. Junius describes the house of commons
as "awed by his firmness and integrity and that it had sunk
beneath it."
Whatever the success of the army and navy of Great
Britain, it had little weight with Bute. He had commenced
his attempt to gain power by the policy of peace and by dis-
severing the king from continental alliances, and he urged on
his purpose at the sacrifice of every principle of statesman-
ship. Without the knowledge of any member of the cabinet,
but it certainly may be added, with the acquiescence and
authority of the king, he carried on secret peace negotiations
• Ante II., p. 524.
t Wilberfoice has left on record in his private diary : " I dined with lord
Camden * * * He is sure tliat lord Bute got money liy the I'eace of Paris.
He cannot account for his sinkinp; near /'300,ooo in lands and houses; and his
paternal estate in the isLind which bears his name is not above ;f 1,500 a year ;
and he is a life-tenant only of Wortley, which may be /"S,ooo or ^10,000."
1762] TERMS OF PEACE. 497
through count Viri, the Sardinian ambassador. When it
was felt that a more official character could be given to the
proceedings, the duty of continuing them was entrusted to
the duke of Bedford.
It is not the purpose of the writer to enter into an extended
narrative of the imperial events of this period. The general
conditions, however, of the articles agreed upon may be stated.
Great Britain obtained Canada, Nova Scotia and Cape Breton
and the West India islands of Saint Vincent, Dominica,
Tabago and Grenada. Minorca was restored to Great Britain.
She likewise obtained possession of Senegal, in Africa; and
France was bound to keep no troops, and raise no fortifications
in Bengal.
The Spanish pretensions were abandoned. The ques-
tions of capture were referred to the British courts of law;
the British were admitted to cut logwood at Honduras ; the
Spanish relinquished all claim to fish off Newfoundland.
Havannah was given back to Spain. In return the present
state of Florida was ceded to the British provinces ; and
France as compensation transferred Louisiana to Spain.
France and England agreed to abstain from prosecuting the
war in Germany : the French to restore territories held by
them in Hesse and Hanover ; Dunkirk was to be reduced to
the state, in which it was after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle.
The cession of Canada was accompanied with the condition
"that the king of Great Britain would give the most effectual
orders, that his new Roman Catholic subjects may profess the
worship of their religion according to the rule of the Romish
church as far as the laws of Great Britain permit." The
inhabitants had also liberty of retiring from Canada to France
with their .property unrestrained within eighteen months.*
France received the islands of Guadaloupe, Martinique and
Saint Lucia, and was allowed the right of fishing in New-
foundland and in the cfulf of Saint Lawrence. Her fishermen
* The articles of the treaty of I'aris referring to Canada and Newfoundland
are given at the end of the chapter.
2H
498 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1762
were, however, unable to approach within -fifteen leagues of
Cape Breton.
There was one point which Great Britain should have
exacted, the abandonment of all right of interference
with her possessions, and it was one which the intuitive
genius of Chatham fully embraced in the concession of the
Newfoundland fisheries. They had only been granted by the
treaty of Utrecht after Marlborough had been removed. The
attempt of France to regain a footing in Newfoundland when
lord Colville drove away her fleet, ought to have suggested to
the British negotiators that it was a condition on which firm-
ness should have been unrelaxed. Bute not only renewed the
conditions of the treaty of Utrecht, but he ceded the islands of
Saint Pierre and Miquelon. The offer of one of these islands
had been made by Pitt : but it is plain that the influence of
Bute in the council and his self assertion had obtained this
concession. Only fifty men were to be kept on the island,
and an English commissary was to have the right of inspection
that the condition was complied with. In the articles of the
treaty the latter point was not admitted.
It will scarcely be considered credible that Bute was pre-
pared to give back Havannah to Spain without an equivalent.
The duke of Bedford was of the same opinion. Indeed it was
not possible to have a more incapable negotiator than Bedford.
The acceptance of the conditions had been delayed by
Grimaldi in the hope that he would hear of the repulse of
the British force in Cuba. When the news was announced
that Havannah was taken he had nothing more to say. Other
delays, however, presented tJiemselves. Bute would have
concluded peace as if this conquest had never been made.
The opposition of lord Egremont and George Grenville led
Bute to exact some equivalent, and the cession of Florida
resulted. No provision was made with regard to the
Phillipine islands, the consequence was that the ransom
exacted by sir William Draper was never paid.
The preliminaries were signed on the 3rd of November ; it
now remained to carry them through the British parliament.
1762] THE TREATY. CARRIED. 499
The question was how a favourable vote should be obtained.
Fox, the first lord Holland, undertook to effect this result,
and his title was the price of his effort. Votes of members were
obtained by the lowest species of corruption ; they were not
only paid for in money, but every inducement was given by
the creation of offices, and the distribution of shares in a
lottery which rapidly gained a premium. Intimidation of the
most disgraceful kind was practiced. To destroy all opposi-
tion Fox conducted a persecution against the humblest holders
of office who had been appointed during Chatham's adminis-
tration. The whole proceeding forms one of the most scandal-
ous and painful passages in the history of the empire. The
duke of Devonshire was dismissed from the office of chamber-
lain with extreme insolence, The dukes of Newcastle and
Grafton and the marquis of Rockingham were removed from
their offices of lord lieutenant. Fox and Bute acted upon the
principle, that every one, receiving government pay for
services should owe his position to them, so they could count
on most servile and unflinching obedience.
It was by these means only that the treaty was carried
through the British parliament, the vote being 319 to 65.*
* John R.OSS Mackay, secretary to the earl of Bute, was afterwards for seven-
teen years treasurer of the ordnance. He died about 1796. In 1790, at a dinner
at the earl of Bessborough's, Cavendish square, one of the five present repeated
toWraxall, that the conversation turning on the means of governing the house of
commons, Mackay said tiiat "money formed after all the only effectual and
certain method. The peace of 1763 was carried through and approved by a
pecuniary distribution. Nothing else could have surmounted the difficulty. I
was myself the channel tlirough which the money passed. With my own hand I
secured over one hundred and twenty votes on that most important question to
ministers. Eighty tliousand pounds were set apart for the purpose. Forty mem-
bers of the house of commons received from me (^1,000) one thousand pounds
each. To eighty others I paid five hundred pounds apiece."
Bessborough felt so strongly the imprudence of this avowal, that on the follow-
ing day he sent to those who were present not to divulge it in Mackay's life.
[Wraxall, III., p. 670.]
The late bishop of Landaff, Richard Watson, in the anecdotes of his life,
says, "that lord Shelburne, on the 17th of February, 17S3, told him that he
well knew above ^"60,000 had been expended in tlie house of commons to endorse
the treaty."
Wilkes in his letter from Paris, 22nd of October, 1 764, to the electors of
500 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. U7^3
The war was closed. Henceforth Canada was to be a
province of the British empire, to enjoy during the succeed-
ing twelve years peace, prosperity, and a development of its
material interests, which under French rule had not even been
hoped for. It was not so with the adjoining southern pro-
vinces, her ancient enemies. The war had established their
national pre-eminence : there was no longer fear that their
peace would be disturbed by bands of Abenaki orCaughnawaga
marauders.
Other troubles were to affect the continent and there was
to be disquiet, dissatisfaction and discontent, arising from the
desire to be freed from imperial control in trade, and in deal-
ings with the Indians. The home government was to be con-
vulsed by a scries of feeble rulers, most of whom looking upon
the royal favour as the only avenue to distinction, set at
nought the policy which honest statesmanship and good
judgment pointed out. For a few months only Bute remained
the central figure, when, dizz}' by the elevation he had reached,
cowed by the opposition he had called forth, and lacking the
courage and ability to steer through the intricate difficulties he
had him himself placed in prominence, he withdrew from the
responsibilities of a minister, to descend into the humbler but
more mischievous position of the private counsellor of the
monarch, to whom he gave the most pernicious advice.
I have thus brought this history to the period when Canada
became a British province. If the settlement of Quebec by
de Champlain be accepted as a starting point in its history,
French Canada lasted for one hundred and sixty years. The
Aylesbury, says, that the majority of the house of commons knew the exact truth
of every assertion in tlie North Briton.
" One particular, however, came within their knowledge, the means by which
it is hinted that the entire-approbation of the parliament, even of the preliminary
articles of the late inglorious peace was obtained ; and the previous step to the
obtaining that entire approbation, the largfe debt contracted on the civil list.
They knew this assertion was extremely true, and I am as ready to own it was
extremely scandalous." [Wraxall, IV., p. 673.]
1763] PERIOD OF FRENCH RULE. 50I
attempt to trace back Canada to the days of Jacques Cartier
is without warrant. He sailed up the river with many other
navigators, and only that he left the record of his voyage,
no trace of his presence would remain. As well speak of
Vancouver as being founder of British Columbia, as he was
the first to ascend and survey the several bays and inlets of
the coast. It would be, indeed, a greater act of justice to
identify the name of the traveller sir Alexander Mackenzie
with the western province, than to confound Jacques Cartier
with the history of Canada as a French province. Cartier
can be assigned the rank of the first discoverer, who placed
on record the geography of the Saint Lawrence. His last
voyage was in 1541. No semblance of any settlement was
made until 1603, when Champlain arrived with his few fol-
lowers. During these sixty years, for two generations of
men, all mention of Canada passed away. Whatever the
merits of Jacques Cartier as a navigator, no place can be
claimed for him in the continuous history of colonization and
settlement of the shores of the Saint Lawrence.
I am, myself, inclined to date the commencement of French
rule in Canada, in its broad sense, at the re-occupation of the
country in 1632, after Kirke's conquest. If this view be
conceded, it may be said that French rule existed for one
hundred and twenty-eight years. At the time of the con-
quest, there were 60,000 souls ; there were about 15,000 males
between sixteen and sixty years of age. It is from this
limited number, the French Canadian population has increased
to its present magnitude. The population of the province of
Quebec by the census of 1881 is set forth at 1,359,027, of
which, 1,073,820 are reported to be French Canadians, while'
102,743, named as being resident in Ontario, are to be added
to the total so classified.
It cannot be pretended that this number has sprung from
the 15,000 males who became British subjects at the time of
the conquest, and that the French Canadians can claim to be
a race of pure blood from these forefathers. The contrary is
the case. They have incorporated into their family every
502 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^76^
foreign element with which it has come in contact. It is only
within the last few years that the Irish Roman Catholic
population in the province of Quebec, which has much inter-
married with the French Canadians, has asserted its nationality
in the religious point of view. On the ground of convenience
and expediency in the larger cities, they have acted upon the
policy of constructing and maintaining their own churches, in
which the sermon and other parts of the service are delivered
in English only : thus establishing distinct congregations of
English speaking Roman Catholics. The two great influences
which have given strength to French Canadian sentiment
are language and religion. Until the settlement of the east-
ern townships, which commenced at the close of the last
century, no English was spoken out of the cities and in
their immediate neighbourhood. The children of all those
who passed to the country districts, whatsoever their place of
birth, became French Canadians ; their names being gallicized.
When mixed marriages took place the female children were
brought up Catholics, and married into French Canadian
families and were counted among them. There is scarcely an
example in history of so powerful an absorbment, as that of
the incorporation by the French Canadians of every foreign
relationship. They have all the elements of a compound race;
possessing characteristics totally different from French senti-
ment and feeling, they may claim this distinction in the sense,
that they have grown to their present number, retaining many
elements and peculiarities of their origin, but having engrafted
upon them a tone of thought peculiar to themselves, widely
diverging from the early prototype. It is plain that whatever
be the ethnological character of the French Canadians, that it
has been under the British government that they have attained
to the force and power they possess, and have moulded them-
selves to the type they present. The political liberty they
have enjoyed has enabled them thus to increase in numbers
and prosperity. From 1632 to 1760, one hundred and twenty-
eight years, the number of French-Canadians reached 60,000.
In the succeeding one hundred and twenty years they have
1763] CANADIAN TRADITION. 503
increased to a million and a quarter. At the time of the
conquest, in 1760, except a few families at the Cedars, Vau-
dreuil and Chateauguay, there was no settlement beyond Saint
Genevieve, on the thinly peopled island of Montreal. The
few hundred men, wandering beyond the western lakes, were
pursuing their career as Indian traders, in many cases domiciled
with the savages, and living as they lived. There were one
thousand souls at Detroit, according to Rogers, at this time ;
many, doubtless, had been gathered there owing to the opera-
tions of Amherst. It is impossible not to contrast the benefits
which Canada has enjoyed from the date of the conquest, with
the hard, stern, depressing rule which weighed them down
under the French government.
In relating these events, I have endeavoured, so far as I
have been able, to adhere rigidly to what I have held to be
the truth, and I have pointed out the sources whence, if
errors exist, they may be rectified. There is a phantom
constantly brought before the French Canadians, of their
duty to adhere to their language, their institutions, and the
laws of former times. It is only in accordance with the
promptings of nature that a strong feeling of race should
exist ; it is a sentiment inseparable from our being, and it
clings to the highest as to the lowest races. To this day, in
the far west the Indian demands recognition of his old
customs and traditions. From time to time a wave of this
feeling passes across Europe, and this love of race is appealed
to as the strongest of political arguments. The handful of
men who surrendered at the conquest, was granted no special
privileges. The one assurance given was liberty of religious
worship. Although French law has remained as the procedure
of the civil courts, and a conservative spirit has resisted all
change in its form and system ; and all amendment, more from
political sentiment, than a wise consideration of that which
is best and essential, has been resisted, the liberty of the
subject is protected by English criminal law ; and political
freedom is assured by representative institutions transplanted
from England, the " mother of parliaments " ; which places
■504 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1763
the government of the country under the control of a parh"a-
mentary majority.
The French Canadian habita)it is much more British than
he himself knows, until circumstances make him aware of the
political rights he enjoys, and the tone of thought which they
have engendered.
It is on this feeling that the harmony of the future must
rest ; the use of language and the practice of a religion go far
to create a sentiment of unity, strong and powerful when
assailed by injustice and wrong. They are weapons for the
arena where the contest is between foes, and the cause of
quarrel is manifest and on the surface. They fail in their
strength and might when appealed to by littleness, selfishness
and fraud. Where there is liberty of thought, and the printing
press is active, even those who are most careless regarding
passing events must learn to discern the difference between
an actual and imaginary wrong. The well-being of the
dominion is in the hands of those patriotic men who have
higher views than the notoriety of holding some prominent
position for a few years, to pass away into forgetfulness when
they fail in their duty to the state, or only to be mentioned
with contempt. History ever avenges herself, and there is a
certain nemesis for those who misuse their opportunity for
good, however apparently for the time they may be successful.
While Canada relies on the sinew and industry of her sons
to develop her material interests, it is to her true and patriotic
children that she must look for the maintenance of those
institutions, by which she can preserve her political freedom
with the peace and prosperity which attend a government
wisely and honestly administered.
END OF THE HISTORY OF FRENCH RULE.
17^3] 505
THE TREATY OF PARIS.
The following are the articles from the definitive treaty of Paris, loth of Feb-
ruary, 1763, bearing upon the cession of Canada to the crown of Great Britain,
and the rights granted to Newfoundland.
IV. His most Christian Majesty renounces all pretensions, which he has here-
tofore formed, or might form, to Nova Scotia, or Acadia, in all its parts, and
guaranties the whole of it, and with all its dependencies, to the King of Great
Britain :
Moreover, his most Christian Majesty cedes and guaranties to his said Britan-
nic Majesty, in full right, Canada, with all its dependencies, as well as the Island
of Cape Breton, and all the other islands and coasts in the gulf and river Saint
Laurence, and in general, every thing that depends on the said countries, lands,
islands, and coasts, with the sovereignty, property, possession, and all rights,
acquired by treaty or otherwise, which the most Christian King, and the crown- of
France, have had till now over the said countries, islands, lands, places, coasts,
and their inhabitants, so that the most Christian King cedes and makes over the
whole to the said King, and to the crown of Great Britain, and that in the most
ample manner and form, without restriction, and without any liberty to depart
from the said cession and guaranty, under any pretence, or to disturb Great
Britain in the possessions above mentioned.
His Britannic Majesty, on his side, agrees to grant the liberty of the Catholic
religion to the inhabitants of Canada : he will consequently give the most
precise and most effectual orders, that his new Roman Catholic subjects may
profess the worship of their religion, according to the rites of the Romish church,
as far as the laws of Great Britain permit.
His Britannic Majesty further agrees, that the French inhabitants, or others,
who had been the subjects of the most Christian King in Canada, may retire, with
all safety and freedom, whenever they shall think proper, and may sell their
estates, provided it be to subjects of his Britannic Majesty, and bring away their
effects, as well as their persons, without being restrained in their emigration,
under any pretence whatsoever, except that of debts, or of criminal prosecutions :
the term limited for this emigration shall be fixed to the space of eighteen
months, to be computed from the day of the e.xchange of the ratification of the
present treaty.
V. The subjects of France shall have the liberty of fishing and drying, on a
part of the coasts of the Island of Newfoundland, such as it is specified in the
Xlllth article of the treaty of Utrecht * ; which article is renewed and confirmed
* The following is the XIII. article of the treaty of Utrecht, to which allusion
is made in the treaty of Paris :
"XIII. The island called Newfoundland, with the adjacent islands, shall
from this time forward belong of right wholly to Britain ; and to that end the
town and fortress of Placentia, and whatever other places in the said island are
in the possession of the French, shall be yielded and given up, within seven
months from the exchange of the ratification of this treaty, or sooner, if possible.
S06 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^7^3
by the present treaty (except what relates to the island of Cape Breton, as well
as to the other islands and coasts in the mouth and in the Rulph of St.
Lawrence :) and his Britannic Majesty consents to leave to the subjects of the
most Christian King the liberty of fishing in the guiph St. Laurence, on condi-
tion that the subjects of France do not exercise the said fishery, but at the
distance of three leagues from all the coasts belonging to Great Britain, as well
those of the continent, as those of the islands situated in the said gulph St.
Laurence. And as to what relates to the fishery on the coasts of the island of
Cape Breton out of the said gulph, the subjects of the most Christian King shall
not be permitted to exercise the said fishery but at the distance of fifteen leagues
from the coasts of the island of Cape Breton ; and the fishery on the coasts of
Nova Scotia or Acadia, and every where else out of the said gulph, shall remain
on the foot of former treaties.
VL The King of Great Britain cedes the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon,
in full right, to his most Christian Majesty, to serve as a shelter to the French
fishermen : and his said most Christian Majesty engages not to fortify the said
islands ; to erect no buildings upon them, but merely for the convenience of the
fishery ; and to keep upon them a guard of fifty men only for the police.
VII. In order to re-establish peace on solid and durable foundations, and to
remove for ever all subject of dispute with regard to the limits of the British and
French territories on the continent of America ; it is agreed, that, for the future,
the confines between the dominions of his Britannic Majesty, and those of his
most Christian Majesty, in that part of the world, shall be fixed irrevocably by a
line drawn along the middle of the river Mississippi, from its source to the river
Iberville, and from thence, by a line drawn along the middle of this river, and the
lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the sea; and for this purpose, the most
Christian King cedes in full right, and guaranties to his Britannic Majesty, the
river and port of the Mobile, and everything which he possesses, or ought to
possess, on the left side of the river Mississippi, except the town of New Orleans,
by the most Christian King, to those who have a commission from the Queen of
Great Britain for that purpose. Nor shall the most Christian King, his Heirs and
Successors, or any of their subjects, at any time hereafter, lay claim to any right to
the said island and islands, or to any part of it, or them. Moreover, it shall not
be lawful for the subjects of France to fortify any place in the said island of New-
foundland, or to erect any buildings there, besides stages made of boards, and
huts necessary and usual for drying of fish ; or to resort to the said island,
beyond the time necessary for fishing, and drying of fish. But it shall be allowed
to the subjects of France to catch fish, and to dry them on land, in that part only,
and in no other besides that, of the said island of Newfoundland, which stretches
from the place called Cape Bonavista to the northern point of the said island, and
from thence running down by the western side, reaches as far as the place called
Point Riche. ]5ut the island called Cape Breton, as also all others, both in the
mouth of the river of .St. Lawrence, and in the gulph of the same name, shall
hereafter belong of right to the French, and the .Most Christian King shall have
all manner of liberty to fortify any place or places there, p. 3S1,
1763] TREATY OF PARIS. 507
and the island in wliich it is situated, which shall remain to France ; provided
ihat the navigation of the river Mississippi shall be equally free, as well to the
subjects of Great Britain as to those of France, in its whole breadth and length,
fiom its source to the sea, and expressly that part which is between the said
island of New Orleans and the right bank of that river, as well as the passage
both in and out of its mouth.
[From "A Collection of Treaties between Great Britain and other powers,"
by George Chalmers, 1791, pp. 471-4.]
INDEX
INDEX.
Abenakis, tribe of : their hatred excited,
i. 195 ; their hostility to the English,
ii. 189; treaty with, 367; peace with,
385 ; remove to Canada, 417 ; sur-
prise undefended settlements, iii. 68 ;
their attacks to be traced to tlie mis-
sionaries, 68 ; proposed to be estab-
lished at Chambly, 74 ; objected to
by de Laval, the distance being too
great, 74 ; enmity not allowed by
French to be dormant, 1 70 ; chiefs
attend at Quebec by Rasle's instruc-
tions, 173 ; assured by de Vaudreuil
their lands not affected by treaty of
Utrecht, 173 ; hear from English
terms of treaty, 174 ; proposed to be
transferred to Cape Breton, 175 ;
chiefs visit de Vaudreuil, 175 ; their
address to him, 176 ; return dissatis-
fied, 176 ; supplied by France with
munitions of war, 1 76; enter settle-
ment of Georgetown, 177 ; excited
to expeditions, 179 ; their continued
attacks [1722], 183; 1S4; 185; disin-
clination to war, 1 85 ; ravage settle-
ments, 188 ; chiefs killed with Knsle,
192 ; make peace with Massachusetts,
197-200 ; take Amherst's messengers
prisoners, iv. 260; their village burned
by Rogers, 339 ; their chastisement
and loss, 340.
Abercrombie, general : arrives at New
York, iii. 55S ; pledges his personal
means to obtain supplies, iv. 25 ;
writes to Amherst after concjuest of
Louisbourg, 147; his character, 157;
his attack of Ticonderoga, 158 ; un-
* provided with artillery, 158 ; his
force, I58«. ; organization of expe-
dition, 159; embarks troops, 161 ;
landing made without opposition,
164; troops march to west of stream,
164 ; meet de Trepezet's party, 165 ;
skirmish when lord Howe is killed,
165 ; hears from prisoners expected
arrival of de Levis with reinforce-
ments, 168 ; his want of artillery
commented upon, 169 ; resolves to
attack, 169 ; masses his columns,
169 ; attack made by regulars, 170 ;
its gallantry, but repulsed, 1 70;
movement below rapids, 170; British
retreat, 171 ; orderly, conducted with-
out loss, 171 ; ascend lake George,
172; British losses, I73«. ; blamed
for not renewing fight, 173; good
generalship in not so acting, 175 ;
emotion caused by news in England,
176 ; no advantage resulted to
French, 177 ; his efforts confined to
protection of frontier, 177; council
of war at lake George, iSi ; Amherst
and Gage present, 18 1 ; determined
no attack at that time be made on
Ticonderoga, l8l ; recalled, 189.
Abercrombie, James : A.D.C., his letter
to Rogers, iv. 9.
Abraham, captain John : arrives with
supplies to fort Nelson, Hudson's
Bay, iii. 11.
Acadia : first settlements, ii. 171 ;
Argall's attack, 171 ; restored to
France, 173; taken by Cromwell,
177 , ceded to France, 179; census
[16S8], 192 ; state of matters [16S0],
196 ; Phips' attack on, 230 ; ceded
by treaty of Utrecht, 4S1 ; provisions
of treaty of Ryswick, iii. 66 ; report
512
INDEX.
to be given back to French, 123 ;
ceded to England by treaty of
Utrecht, 124.
Acadian priests: political agents, iii. 144.
Acadia : population [160S], iii. 69 ;
[1707,1711,1714], 106; [1714], 126;
[1749], 420.
Acadians : their character, iii. 106 ;
their disputes settled by officers, 106;
attached to their religion, 107 ; their
constant litigation, 1 1 1 ; make ex-
cuses for non-delivery of timber, 112;
threatened by priest for sul)jection to
heretics, 114; become haughty and
imperious, 117; are more submissive,
118; meet de Vaudreuil at Cape
Breton, 126 ; proposed to be re-
moved there, 132 ; deputation pro-
ceeds to fort, to meet Nicholson, 133 ;
meeting at Annapolis, offers of French
king, 133 ; pledge themselves to set-
tle in Cape Breton, 133 ; year
allowed to date from St. Louis' day
[1714], 134 ; conditions allowed
under treaty, 135 ; transport for emi-
gration not furnished by French, 136;
find life at ile Saint Jean and Cape
Breton unpalatable, 135 ; dislike
labour of clearing the forest, 136 ;
their great use to France by remain-
ing on their farms, 136 ; no oath
administered until accession of
George I., 137 ; instructions sent
from Cape Breton to missionaries to
influence people not to take oath or
abandon their properties, 137; frivo-
lous excuses for refusing oath, 13S ;
Caulfield reports, threaten to become
dangerous population, 13S ; excuses
made to Doucette, 139 ; one hundred
and fifty men with priest visit Philipps,
142 ; called upon to take oath within
four months or leave the country
[1720], 143 ; always suggest hope of
future submission, 143 ; terrorism
makes independence impossible, 143:
no conquered people ever treated
with more forbearance, 149 ; fear of
Indians ridiculous, 149 ; not good
farmers, 150 ; their occupation, 150 ;
oath taken at Annapolis, 154; re-
fused at Mines and Beaubassin, 154 ;
maintain that oath must include con-
dition not to bear arms against French
or Indian, 160 ; pay nothing towards
government, 162 ; absence of law,
163 ; their language to de Gaune,
308 ; their hatred of British rule,
308 ; trade with Louisbourg, 343 ;
would not send provisions to English
garrisons, 343 ; described by de Beau-
harnois, 344 ; refuse card-money
from de Ramezay, 345 ; settlements
at the period of the arrival of Corn-
wallis, 420 ; deputies arrive at Hali-
fax, 421 ; no priest to officiate with-
out license, 421 ; ask permission to
sell effects, 421 ; the oath disowned,
421 ; resolved not to take oath, 421 ;
object to English living among them,
421 ; addressed by Cornwallis, 422;
treatment received by tiiem, 424 ;
their ignorance, 424 ; dupes of the
priests, 424 ; not desired by France
that Acadians should leave province,
431 ; the term "neutrals" applied
to them, 431 ; their condition, 432 ;
distress of those forced to leave their
homes by Le Loutre, 438 ; treatment
by Hopson, 441 ; their several peti-
tions, 442 ; described by Hopson,
443 ; commence to deal at fort Law-
rence, 490 ; send petition to Hopson
to return to their lands, 490 ; danger
connected with pOpuhtion, 494 ;
described by Fr.onquet, ^o^n. ; their
sutferings at Quebec, 517 [see Expul-
sion of].
Accault : accompanies Hennepin in
ascertt of Mississippi, i. 479.
Aigremont,-d'*: arrives in Canada as
co7nvnssionaire, his death, iii. 269.
Aigremont, Clerambault : visits west-
ern posts, ii. 436 ; meets Joncaire at
Niagara, 436 ; recommends construc-
tion of fort, 436 ; suggests de Lon-
gueuil to be sent to La Galette,
reports unfavourably with regard to
INDEX.
513
La Mothe Cadillac, 437 ; encouraged
to report to P"rance any " intrigues,"
43S.
Aigron : captain of de La Salle's ship
"I'Aimable," ii. 13S; imprisoned on
return to France, 140.
AHleboust, Louis d' : arrives, i. 1S4 ;
appointed governor, 19 1 ; his death,
196 ; temporarily in charge of gov-
ernment, 240 ; receives Mohawk
deputation, 244.
Ailieboust, Mde. d' : i. 196 and «. ;
loan granted to, 324.
Aire, chevalier d' : sent to de La Salle
by de Beaujeu, ii. 134.
Albanel, pere Charles : first overland
expedition to Hudson's bay [1671-2],
iii. 3-
Albany : treaty with Iroquois at, ii. 48.
Albany, fort, Hudson's bay: taken by
de Troyes, iii. 17; named by French,
fort Anne, 28 ; principally held in
consideration, 29.
Alberoni, Cardinal, of Spain, iii. 255.
Albert : deserter from Quebec, taken
and sliot, ii. 365.
"Alcide, r ": captured with " le Lys "
by Howe, iii. 460.
Alexander, sir William [lord Selkirk] :
cedes grant to de la Tour, ii. 172.
Alexandria : council of governors, iii.
468 ; policy determined, 468.
Algonquin dictionary: first compiled by
recollets, i. 72.
Algonquins : attack Iroquois on Rich-
elieu river, i. 82 ; divisions of, ii.
iSgw.
Alabamons : attack against fails, iii. 222.
Alden, captain: captures French settle-
ments in Acadia, ii. 346 ; arranges
terms of peace with Abenakis, 385.
Alden : 15oston mercluint taken by
French, ii. 350.
Alden, Mr. John : his slooji plundered,
iii. 150.
Allegre, d'. Marguerite : marries de
Seignelay, i. 430.
Allen, captain : in " Bonaventure "
takes fort Nelson, Hudson's bay, and
all forts in James' bay [169S], iii. 32 ;
killed, 32.
Allet, d' : arrives at Quebec, i. 240.
Allouez, father : sent to Green bay,
i. 401.
Allumette island, i. 45.
Alonne, .Mile, d' : seized by Indians
restoreti, ii 93.
Amherst, sir Jefiery : commander in
chief Louisbourg, iv. 109; his services,
his character, iii ; his letter to de
Drucour, 135 [see Louisbourg] ;
receives thanks of parliament, 139 ;
deems it impracticable to proceed to
Quebec, 146; repulse of Abercrombie
known, 147 ; arrives at Halifax with
reinforcements, 181 ; proceeds to
Boston, iSl ; marches to Albany,
iSl ; joins Aberciombie at lake
George, iSl ; his failure to descend
Saint Lawrence to aid Wolfe, 269 ;
sir Guy Carleton on this ])roceeding,
26qH. ; cannot be looked upon as
conqueror of Canada, 269 ; makes
preparations for campaign [1760],
311; proposed attack k>i Niagara,
311 ; commences fort head of lake
George, 312 ; his force, 312 ; sends
Stanwix to rittsinirg, 312 ; at Phila-
delphia, 313 ; a]-)[)oints committee to
examine grievances of Petmsylvania,
315 ; selects Prideaux for command
at Niagara, 315; hangs two deserters,
316; appoints Gage to Niagara, 328;
instructs him to descend to La Gal-
lette, 328 ; negotiates loan through
New York and Pennsylvania, 330 ;
descends lake George, 331 ; his force,
331 ; lands at Ticonderoga, finds
intrenchments abandoned, 332 ; at-
tacks fort Carillon, 333 ; fort blown
up by French and abandoned, 333 ;
occupies Crown Point abandonetl,
335 ; commences road to No. 4
[Charlstown], 336 ; sends captain
Kennedy to Wolfe with letters, 337 ;
taken by .•\benakis, 337 ; sends
Ri gers to chastise the Indians.
Difficully experienced in ship build-
21
514
INDEX.
i"g. 343 ; vessels completed, 345 ;
defeats French vessels, 345 ; master
of lake Champlain, 345 ; season pre-
vents further advance, 345 ; troops
£jo into winter quarters, 346 ; applies
to provincial governors for levies,
380 ; reaches Oswego, 3S3 ; descends
Saint Lawrence, 3S4 ; his force,
384 M. ; takes " I'Outaouaise " at
Point au Baril, 3S5 ; attacks fort
Levis, 3S5 ; resistance of fort, 3S6 ;
surrenders, 3SS ; liis corres]-i()ndence
with Pouchot, 388 ; British losses,
3S9 ; Indians desiring reprisals re-
strained, 3S9; his report that Indians
had been kept in humane hounds,
3S9 ; his con vers uion with Pouchot,
390 ; dread of rapids, 390 ; organiza-
tion for descent of, 391 ; descends
rapids, 391 ; his losses at the Cedar-,
392 ; arrives at iie Perrot, 393 ; in
position before Montreal, 393 ; nego-
tiations for surrender, 402 ; de la
Pause waits u[)om him on the part of
de Levis, 402 : Knox's account of the
interview, 403 ; receives jiersonal
word of honour no standards were
in existence, 405 ; his letter to Ilal-
dimand on the subject, 4c6«. ; signs
articles of capitulation, 406; British
troops take possession of city of
Montreal, 40S ; receives de Vaudreuil
on parade, 40S : sends garri>ons to
western pnsts, 409 ; proceeds to
Quebec, 412 ; returns to New York,
413 ; his system of government in
Canada, 437 ; enforces good treat-
ment of "new subjects,'" 441 ; gives
orilers to disarm Canadian militia,
441.
Amputation of one hundred toes, iv.
3S0.
Andros, sir E. : succeeds Dongnn as
governor of New York, ii. 93 ; of
New England, 10 1 ; anested, 11)4.
Angelus, the : estidilished by Ciiam-
plain, i. 130.
Annapolis: [>ee I'oit Roy.il] Yetch
first governor, iii. loi ; ci^ldncss of
winter and dearness of fuel, no;
steps taken to secure fort, ill ; dirty
condition when taken possession of,
113 ; expedition sent to obtain tim-
ber, 115; party surprised by Indians,
loss of officers and men, 115 ; con-
dition of garrison, 117 ; garrison ex-
pect to be attacked, 1 17 ; fort block-
aded, 118; neglect of garrison by
home authorities, 122 ; fort in ruin-
ous condition, 139; Acadian deputies
refuse oath to George II., their aricst,
156 ; its defenceless condition, 304 ;
Mascarene in command, 430 ; attacked
by Duvivier, 305.
Anne, queen : accession of, ii. 408 ; on
union of England and Scotland,
44I«. ; her death, 489 ; her letter of
•713 regarding Acadians, iii. 127//.
Anjou, riiilip, duke of: ii. 405.
Anson's expedition : iii. 326.
Anti-Cotton : a book against the Jesuits,
i. 75.
Anville. due d' : expedition against
Acadia, iii. 329 ; sails from France,
338 ; fleet suffers from severe tem-
pests,33S ; arrives at Chebucto, 338;
his death, 338.
Aontaristi : an Iroquois chief, burned,
i. 218.
Appeals in civil actions to be finally
determined in Canaiia, ii. 23.
Archeveque, 1' : servant of de La Salle's
murderer, ii. 156; found by Spanianls
among Indians, 153.
Argenson, Pierre de Yoyer d', governor
general : arrives, i. 240 ; his char-
acter, 245 ; danger of falling in
ambush, 262 ; dissatisfied with his
reception in Montreal, 26S ; dilti-
culty with regard to pain bniit,
269; his complaints to Fiance, re-
called, his character, 270.
Argenson, d' : French secretary of state
for war, iv. 38 ; dismissed, 43.
Argenteuikd' : sent by de Frtuiteiiac to
coiircius df /'('IS, ii. 268.
Armstrong, captain : sent to London
with remonstrance of officers, iii. 122.
INDEX.
515
Armstrong, Lawrence : lieutenant gov-
ernor Nova Scotia, iii. 152 ; liis
career and unfortunate death, 152 ;
his government, 153 ; orders road to
be cut at Mines, 155 ; places embargo
on trade, 155 ; difficulty in obtaining
provisions,*i6i ; recommends survey
of lands, 162 ; his last years of gov-
ernment, 16S.
Arnoul, intendant : with de La Salle,
ii. 125.
Arontal : a Huron chief, i. 54.
Arrowsiciv : atlaciced, iii. 1S4.
Artaguette, iV : sent to Louisiana, iii.
224 ; his report not unfavourable lo
de bienville, 229.
Artaquttte, d' : his exp<.'ili(ion from tlie
Illinois to the Missis.-i[)pi, iii. 243 ;
its unfortunate terminalion, 244.
Astrolabe : sup|>osed to be that of
Chaniplain. found in 1867, i. 50.
Atariiea : Christian Indian, ii. S6 ;
gives warning of intended attack on
Lachine, 102.
Atkin, Edmund, Indian agent : meets
Johnson, iv. 4 ; proposes alliance of
Inilians in Hritish interest, 4.
Atoriata : Indian cliief, ii. 251.
Augueile : accompanies Hennepin in
• ascent of .Mississippi, i. 479.
Augusta of Sa.xe Goiha : princess dow-
ager, iv. 470 ; her earlier years, 471 ;
her education of George HI., 474.
Auneau, pere : accompanies i!e La
Verendrye, iii. 373 ; massacred by
Sioux, 373.
Auteuii, d', Kuette : appointed to
council, i. 302 ; named atKn'ney
general, 435 ; report of, as lo officer
presiding at cuuncil, ii. 6 ; deaiii of,
S.
Auteuii, d', the younger : ai^i)f)inted
attorney general, ii. 9 ; opposes de
l''ronienac, 19 ; reproved, 289.
Auiliunlios : early Canadian iiistuiy, i.
Au.\ Hivufs river, iii. 31)7.
Avaugour, I'ierre DuIkus d', gdvernor
general : airives at (Jucbec, i. 2S2 ;
travels over Canada, 284 ; opposed
to giving aid to Gaspe and New-
foundland, 285 ; proposes conquest
of Engli-h colonies, 2S6 ; removes
restrictions on the liquor trade, 2S9 ;
leaves Canada, 303; sends memorial
to Colbert, 303.
Aux, chevalier tl' : sent by de Fron-
tenac to Iroquois, ii. 212.
Baker, officer 44th : killed in Rogers'
expeilition, iv. 9.
Barillon : in London signs treaty of
16S6, iii. 19 ; his character, 24.
Bnrriiigton, lord : his coirespomlence
wiih Wolfe, iv. 155 ; responsible for
tiie trealnient of Wolfe's claim,
301;/. ; ids neglect in sup|ilying .''orces
with money, 330 ; 365.
liarre, col.: writes de\'audreuil on part
of Wolfe, iv. 25S.
Baitelo, captain : sent to Cobequid, iii.
430 ; brings priest to Halifax, 430.
Basserade, tie : in command of French
force, sent to intercept Rogers, iv. S.
ISatard, Flamand : i. 231 ; present at
review of troojis, 343.
Baugis, lie : sent lo (ort on the Illinois,
ii. 43 ; fiicndly with Tonly, 1 12.
Bayard, col. : suggests invasion of
Canada, ii. 445.
Bayley : in command at foit York,
Huilsou's bay, surrenders, iii. 37.
Beam, regiment of : arrives from
France, iv. 4S ; conduct of men in
the matler of rations, 75 ; addres.sed
i)y de Levis, 76 ; grenadiers wait
upon de Levis with cooked hoise-
desh, 79-
Beaubassin, settlement of : attack on
by col. Church, ii. 3S1 ;' burned by
Churcii, iii. 84 ; inhabitants forced
to take French oaih of allegiance,
436 ; Lawrence arrives there, 43b ;
burneil by Le Loutre's orders, 436.
Bcauhassin, de: expedition across Ken-
nebec [1703], iii. 74.
5i6
INDEX.
Beaucours, de : in command of expedi-
tion against Xoithnniplon, ii. 41S.
Beauharnois, Fiaii9ois de : appointed
intendant, ii. 409.
Beauharnois, Ciiailes, marijiiis de : in-
structed to foment discord, iii. 198 :
goverfior general, 251 ; his early
career, 251 ; not one uf the batards
of Louis XIV., 25i«. ; addresses
governor Burnet as to occupation of
Oswego, 252 ; his complaints disre-
garded in France 257 ; intervenes in
quarrel between Dupuy and the
canons, 265 ; forbids further proceed-
ings, 265 ; states that difficulties at
the hospital only some female bicker-
ings, 2S2 ; not in accoril with bishop's
intervention as to liquor used in
trade, 2S3 ; points out difference of
• youth in Canada and in West Indies,
292 ; reinforces forts, 302 ; his views
as to the Acadians, 344 ; recalled,
357 ; card-money introdiiced, 357.
Beaujeu, de : appointed to command
de La Salle's expedition, ii. 121 ; his
powers, 121 ; dift'icultics with de La
Salle previous to the start, 122 ; his
letters as to ihe troops enlisted,
125; the expedition starts, 128; his
conduct to de La Salle, 131-142 ;
sails back to Fiance, 142.
Beaujeu, de: in command agnint Biad-
dock, iii. 434; killed, iSo.
Beaumont, de : archbishop of Paris, iv.
38 ; exiled from I'aris, 40.
Beausejour, fort : constructed byFrench,
iii. 438 ; under c<miniand of de Ver-
ger, 4S7 ; siege commenced, 497 ;
surrenders, 499 ; stores plundereil,
499-
Beaver: mode of dressing, ii. 505.
Bedford, duke of : motion in house of
lords to abandon Prussia, iv. 492 ;
negotiator peace of Paris, 497.
Begon, Michel, intendant : arrives at
Quebec, ii. 4S2 ; his ordinances, 4S4 ;
his palace destroyed by tiie. 4SS ;
his losses, 4S9.
Begon, Mde. : loss of her wardrobe, ii.
488.
Begon, Chevalier : bearer of message to
Burnett, iii. 252.
Bellaitre, de : destroys settlement of
Palatines on the Mohawk, iv. 70 ;
the last French success, 72 ; at De-
troit, 84.
Bellamy, George Ann: her account of
Braildock, iii. 464.
Belle-Isle : taken, iv. 4S0; influence of
event on France, 4S0.
Belleisle : wuh Abenakis at George-
town, iii. 177.
Bellefcntaine, de : on abbe de Fene-
lon's conduct : i. 423.
Bellomont, Richard Coote, lord : gover-
nor of New York and Massachusetts;
ii. 318.
Belmont, I'abbe : i. 180; 261;/.; ii.
39;/. ; 44«. ; 94//. ; too ; 254;/.
Benoit : sent to fort Frontenac, thence
to La Presentation, iv. 1S6 ; expects
to be attacked, 2lS.
Bernieres, Louvigny de : his relations
with Madanie de la Pcltrie, i. 166.
P)ienville, de : at Louisiana, iii. 213 ;
reaches lake Pontchartrain, 215 ; ex-
plores to Mobile bay, 216; in com-
mand at Biloxi, 221 ; determines to
chastise Alabamons, 222; fails in his
attack, 223 ; accused of malfeasance,
224 ; maintains his position, 225 ;
sends U>x mgro slaves, 226 ; his good
judgment, 22S ; his unfortunate ex-
planntion of governor's opposition
to him, 230 ; appointed commander-
in-chief, 232 ; buikis fort at Natchez,
232 ; founds New Orleans, 233 ; re-
solves to attack Pensacola, 234 ; re-
moves government to New Orleans,
235 ; leaves for France, 236 ; returns
as governor-general, 241 ; attacks
Chickasaw?, 242 ; forced to retreat,
243 ; attacks and defeats Chickasaws,
245 ; returns to France, 246 ; his
character, 246.
INDEX.
517
Bigot, Francis, inteiuLmt : arrives in
Canada, iii. 390 ; issues ordonnance
currency, 542 ; profits by distress,
544 ; his passion for Madame I'ean,
391 ; 544; states want of provisions
would not permit garrison of William
Henry to be made prisoners of war,
iv. 63 \ desirous of returning to
France, 83 ; his presence indispen-
sable, 84 ; submits memoir recom-
mending capitulation, 401.
Bigot, Francis, Jesuit father : does not
desire peace, iii. 69.
Billets de confession : explained, iv. 41.
Biloxi, Louisiana: iii. 221; badness of
soil, 225.
Biville, de : officer of "la Reine "
killed, iv. 6«.
Bizard : lieutenant of guards, i. 417 ;
arrested at Montreal, 417; matter
before council, 420.
Bochart,du Plessis : governor of Three
Rivers, i. 21S ; killed, 219.
Bernieres, de : arrives in Canada, i.
259 ; attends council during case of
abbe de Fenelon, 429.
Boishebert, de : gloomy account of
Indian affairs, iii. 353 ; at the Saint
John, 429.
Boishebert, de : arrives at Louishourg
with Canadians and Indians, beaten
back on attack of outposts, iv. 130 ;
sent to Cape Breton [1759], 21S.
Bonaventure, de : present at cajiture of
" Newport," ii. 378 ; his conduct
arraigned, iii. S5 ; his honourable
public career, 85.
Bonaventure, fatlier : present at meet-
ing at Annapolis [1714], iii. 133.
Bonnecanip : Jesuit, accompanies de
Celeron, iii. 407.
Bonrepaux, FrencJi minister to London :
his character, iii. 25.
Books : rarely seen in Canada before
conquest, iv. 21S.
Boscawen, admiral Edward-: ajipointed
in command at Louisbourg, iv. 109 ;
his e:irly years, 109 ; resolves on at-
tempting landing, 124 ; [see Louis-
bourg] receives thanks of parliament,
139-
Boucher, Pierre : addresses letter to
Colbert, i. 153; his narrative, 154;
sent to France, 2S4 ; his career, 285 ;
appointed governor of Three Rivers,
310.
Boucherville, de, senator Charles E. :
i. 285^.
Bougainville, de, A. D. C. : iii. 553 ;
arrives at Quebec with re-inforce-
ments, iv. 220 ; in command of corps
of 1,500 men at (^)uel>ec, 257 ; writes
Wolfe on part of de Vaudreuil, 259 ;
reinforced, 267 ; follows movements
of British vessels, 267 ; after battle
appears with his force before Quebec
and retires, 285 ; in command at ile-
aux-Noix, 397 ; receives orders to
abandon foil ; holds council of war,
39S ; leaves behind fifty invalids and
retires, 398.
Bourlamaque, colonel de : his services,
iii. 553 ; sent to Carillon, iv. 48 ;
ordered to take up ground at end of
lake, 162 ; wounded at attack, 169 ;
sent in command to Carillon, 220 ;
in command at ile-aux-Noix, 260 ;
wounded at battle of 28th April, 371 ;
charged with siege of Quebec, 371.
Boulle, arrives in Canada : i. 60 ; in
charge of fort at Quebec, 62 ; sent
by Champlain to Gaspe, 94 ; meets
Emeric de Caen, 97 ; taken by
Thomas Kirke, 9S.
Boulle, Heiene [see Mde. de Cham-
plain].
Bouquet, lieutenant-colonel, Henry :
second in command to Forbes, iv.
195 ; his meeting with Washington,
197 ; opens roads to Loyal Hannon,
200 ; authorizes Grant's expedition,
201 ; commands column against fort
Duqesne, 21 1.
Bourbon, Charles de, count de Soissons :
lieutenant-governor of New France,
i. 42 ; his death, 42.
]>ourbon, due de : fust minister of
P>ance, iii. 26S ; his policy m marry-
51^
INDEX.
ing Louis xv. 26S ; proposes as bride
grand-daughter of C^eorge II., 26S ;
dismissed from office, 26S ; breaks
off marriage with infanta of Spain,
294.
Bourbon river, Hudson's bay : de Cal-
lieres' account of, iii. 7.
Bourdon, Jean : sent to the Mohaw ks,
i. 188 ; named attorney-general, 302 ;
his early life, 30S ; his insolent pre-
tension w ith regard to his office, 322 ;
makes voyage to 55° Lit., iii. 3.
Bourgeois, Margueiite: her birth, i.
225 ; arrives in Montreal, 226 ; re-
turns from France, 259.
Bourgmont, sergeant : replaces de
Tonty, ii. 432 ; receives tleputation
of Ottawas, 432 ; proposes they
should join with Miamis, 433 ; e.x-
cites their jealousy, 433 ; attacks
Indian who had struck dog, 433.
Bourgoing : arrives at Loui.siana, as
vicar-general, iii. 223.
Boyer : his power as bishoji, iv. 3S ;
his death, 40.
Braddock, luhvard, general : liis early
years, iii. 463 ; de]5recialory state-
ments unjustly made of him by
Franklin, 463 ; absence of Indians
not attributable to him, 466 ; his
expedition to the Ohio, 466 ; arrival
of, 466 ; difficulty in obtaining horses
and carts, 467 ; aided by F'ranklin.
467 : his complaints to London, 46S ;
at fort CumberLand, 469 ; diihcuity
in feeding troops, 469 ; few Indians
join force, 470 ; character of his
march, 471 ; calls council of war,
471 ; order of mnrcli established,
472 ; strength of force, 472 ; march
commenced, 472 ; his anxiety as to
jMOvisions, 473 ; his mnrch to the
Monongohela, 473-475. "'«• 475"- ;
lesolves to move forward \^iih strong
detachment, 476 ; alteration nf march
not attributable !o Washington,
476/1. ; change of route to river Mon-
ongohela, 47S ; the force crosses
liver, 479 ; attacked on the niarcli.
450 ; number of French, 479 ; troops
thrown ' into disorder, 4S0 ; attempt
to rally, 481 ; the men take to flight,
451 ; gains second crossing of Mon-
ongohela, 482 ; attempt to establish
discipline, 482 ; death of IJraddock,
482 ; los.ses of British, 483 ; unre-
liable statements, 483;;. ; everytliing
fell into enemies' iiand, artillery, arms,
money chest, 4S4 ; falsehood of
stories concerning him, 485
Bradstreet, lieutenant-colonel, John :
commands regiment of bateau men,
iii. 559 ; defeats de Viiliers, 559 ;
sent to take possession of saw mills,
Ticonderoga, iv. 167 ; replaces
bridge, 167 ; attack of Catarqui, fort
Frontenac, 1S2 ; (iist jiroposnl to
Loudoun, 1 82 ; accepted by Aber-
crombie, 1S2 ; starts from Oswego,
183 ; strength of force, i83«. ; takes
fort Frontenac, 1S4 ; large amount of
furs taken, 1S4; obtains information,
Six N.iti )ns inclined to aid French,
187.
Breboeiif, Jean de, Jesuit nriest : starts
for Three Rivers, i. 73 ; commences
mission, Si ; ascent with Ilurons,
148 ; replies to the charge that small-
pox was introduced by the French,
163 ; early labours, 198 ; made pris-
oner at St. Joseph, 205 ; tortuiedand
burned, 206 : his career, 206.
]5re:>sani, jcsuit father : i. 1S6 ; repairs
to 'i'lnee Rivers, 203 ; his party at-
tacked by Iroquois, 21 1 ; returned
with Ragueneau, 211.
Bridger : governor of port Nelson,
Hudson's l)ay, iii. 9
Bridgman's fort, Vermont : attacked,
iii- 333-
Biis^ac, maishal de : i. 44.
British enijiire : acted upon by its rela-
tions with France, iii. 254.
Biitish naval victories [1747] : iii. 351.
I'ritish ])rovinces : want of union be-
tween them, ii. 442 ; the colonists
•not aggressive, 442 ; their want of a
defined Imlian policy, 479 ; unequal
INDEX.
519
to the conquest of Canada without
British intervention, iii. 356 ; their
jealousy of home interference, iv. 71 ;
belief in their power to conquer Can-
ada, 71 ; their low standard of inibiic
duty, 72 ; debt to the mdlher country
soon forgotten, 73 ; taking of Louis-
bourg, a debt of safety due to mother
country, ' 141 ; their nationality as-
sured by British power, 141 ; detail
of levies [175S], 155;/.
Brouillan, de, Jacques Francois : ap-
pointed governor of Acadia, iii. 70 ;
arrives at Port Royal, 70; calls upon
inhabitants to aid in establishing
fort, 70 ; demolishes old fort at St.
John, 71 ; complains of English
fishermen, 71 ; urges attack against
Boston, 7£ ; defends Port Royal, S3 ;
goes to France, 85.
Brule, Elienne : his murder, i. 127.
Bruyas, father : asked for by Iroquois,
ii. 3S9 ; sent to them, 391 ; present
at council, 399.
Brymner, Mr. Douglas, Dominion
archivist : i. lo6«. ; ii. 167 ; iv."3iSM.
Buckingham, duke of: his expedition
against lie Re, i. 79.
Building regulations, [1701] : ii. 4S7.
Buisson, du : in command at Detroit,
ii. 474; summons friendly Indians to
defend fort, 475; attacks Foxes, 475;
actively besieges them, 47S ; fcjilows
them to lake St. Chure, 478 ;
almost destroys tribe, 47S.
Bull fort, on Wood's creek : con-
structed, iii. 53S ; restored, 55S.
Bullion, de, Madame: founder of hutel-
Dieu, Montreal, i. jSi and ;/.
Burial ground, English, Dorchester
street, Montreal : its disgraceful con-
dition, 41;/.
Burlamachy, Philip : i. loS.
Ikirnet, William, governor of New
York : forms settlement at Iroiide-
quoit bay, ii. 513 ; e.->tabli-lies Chcni-
aguen [Oswego], 514; sends up
workmen, 516 ; his correspondence
with de Beauharnois, iii. 253.
Burt, Mr, B. H., of Oswego : iii. 562«.
Burton, brigadier Ralph : appointed
governor of Three Rivers, iv. 440 ;
courts of law, 441 ; proceeds to siege
of Ilavannah, 447 ; his census, 453 ;
his regulations as to trade with In-
dians, 457.
Bussy, de : presents paper advocating
Spanish claims, iv. 4S3 ; Pitt's reply,
4S3«.
Bute, John Stuart, earl of : his early
life, iv. 472 ; his relations with the
princess dowager, 473 ; caricatures
of, 473'/. ; appointed to privy coun-
cil, 476 ; his draft of the king's
speech, 476 ; advocates jieace, 477 ;
his intrigues with lord Holderness to
obtain office secretary of state, 477 ;
prime minister, 4S7 ; his failure, 488 ;
his use of political writers, 489 ;
pensions granted by him to men of
letters, 490 ; desirous of abandoning
Prussia, 491 ; his intrigues with
prince Gallitzin, 492 ; charged with
receiving money from France, 495 ;
by Dr. Musgrave, 496 ; Wilberforce's
diary, 496; enters into secret negotia-
tions through count Viri, 497 ; his
sacrifice of Newfoundland fisheries,
49S: prepared to abandon Ilavannah
without equivalent, 498.
Buteux, lacques : Jesuit father, i. 130 ;
his death, 217 ; his career, 217.
Byng, admiral : his conduct before
Minorca, iv. 94 ; his character and
trial, 94«.
Byron, commodore : liis services in the
bay of Chaleurs, iv. 415 ; his career,
414;/.
C
Cabot's voyage : i. 2.
Cadet : his career, iii. 544 ; obtains
wheat fri)m hal>ita)its, 545 ; his dis-
honesty, 545.
Caen, Juiieric de : i. 62 ; at Three
Rivers, S3 ; encourages Indian war
party, 83 ; defeated by Thomas
520
INDEX.
Kirke, 97 ; gives over Quebec to
Chaniplain, 126.
Caen, Guillaume de : i. 62 ; accused of
intolerance, 7S ; sent to Canada
after treaty, 109 ; complain? of loss,
III;2.
Calendar reformed [1747] : iii. 363«.
Callieres, de, Louis Hector : ji^overnor
of Montreal, ii. 51 ; in command of
troops de Denonville's expedition,
79 : causes retlonbts to be built
government of Montreal, S7 ; sent to
France to advocate attack of New
York, 95 ; his plans adopted, 19S ;
returns to Canada, 200 ; onlered by
de Frontenac to Quebec, 232 ; pres-
ent during Phips' attack, 239 ; at-
tacked by Schuyler at Laprairie, 253 ;
builds fort at Montreal, 270 ; contest
with bishop de Saint \'allier, 2S2 ; on
expedition against Iroqnois, 309 ;
efforts of to be appointed governor,
387 ; appointed, 3SS : shews to Iro-
quois the letter from William III. to
Bellomont, 390 ; signs peace with
Iroquois, 393; smokes pipe of peace,
403 ; e.xtends fortifications of Que-
bec, 409 ; death, 410 ; his character,
410 ; memoir encroachments of Eng-
lish, iii. 4; 64; authority for the
story of des Groselliers and Radisson,
4 ; writes to the Jesuit I'igot sees no
obstacle to peace being made, 69 ;
complains of de Brouillan, 71 ; states-
manlike views, 73.
Calvinism : its political character in
France, i. 122.
Canabas : territory of, ii. 1S9 : massa-
cres by, 193 ; described, iii. 72;;.
Canada : etymology of wonl, i. 2 ;
early voyages to, 2 ; constant con-
nection with 'France, 12 ; frequent
voyages to, 33 ; constituted a royal
province, 293 ; rejoicings failure of
Walker's expedition, ii. 469 ; church
Notre Dame des Victoires built in
commemoration, 470 ; held to be
under protection of X'irgin, iv. 21S ;
settlement at lime of conquest, 240
and n. ; fears of the descent of the
Saint Lawrence by the British force,
259 : weakness in the west, 259 ; in-
fluence of conquest upon considered,
500-504 ; duration under French
rule, 500 ; its hope for the future,
504.
Canadian : native born no career open
to him under French rule, iii. 280 ;
could only act as parlizan leader,
2S0 ; could hold only inferior posi-
tions in the church, 2S0 ; contrasted
with liberty enj^^yed under British
institutions, 2S0.
Canadian militia : in the field, pay and
allowances, iii. 555.
Canadian control of Indians : iii. 556.
Cannon : sold by de Subercase to
Nicholson, iii. 99//. ; notes for pay-
ment in circulation, no.
Canoe travelling : i. 52.
Canons, chapter of Quebec : preten-
sions on death of bishop de Saint
Vallier, iii. 259 ; assume charge of
diocese, 259 ; claim to be independ-
ent of all authority, 260 ; their con-
duct on burial of de Saint Vallier,
261 ; suspend superioress, 262 ;
points in dispute, 262 ; summoned to
appear before council, 265 ; forbid-
den to perform executive acts, 263 ;
settlement of dispute, 265 ; appoint
irremovai)le ctiris, 279.
Canon, capitaine : with French vessels
which pass Quebec, iv. 350 ; takes
British schooner, 350.
Canso : French fishermen there, iii. 140 ;
Indians defeated, 1S6 ; taken by
Duvivier, 302 ; re-established by
Shirley, 313 ; Englishmen seized by
Indians, 42S.
Cap Tourment : attacked and burnt by
Kirke, i. 86 ; SS.
Cape Breton : restored to France, ii.
179; given to French by treaty of
Utrecht, iii. 125 : emigration direct-
ed to, 12S ; advantages of a port in
the island, 130 ; Indians from New-
foundland to be established there.
INDEX.
521
131 ; the garrison brought from New-
foundland, 131 ; its several harbours,
132 ; name changed to He Uoyaie,
lasted thirty-one years, 132; French
knowledge of its importance, iv. 481;
became focus of intrigue, 481.
Capitulation : articles of, Quebec, iv.
335-307; Niagara, 326; Fort Levis,
388; Montreal, 417-433.
Capon, Petef, lieutenant ." sent from
Port Royal to purchase provisions,
iii. no ; made prisoner and released,
no.
Card-money : introduce<l by de Meulles,
ii. 499 ; value maintained when bills
were regularly paid, 499 : aniount of
circulation [in 17 14], 500 ; comprom-
ise made with regard to the currency,
500 ; ordinances regarding it, 501 ;
re-introduced by de Beauharnois,
501 ; iii. 357 ; the issue [1720], 542 ;
increased by Bigot, 543 ; the total
amount in circulation, 543; its depre-
ciation, consequent high prices, iv. 81 ;
habitants informed tliat troops must
pay in money for what tliey obtain,
449 ; ordinance issued l)y Murray,
459 ; Burton forbids its use, 459 ;
the question considered by British
government, 459; out of use [in 1760],
459 ; inchuled in treaty of peace,
460 ; steps taken to assure Jiabitaitt
against wrong, 460 ; final settlement
of, 461.
Carheil, father : missionary at Michilli-
mackinac, ii. 203 ; his intrigues, 221.
Carillcn, fort : at lake Champlain, iv.
163 ; blown up by Frencli and aban-
doned, 333 ; the colours left flying
obtained, 334.
Carion, ile : engaged in fur trade, ii.
417 ; insults the judge, d'Ailleboust
and arreste<l, 417.
Carleton, Guy, colonel [lord Dor-
chester] : appointed to Wolfe's staff,
iv. 224 ; king's objections subse-
quently rem<ived, 224; attacks I'oiiite
aux Treml)les, 249 ; brings away
prisoners, 249.
Carolina : establi.shment of, iii. 219.
Carolina, south : founded, iii., 219.
Cartier, Jacques : 1st voyage, i. 3 ; 2nd
voyage, 4 ; last voyage, 5 ; his search
for the precious metals, 6 ; value of
his discoveries, 41 ; to be remem-
bered only as navigator, no place in
history of Canada, iv. 501.
Carter : English pirate in Acadia, ii.
183.
Carteret, lord [earl of Granville] : dis-
missed from office, iv. 89 ; attempts
to form government, 89 ; his reply to
Pitt, 485; his dying v\ords on the
treaty [1763], 485^.
Carver, Jonathan : i. 19 1.
Casco : captain Southwick prevents
fort being taken, iii. 75.
Casgrain, -M. I'abbe : i. 131;/.
Catalogne, Gedeon de : pre.sent expedi-
tion 16S6, iii. 14 ; author of " Recueil
de se qui s'est passe en Canada," ii.
I02;/. ; iii. 14'/.
Cataraqui, fort : ordered to be de-
stroyed, ii. 106 ; reported upon by
d'Aigremont. 437.
Cathedral at Quebec: chapter estab-
lished, ii. 67.
Catherine de Medicis, i. 119//.
Caultield, Thomas : appointed lieuten-
ant-governor Nova .Scotia in succes-
sion to Vetch, iii. 123 ; his reports
. relative to Nicholson, 127 ; reproved
by Nicholson for settling disputes,
1 28 ; reports inhabitants would not
take oath or leave colony, 137 ;
thought next generation would be
good subjects, 1 37.
Cavalier, Jean, abbe : arrives in Canada,
i. 367; with de La Salle, ii. l2S;asks
de Beaujeu to take command, 130 ;
suggests stores be obtained from
Martinique. 141 ; his explanation of
de La Salle's conduct, 14S ; starts
with de La Salie for Canada, 153 ;
after tiie nundor of de La Salie con-
tinues his journey, 159; arrives at
fort Saint Louis, 160: suppresses fact
of de La Salle's death, 160 : remains
522
INDEX.
during winter on the Illinois, i6i ;
reaches Quebec, 162 ; writes de Seiij-
neky, 162; returns to France, 162.
Cavalier, nephew of de La Salie : ac-
companies expedition, ii. 128; starts
with de La Salle fur CanatL, 153;
continues journey after muider of iiis
uncle, 159 ; safely arrives in Canada,
proceeds to France, 162.
Cayugas'; send deputation to .Montreal,
iv. I ; declare themselves neutral, 4.
Cedars rapids : losses experiencctl by
Amherst in descent [1760], iv. 393.
Celoron, de : in command of ])arty to
Detroit, iii. 393 ; his expedition to
the Ohio, 396-408 ; arrives at lake
Chatauqua,397; furnished withleaden
plates, 39S and //. ; readies river aux
lioeufs, 399 ; orders away English
traders from Chaouanon, 400 ; sends
summons to governor Pennsylvania,
400 ; orders away English traders,
401 ; at Chininque, 401 ; at Shawnee
village, 404 ; ascends .Miami to vil-
lage of "la Demoiselle, " 405 ; passes
over land to Kiskakon on the Mau-
niee, 407 ; arrives at lake Erie, 407 ;
his journey, 407.
Chabanel, Noel, Jesuit father : killed,
i. 206.
Chabert, Joncaire de: atyj;/ de' Portage,
ordered to fort Nijgaia, iv. '^^2'^.
Chanihault : missionaiy priest, with
Abenakis, ii. 3S4.
Chambly, de : governor of Acadia, ii.
iSi.
Chambly: fori S.iint Loui> constructed,
i. 330 ; its importance, ii. 451.
Chameaii, le: wreck of, ii. 517.
Champfleur, de : governor of Three
Rivers, i. 175.
Champigny, Jean Bochart de : intend-
ant, ii. 72 ; his treachery to Iro()uois,
78; joins lie Denonville's expcdiiion,
So ; informs de Scii.;ncl.iy of abbe
Cavelier's anival, 163; takes side
of bishop, 273 ; censured, 290 ; op-
poses recoiiNtruction of fort Fron-
tenac, 304 ; resignation of, 409.
Champigny, Mde. de : her charity, ii.
67.
Champlain, Samuel de : liis portrait, i.
14 ; his place in history, 15 ; his
writings, 15 ; editions [1632, 1640],
15 ; his opinions of Canada, i6 ; his
letter to Richelieu, 16 ; no published
account voyage [1617], 16 ; editions of
his works, 16 ; edition of [1632] not
considered genuine, 1 7 ; causes for this
opinion, 17; place of birth, iS;
evidence establishes was a protestant,
19 ; his services, 19 ; in Spain, 19 ;
his account of voyage to West Indies,
20 ; joins expedition of Amar de
Chastes, 21 ; reaches lake Saint
I'eter, and ascends partially the Rich-
elieu, 22 ; ]iroceeds to Montreal, 22 ;
exjiedition [1604], to Acadia, 24;
at the Saint Croix, 25 ; description
of country, 20 ; undertakes ex[)lor-
ations, 28 ; coasts up bny of Fundy,
28 ; finds oKI cross, 29 ; arrives in
France [1607], 29 ; counsels selec-
tion of Canada for de Mont.s' expe-
dition, 29; Voyage of [170SJ, 30;
finds traces Cartier's sojourn at Que-
bec, 31 ; proceeds to 'I'adousac to
meet Ponlgrave, 31 ; reaches lake
Champlain, 31 ; recalled to F'rance,
['609], 33; returns to Canada, 33;
attracted by rejiort of northern sea,
2,1 ; reasons of his taking part in
Indian ex]ieditioii, 33 ; fight on the
Richelieu, 34 ; wounded, 34 ; arrives
at Quebec [1611], 37; ascends to
lake of Two -Mountains, 37 ; selects
Montreal for settlement, 37 ; clears
the land and sews grain, 38 ; explora-
tions, 38 ; tletermines from policy to
assist Indians, 39 ; descends the Sault
rapid.s, 39 ; takes oak to I"' ranee, 40;
difficulties in France [1612], 41;
voyage of [1613], 44; ariives at
Alhimeite inland with de Vignau,
45 : negotiations to bring recollets
to Canada, 46 ; journey to Huron
country, 48 ; follows Le Caron, 49 ;
leaches Matawan, 49 ; loss of his
INDEX.
523
astrolabe, 49 ; discovers Like Huron,
50 ; joins father Le Caron, 50 ; jour-
ney to lake Ontario, 51 ; crosses to
South shore, 53 ; reaches Iroquois
lake, 53 ; attacks Seneca town, 52 ;
wounded, 52 ; returns to Huron
country, 52 ; visits nations Pelun
and Cheveux-releves, 53 ; returns to
Montreal, ; sails for France,
carrying with him products of
Canada, 54 ; returns to ("anada, 55 ;
love of gardening, 56; 68; at Three
Rivers, 56 ; embarrassment on murder
of two Frenchmen, 57 ; returns to
France, 57; meets com|>any, consid-
ers Canada should be self-^ustaining,
58 ; vice-regal lieutenant, 59 ; his
annoyances, 59 ; the king's breret,
59 ; constructs fort at Quebec, 61 ;
instructed to take possession of mer-
chandise, 62 ; retires within " habita-
tion^^ 62 ; firm attitude in the cause
of company. 62; meets Fontgrave at
Tadousac, 64 ; difficulties with de
Caen, 64 ; sends idle people from
Canada, 64 ; in Canada [1620-24],
67 ; starts for Three Rivers, 70 ;
constiucts Mountain street rond,
Quebec, 71 ; meets de Monimorency
in France, 72 ; returns to Canada,
79 ; establishes " /■e/ite fcrjin-,''^ Caji
Tourmente, 8£ ; enlarges fort of Que-
bec, 81 ; passes winter in Canada.
8t ; prevents Canada Indians joining
the Loups against the Iroquois, S2 ;
sends a prisoner back to Iroquois
with Pierre Magnan, S3 ; (Quebec
short of suiijilies, 84 ; summons
meeting f)f chiefs o\\ ing to murder of
two Frenchman, 85 ; three young
girls placed in his hands. Faith,
Hope, and Charify, 85 ; godfather to
Marguerite Couillard, 85 ; receives
letter from Kiike, a^^kingfor surrend-
er, 88 ; his leply, 88 ; his distress,
90; his conduct in the emergency ;
Champlain's dreary winter [iToS-o],
93 » garrison living on roots, 94 ;
hears of de Roqueniont's defeat, 94 ;
surrenders Quebec to I.ouis Kirke,
95 ; terms of surrender, 95 ; his con-
duct after the siege, 96 ; on board
Kirke's vessel during action with
Emeric de Caen, 97 ; Champlain's
letter in London, 98 ; comnnniicates
with F'rench ambassador in London,
100 ; his discoveries, 1 14; remains in
France until [1633], 1 16 ; his advice
to the recollets, 123 ; leaves France
[1633], receives commission from
Richelieu, 125 ; first governor of
Canada, 125 ; ]:)revents Indians trad-
ing with English at Tadousac, 126 ;
fort i ties Richelieu island, 127 ; Iro-
quois threaten Canada, 127 ; disaster
to party of French, 127 ; arrests
murderer of Rrule, 127 ; refuses to
release him, 128 ; his last years of
government, 129; his death, 130 ;
his tomb, 131 ; his will, 133 ; his
character, 133 ; his voyages, 140.
Champlain, Mde. de [Ilelene Roulle]:
her contract of marriage, i. 36 ; a
protestant. 36 : came to Canada with
her husband [1620], Gen. , returns to
France [1624]. 129.
Champmeslin, de : arrives with rein-
forcements for Louisiana, iii. 234.
Chapman, Dr., geolf)gist:his description
Three Rivers iron dejvisits, iii. 2S9.
Charest : asks Point Levis be attacked,
■ iv. 247 ; leconnoitrcs place and his
rei^ort, 247.
Charles I. : makes peace with F""rance,
i. 105 : cedes Nova Scotia and Que-
bec, 105 : conditionally on being paid
400.OCO crowns, 106 ; his letter to sir
Isaac Wake, 106.
Charles II. : news of having died a
]\oman Catholic, early known in
Canada, iii. iS//.
Charles XIT. . of Sweden : his intervie"'
with Marlborough, ii. 520.
Charles H . : king of Spain, ii. 405.
Charles III. : king of Sjiain, enter'; into
family compact w'nh I'lance. iv. 432.
Charles \'I. : emperor of Germany, his
death, iii. 294.
524
INDEX.
Charlevoix, Peter F'raiicis Xavier, Jesuit
father : ciiaracter of de Callieies, ii.
4T0; hisdescriptioii of Canadians and
New Engianders, 51 1 ; of Canadian
women, 512 ; memoir on Acadia, iii.
173 ; his arrival in Canada, I74«. ;
his purpose in visitin;; Canada, jtJJ ;
his letters to tiie diiclics>e de les
Diguieres, 367 ; his recommendations,
367 ; difficulty of getting information,
367 ; descends M ississippi , 36S ; starts
for San Donungo, siupwrecked, re-
turns to France, 308 ; finds attention
directed to western sea, 369 ; advo-
cates establishment among Sioux,
369-
Charnisay, Ciiarles tie Menou de :
settles in Acadia, ii. 174 ; liis quarrel
with de la Tour, 175 ; death, 175.
Charny, de : marries daugiiler of Gif-
ford, i. 239 ; acting governor, 239 ;
leaves for France, 240.
Chartres, fort : lii. 272.
Cliassagne, de la : captain-commandant
at Lachine, ii. 223.
Chasteaufort, de : a[ipointetl governor in
succession to Champlaiii, i. 149.
Chasteilain, father : i. 162.
Chastes, Amar de : his service to Henry
IV., i. 21 ; obtains patent for expe-
dition, 21.
Chateauguay, de : killed at fort Nelson,
Ilmlson's bay, iii. 31.
Chateau Richer : burned, iv. 262.
Chatham, earl of [see " Piit'].
Chaumont, pere : sent to Onondagas,
>• 233-
Chauvigny, de : fatlier of Mde. de la
Peltiie, i. 167.
Chazy, de : killed witli other officers,
i. 341.
Cheavereaux : priest at Cape Sable,
summoned before council, iii. 167 ;
his conduct, sent out of countiy, 167.
Chedeville, Snlpician priest : willi de La
Salle, ii. 12S ; lelt at f.nt, 152.
Cherokees : triiie of, iii. 223.
Chevalier : French sergeant, made presi-
dent of council at Port Royal, ii. 346.
Chevalier : in command at St. John,
ii. 381. ■
Cheveux-releves : the nation of, i. 53.
Chickasavvs : iii. 223 ; tiieir home,
23 1« ; emi)ittered against French,
237 ; form union of native tribes,
237 ; defeated by de Hienville, 245.
Chickikalolo : Indian chief, ii. 400.
Chignecto : two vessels taken at, iii. 428.
Choclaws : tribe of, iii. 223 ; connected
witli English, 231 ; tiieir home, 231;/.
Clioiseul, de : not averse to peace, iv.
479 ; his demands, 479.
Chouart the younger: writes de Denon-
viile, iii. 12
Chrisasy, chevalier de: selected to com-
mand force for fort I'rontenac, ii.
229 ; ex[)edilion starts, 304.
Christian islands : resorted to by IIu-
rons, i. 209.
Chubb : in command at Peinaquid, ii.
376 ; surrenders, 379.
Church first built in Huron territory :
i. 51.
Church, colonel Peiijamin : ex[)edilion
of, to Pemaquid, ii. 341 ; in plot to
take de Saint Castin, 365 ; expedition
to Heaubassin, 381 ; his expedition
[1704], iii. 8 1 ; attacks Port Royal,
82 ; sails away, 83.
Clarke, Thaddeus : daughters rescued
by Phips, ii. 245 ; at Casco, 339 ;
account of his death, 339.
Clavery : in charge of store " La Fri-
pontic, " iii. 545 ; his dislionesty,
545 ; oblains position of Estebe, iv.
83-
Clergy : arrogance of, in France re-
pressed, iv. 40.
Clerk, Matthew : engineer at Ticon-
deroga, his services, iv. 16S ; reports
it practicable to carry works, 168 ;
his death, lOS.
Clermont, de: sent on scouting party to
lake Champlain, ii. 226.
Clinton, George, governor. New \\)rk :
furnishes aid to Louisbourg expedi-
tion, iii. 311 ; active in securing
alliance of Six Nations, 337 ; diffi-
INDEX.
525
culties with New York legislature,
448.
Close, major: makes sortie at Montreal,
i. 220 ; killed, 284.
Clostern Servern : convention of, iv.
lOi ; its history, I02«.
Cocheco [Dover], New Hampsiiire :
massacre at, ii. 194.
Coffiniere, de la: in command of vessels
to capture New York, ii. 200.
Colbert, Jean liaptiste, minister of
Louis XIV. : his youth, i. 299; re-
commended by Mazarin, 300; assumes
power, 300; replies in an interview to
Dudouyt, 442 ; requests bishops and
clergy to govern themselves accord-
ing to what is ol)served in France,
443 ; dissatisfied cit/cs made remov-
able by bishop, 443 ; writes de
Frontenac regarding Dudouyt, 445 ;
rebukes Duchesneau, ii. lO ; retires
from ministry of colonies. II.
Colombe, sieur de : killed by Iroquois,
ii. 223.
Colombit!re, M. de la : opinion of
bishop de Saint Vallier, ii. 293.
Colonial force in Canada : iii. 552.
Colur: interpreter sent by de Frontenac
to Iroquois, burned, ii. 212.
Colyille, lord : does admiral's duty on
captain's pay, iv. 223 ; ordered to Hali-
fax, 297 ; leaves Halifa.x for (Quebec,
372 ; delayed by ice and storms,
372 ; arrives at Quebec, 373; drives
F"rench fleet from Newfoundland,
493-
Company of one hundretl : called upon
to send out families, i. 58 ; strength
of establishment, 58.
Companies united : i. 67.
Companies: Cent associes, ii. 504; com-
pagnie Occidentale, 505 ; Oudettes
company, 505; Fermiers generauxde
France, 505 ; Aubert Neyret and
Gayot, 506 ; Law's company, 506.
Compngnie du noni, la: formed [16S2],
iii. 6; vessels sent out by de la Ches-
naye, 7 ; ajjplies to France for aid, 1 1 ;
contributes to expedition [10S6], 13.
Concini, the : i. 1 19.
Conde, Henri de Bourbon, prince de :
governor of New France, i. 42 ;
arrested, 57.
Conference : to consider complaints of
Hudson's bay company, iii. 23 ; its
results, 26 ; no hostilities to be com-
mitted until January [1689], 27.
Congregational nuns, Montreal : i. 259.
Congress of colonies [1708] : iii. 96.
Conseil, Souverain : disputes as to pre-
cedence at, ii. I ; 218 ; change in
constitution of, 419.
Conseil, Superieur: formation of, ii. 419.
Constautine, father: a recollet killed at
Detroit, ii. 433.
Contrecccur, de : takes possession of
Ohio, commences fort Duquesne, iii.
453 ; in command time of Ijraddock's
attack, 4S4.
Convers, captain : his defence of Wells,
ii. 357 ; constructs fort at Saco, 366 ;
makes peace with Abenakis, 385.
Cope, John Baptiste, Micmac Indian :
principal in murder of Howe, iii.
43S//. ; signs treaty of peace with
Hopson, 442.
Cope, major : directed to construct
magazine at Mines, iii. 163 ; unable
to proceed, 163.
Copper : known to Champlain in 1610,
i- 34-
Coquart, father : accompanies de La
Verendrye, iii. 375.
Corbicre, de : detached by de Rigaud,
iv. 50; places himself in ambush on
lake George, intercepts colonel Park-
er's expedition, and defeats ir, 51.
Cormorandiere, la: iv. 122. [.See Ken-
nington Cove.]
Cornwallis, Edward, founder of Hali-
fax : arrives, iii. 419 ; i.ssues pro-
clamation to Acadians, 419 ; his
address to Acadians with regaitl to
the oath, 422 ; satisfied of character
of Le Loutie, 42S ; sends force to
Mines, 42S ; asks Desheibiers to re-
move I,e I, outre, 428; seiuls Rous to
the Saint John, 429 ; writes to de
526
INDEX.
Ponlbriand, 429 ; will be glad to see
him, but cannot permit liiiii to exer-
cise episcopal functions, 429 ; can-
not think he counselled ciuelties
committed by Indians, 429 ; forms
plan for apprehension of Le l-outre,
430 ; learns de la Come had exacted
French oath of allegiance at Chig-
neclo, 430 ; proposes to get Catholic
priests from Europe, 431 ; desires to
extend full consideration to Acailians,
432 ; his answer to petition fur per-
mission to leave Nova Scotia, 432 ;
proof, no desire to force the Acadians
to leave, j.33 ; refuses general per-
mission to leave, 434 ; a.sks for leave
to return home, 439 ; marries ilaugliter
of lord Townshend, 439; his charac-
ter, 439.
Costal)eile : sends munitions of war to
Acadia, iii. 1 17; notified cession of
Newfoundland, 130; complains of
missionaries, 131.
Cotton, father Pierre: a Jesuit, i. 76//.,
117//.
Courcelles, Daniel de Keniy de : ap-
pointed governor, i. 327 ; visits lake
ChamplaMi,33l ; builds tlat-boUomed
boats, 333 ; his expedition [1665J,
3359 ' ^''^ losses, 340; ascent of the
St. Lawrence, 391 ; his route from
Canada, ii. 205 ; opens road from
Montreal to Chambly, 255.
Couillard.sieur: i. 55; married lichen's
secoml daughter, S5 ; works farm,
85; instrucletl by Chamolain to equip
vessel, S5.
Council of [1646] : formed, i. 1S9.
Coiir^itrs de Bjis : i. 375 ; Talon's
opinion of them, 375 ; popular at
Montreal, 416 ; ann)csty to, ii. iS ;
orilered to return 10 l^nei)ec, 394.
Courlenianche, de Repeutigny tie :
lieutenant on expeuition against fort
Loyall, ii. 33S.
Courtemanche, de: wiih Indians, placeil
to defend i>Luul of Orleans [1759],
iv. 234 ; surprises a boat, 234.
Courtemanche, de : mission to western
Indians,
on expedition
against Mohawks, 263 ; sent by de
Callieres to France, 387 ; sent to
western Indians, 394 ; brings several
of them to .Montreal, 400 ; sent to
Boston, 426.
Couture : an interpreter : accompanies
father fogues, i. 1S5 ; taken [)risoner
releaseil, lived to be ninety-four, 1S6.
Couture : no record of journey to Hud-
son's bay, lii. 4.
Couture : left by Tonty on Mississippi,
ii. 160; informs Tonty ofdeLa Salle's
muriler, 16 1 ; statement forwarded
to France, 163.
Creeper : the wonl explained, iv. 359//.
Cressc, lie: sent to i'oint-au-Uard, iv.
1S6.
Croghau : Indian trader on the Ohio,
iii. 44S ; his tieaty with Miamis ob-
jected to, 448.
Croisnil, de: with Abenakis at George-
town, iii. 177.
Cromwell : sends out expedition to
seize Manhattan, ii. 176 ; takes Aca-
dia, 177 ; death of, 177.
Crown I'ouit : taken possession of, iii.
2S6 ; its advantages, 286 ; earl
Waldegrave protests against French
occupation, 2S6 ; true name in Eng-
lish, 2S6//. ; reinforced, 301 ; force
assembled there, 330 ; attacked by
Andierst, iv. 334 ; abandoned, 335.
Crowne, William : gets patent from
Cromwell of land in Acadia, ii. 177.
Cr(;zat : his exclusive charter, iii. 229 ;
resigns charier to Law, 232.
Cumberland, duke of : unpo})ularity,
iv. 90 ; per^uales king to dismiss
ministers, 97 ; defeated at Ilasten-
berg, ICO ; convention of Clostern
Severn, loi ; receiveil in anger by
king, loi ; resigns his ai)poinlments,
102.
Cumberland fort: [Wells Creek], iii. 448.
Cures: permanency of position, objected
to by bisliO[j Dosfpiet, iii. 279.
Cuirency: unsatisl'actory condition of,
ii. 21 ; discussions as to, 24.
INDEX.
527
Cussy, de : governor of He Tortue, ii.
119.
Customs: at an early date of settlement,
i. 156.
Dahlon, pere : sent to Onondagas, i.
234 ; returns with tribe to Quebec,
235 ; liis overland journey to flud-
son's bay, iii. 4.
D'Aiguillon, duchesse : founds hotel
Dieu at Quebec, i6i.
Daine, royal notary : mayor of Quebec,
signs memoir calling for surrender,
iv. 289.
Bailing, major : sent to port d'Espng-
nol [Sydney], iv. 151 ; takes several
prisoners near Quebec, 250.
Damiens : attempt upon king's life, iv.
41 ; its consequences, 42 ; his trial
and fearful punishment, 42//.
Damours : arrest of, by de Frontenac,
ii. 14.
Damours, Mde. : presents to council her
husband's petition, ii. 15.
Damours, sons of : settle in Acadia, ii.
l85 ; in command of raid, 384.
Daniel, Antoine: Jesuit father, i. loi;;. ;
ascends to Huron couiitiy, 14S ; re-
turns to Quebec, 161 ; killed at Saint
Joseph, 205 ; his career, 205.
Darby, colonel : takes possession of
Chambly, iv. 399.
Daudin, missionary priest : his early
career, iii. 490 ; at fort Edward,
491 ; ordered to Ilalifa.x, 491 ; re-
proved, makes submission, 491.
Dauphin : son of Eouis XV., iv. 38;;.
Dauphin fort : constructed, iii. 374.
Davis, capt. Sylvester : rescued by
I'hips, ii. 245; account of taking of
fort l.oyall, 33S-342 ; taken prisoner
at fort Loyal 1, 341.
Debryeux, Mile. : case of, ii. 2S6.
Decani.sora : Onondaga thief, waits on
de Callieres, ii. 296 ; described as
resembling bust of Cicero, 296 ; in-
forms authorities in Albany of his
proceeding to Quebec, 392 ;~ states
readiness to release French prisoners,
399-
De Celles, Mr. : ii. 560 ; iv. 290//.
Deertield, Massachusetts : massacre at,
ii. 414; attack upon [1704], iii. 77.
Delius : minister at Albany, sent to
Quebec, ii. 318.
Denonville, Jacques Rene de Brisay
de : appointed governor, ii. 58 ; sails
for Canada, 62 ; character of. 63 ;
recommends purchase of New York,
65 ; proposes construction of fort at
Niagara, 69 ; correspondence with
Dongan, 69 ; prepares for war with
Senecas, 71 ; exj)edition organized,
leaves Montreal, 79; arrives at Catar-
aqui. So ; joined by de Champigiiy,
So ; to hide his design, keeps mis-
sionaries at their posts, Si ; attack
of the Senecas, 82 ; their defeat, 84 ;
lays waste their country, 85 ; estab-
lishes fort Niagara, 85 ; returns, 86 ;
correspondence with Dongan as to
Senecas, 89; proposes attack on New
York, 94 ; signs peace with Iro-
quois, 96 ; leaves Canada, 106 ; his
recoid as governor cc^nsitlered, 1 16;
establishes mission among Abenakis,
190 ; orders destruction of fort Fron-
tenac, 201.
Denonville, Mde.de: last wife of gover-
nor-general of French birth in Can-
ada, ii. 64.
Denys, Nicholas : early liistoiian of
Acadia, ii. 174; taken prisoner by Le
liorgne, 175; gets grant from French
king, 176; his sub.sequeiU history,
176^^.
Desaunier, demoiselles : store at Caugli-
nawaga, iii. 293.
Desbergeres : in command of fort Niag-
ara when abandoned [16S7], ii. 86.
Descheneaux, lirassard : iii. 544.
Deseiiclaves, Jean IJaptiste : [iriest in
Acadia, at Cape Sable, iv. 151 ; his
career, \~,lii.
De.seiters: their extraordinary stories to
French at (Quebec, iv. 246.
528 INDEX.
f
Desgouttes, admiral : desirous of sailing
out of Louisbourg harbour, and save
his ships, iv. 129.
Desherbiers : prevails on Acadians not
to take oath, iii. 427 ; sends back
prisoners, 428 ; disavows connection
with Le Loutre, 428.
Des Marais : arrives at Quebec, i. 31.
Detroit, fort : founded, ii. 40S.
Detroit: troubles with the Ilurons,
iii, 352 ; alliance of Indian tribes
against settlement, 352 ; precautions
taken against attack, 353 ; Indians
troublesome, 393.
Dettingen : battle of, iii. 207.
Devonshire, duke of: fornix administra-
tion, iv. 96.
Dexter, Samuel : proceeds to Montreal,
iii. 195-
Diamond, John : seized, tortured and
burned at Wells, by Indians, ii.
357-
Dieskau, baron : commander of forces,
iii. 524 : desirous of attacking Oswe-
go, 527 ; ordered to Crown Point,
527 ; his force, 527 ; ascends lake
Champlain, 529 ; marches south,
529 ; proceeds to attack Johnson,
529; failure. of his ambush, 530;
attacks advance column, 530 ;
marches against camp, 531 ; attacks
intrenchment, 532 ; repulsed, 532 ;
wounded and taken prisoner, 533.
Dhne, U : established, i. 359.
Dinwiddie, lieutenant-governor of Vir-
ginia : efforts to preserve Ohio terri-
tory," iii. 451 ; sends major Washing-
ton with letter, 451W. ; dilTiculties
with house of burgesses as to lees,
452 ; troops at his command, 452 ;
assembles troops under command of
Washington, 453 ; raises embargo on
vessels without authority, iv. 33.
Discovery : diflerence of, between
French and English colonies, i. 114.
Dissatisfaction in London : failure of
Loudoun's e.xpedition, iv. 3b.
Distress in Canada : iii. 542.
D'Olban : recoUet father, i. 4S.
Dollard : affair of. i. 261 ; non-identity
of description, 26l«.
Dollier, de Casson : alludes to Cham-
plain's labours at Montreal, i. 38«. ;
arrival in Canada, 343 ; joins de
Tracy's expedition, 343 ; sent to lake
Nipissing, 379 ; proposes to visit
western country, 379 ; expedition or-
ganized, 380; joins in Galinte's ex-
pedition, 381 [seeGalinee]; addresses
de Frontenac, 420 ; sends message
by Le Her, relative to Fenelon's ser-
mon, 424 ; visited by de la Nauguerre,
424 ; at Quebec, 426.
Dolu, M., intendant : i. 60; instructs
Champlain to take possession of
merchandise, 62.
Domergue, French officer : killed in
Schuyler's attack on Laprairie, ii.
254.
Dominicie, Basque captain : bearer of
letter of Philipps, iii. 141.
Donacona : Indian chief, i. 4.
Dongan, colonel Thomas, governor of
New York : letter of Louis XIV.
regarding, ii. 46 ; his character, 47 ;
correspondence with de la Barre,
48 ; his dealings with Iroquois, 49 ;
protests against fort at Niagara, 70 ;
summons Henecas to Albany, ii. 88 ;
correspondence with de Denonville,
89 ; with father Valiant, 91 ; re-
called, 93 ; remains in America, after-
wards proceeds to France, 348/:.
Domii-s : lay Jesuit brothers, i. 202.
Dosquet, NL : appointed coadjutor
bishop, iii. 27S ; his early career,
278; wrecked in " V Ekplia^it" 279;
difficulties from his position as coad-
jutor, 281 ; at variance with semin-
ary, 281 ; calls upon newly-nppointed
ciirts 10 send in resignation, 281 ;
appoints superior of hospital without
knowledge of governor, 282 ; forbids
admission to sacraments parties using
liquor in trade, 283 ; explains his
threat of excommunication, 2S4; pro-
' ceeds to France, 284 ; returns bishop
of Quebec, 2S4; resigns his see, 284.
INDEX.
529
Douart: found murdered, i. 203.
Douay, Anastase : recollet priest with
de La Salle, ii. 128; starts with de
La Salle for Canada, 153; his com-
panion when murdered, 157 ; con-
tinues journey after murder, 159 ;
suppresses news of de La Salle's
death, 160; arrives in Canada and
proceeds to France, 162 ; returns to
Louisiana, iii. 213.
Doucette, John : lieutenant-governor
Nova Scotia, iii. 13S ; calls upon
inhabitants to swear allet^iance, 139 ;
reports bad condition of fort to Lon-
don, 139.
Dover: treaty of, i. 413.
Drucour, chevalier de : in command of
Louisbourg, iv. 122 ; retains ships,
129 ; correspondence with Amherst
as to surrender, 136; impossibility
of further resistance, 137.
Drucour, Mde. de, iv. I42«.
Druilletes, Pere : missionary to the
Abenakis, i. 192 ; proceeds to New
England to obtain treaty of commerce,
192 ; his account of the colonies,
193 ; sent officially from Quebec,
194 ; unsuccessful, 194; selected as
missionary to the Ottawas, 23S.
Dubois, cardinal: his early life, iii. 256.
Dubuisson : sent to lake Michigan, iii.
392.
Duchambon : governor of Louisbourg,
iii. 310.
Du Chesne : on expedition' against
Schenectady, ii. 209.
Duchesnay : accompanied expedition
[16S6], to Hudson's bay, iii. 14.
Duchesnay, Genevieve : mere Saint
Augustin, iii. 260 ; ordered to lock
doors of hospital, 260; suspended by
canons, 261 ; restored, 266.
Duchesnay, Theodore, lieutenant-
colonel : ii. 240.
Duchesneau, Jacques : appointed in-
tendant, i. 433 ; sails with de Laval,
433 > presiding officer of council,
433 ; acts independently of de Fron-
tenac, 435 ; issues proclamatit>n for-
bidding protestants to exercise their
religion, 435 ; claims official seat in
church, 436 ; supported by de Laval,
436 ; rebuked by Colbert, 437 ; states
de Frontenac to be interested in fur
trade, 439 ; under influence of de
Laval, 441 ; his character, 441 ;
writes Colbert sustaining bishop, 445;
contests with de Frontenac, presi-
dency of council, ii. i ; his letters
attacking de I'^ontenac, 7 ; replies to
minute of council, 28 ; recalled, 32.
Duclos : covunissaire, Louisiana, iii.
229.
Dudley, Thomas : governor of Massa-
chusetts, ii. 424 ; proposes a truce to
de Vaudreuil, 428 ; holds conference
with Indians, iii. 72 ; reproached for
failure before port Royal, 84 ; his
anger at failure of operations against
port Royal [1707], 90; sends three
commissioners to Casco, 90.
Dudley, William: proceeds to Montreal,
iii. 195.
Dudouyt, de, vicar general : sent to
Paris by de Laval, i. 374, advo-
cates the bishops' views, 437 ; his
interviews with Colbert, 44I ; informs
de Laval nothing will be done for a
twelvemonth in matter of liquor,
.\ \\ ; recommends suspension of ex-
communications, 444 ; his letter re-
lative to chapter at Quebec, ii. 62.
Duguay : captain royal force, with de
Denonville's expedition, ii. 79.
Duhaut : starts with de La Salle for
Canada, ii. 153 ; his hatred of de La
Salle, 155 ; murderer of de La
Salle, 156 ; circumstances of mur-
der, 156 ; seizes de La Salle's pro-
perty, 157 ; killed by Iliens, 159.
Du Luth, Daniel Greysolon : named as
a cotirenr dc I'ois, i. 439 ; his youth,
4S2 : on lake Sujierior, 482 ; hears of
Frenchmen on the Mississippi, 482 :
finds Ilenneiiin near the St. Croix,
4S2 ; all proceed to Sioux village,
4S2' ; obtains release of Hennepin,
4S2 ; ordered by de la Harre to join
2K
530
INDEX.
expedition against Senecas, ii. 54 ;
makes Albany traders prisoners, 75 ;
defeats Iroquois after massacre at
Lachine, 105.
Dumas: present at attack on Braddock,
iii. 484; replaces de Coiitrecx^ur,
539 ; desolates Virginian and Peini-
sylvanian frontier, 540.
Du May : sent to Tadousac, i. 62.
Du Mesnil, Peronne de : arrives in
Canada, i. 305 ; ordered to make in-
vestigations, 305 ; reports company
defrauded, 306; calls upon de Mesy,
306 ; objects to appointments, 306 ;
asks protection of Gaudais, 306 ; his
arrest ordered, 307 ; sent l)ack to
France, 307; liis opponents connected
by marriage, 307.
Dumesnil : servant to de La Salle,
eaten by an alligator, ii. 150.
Dummer, William, governor, Massa-
chusetts : his reply to de Vaudreuil,
iii. 187 ; sends commissioners to
Montreal, 195.
Dumont : his account of Canada [1663],
i. i53«.
Dunbar : colonel in command, second
division, Hraddock's force, iii. 472 ;
his men leave camp, 4S2.
Duncan, Francis, major : history Royal
Regiment of Artillery, iv. I23«.
Dundonald, lord: killed at Louisbourg,
iv. 130.
Du Plessis : recoUet brother, arrives, i.
48 ; at Three Rivers, 55; Ins death, 60.
Du Plessis, admiral: assistsjesuit fathers
to ascend with Ilurons, i. 14S.
Duplessis : sent to fort Frontenac, iv.
185 ; proceetls to La Presentation,
186; sends 15enoit to Frontenac, 1S6.
Duplessy : sentls news from Montreal of
Schuyler's attack on Laprairie, ii. 256.
Dupuy : sent in commanti to Oiion-
dagas, i. 235; his resolute behaviour,
243 ; his successful reticat, 243.
Dupuy, Claude Thomas, intendant : ar-
rives in Canaila. iii. 251 ; bis disputes
with de P.eauharnois, 257 ; his pre-
tensions, 257 ; appointed e.\ecutor to
bishop de Saint Vallier, 258 ; pre-
pares for his funeral, 259 ; refuses
to recognize vicars-general, 259 ;
summons canons to appear before
court, 260 ; carries out burial of the
bishop at hospital, 260 ; his proceed-
ings against canons, 262 ; opposed
by de Beauharnois, 265 ; leaves for
France, 265.
Duquesne, de Menneville, governor-gen-
eral : arrives in Canada, iii. 445 ; in-
structed to arrest progress of the
British on the Ohio, 445 ; complains
of discipline of troops, 446 ; organ-
izes expedition to Ohio, 446 ; takes
possession of valley, 453 ; calls upon
Le Loutre and de Vergor to incite
Indians to attack, 461 ; approves
attacks of Abenaquis, 493 ; replaced
by de Vaudreuil, 522.
Duquesne fort : commenced, iii. 453 ;
expedition against, iv. 191 ; the two
routes from the east, 195 ; character
of the country, 195 ; destroyed, 212;
taken pos.session of and named Pitts-
burg, 213; the news in England, 222.
Duquet : no record of journey to Hud-
son's bay, iii. 4.
Durell, admiral : ordered to the Saint
Lawrence, iv. 231 ; leaves Halifax,
231 ; his duties on the Saint Law-
rence, 232 ; arrives at Ile-aux-Cou-
dres, 232 ; three of his young officers
taken prisoners, 233 ; too late to
prevent arrival of spring fleet, 233 ;
attempts to land at Saint Paul, 234 ;
buoys out channel, 234.
Du Tast : unable to carry out expedition
of [1691], iii. 30.
Dutch : attack Acadia, ii. iSl ; driven
away by English, iSr.
Dutch settlement : of New York, i. 352.
Du Verger : provincial of recollets, ap-
plied to, to send missionaries, i. 47.
Duvivier : surprises Canso, iii. 302 ; ad-
vances towards Annapolis, 302 ;
attacks fort, 305 ; abandons siege,
307 ; his birth, 307«. ; superseded,
307-
INDEX.
531
Earthquake : [163S], i. 165 ; of [1663],
and its consequences, 290 ; 293.
EchOy r, frigate : taken at Louisbourg,
iv. 129.
Edgar: the admiral's ship, blown up at
Portsmouth, ii. 469.
Edierimet : Indian chief, ii. 370.
Edition [1632]: Chaniplain's works not
considered genuine, i. 17 ; 55 ; loi.
Education : i. 366 ; iii. 291.
Edward, fort : commenced by colonel
Lyman, iii. 526.
Elliott, major : proceeds toRestigouche,
iv. 410 ; wrecked on Sable island,
411.
Emigration : to Canada [1634], i. 147.
Emigration : return to France during
interregnum, iv. 448 ; Ilaldimand's
letter 44S ; Gage's letter, 464 ; Bur-
ton's report, 464 ; evidence shews
none took place, 465.
Engelran : Jesuit niissiouarynear.Michil-
limackinac, ii. 75 ; adviser of de Den-
onville, 79 ; wounded in attack on
Senecas, 84; sent to western Indians,
394 ; accompanies party to Mont-
real, 400.
England : fromstrainof continental war,
unable to send men, iii. S3.
English burial ground, Dorchester .St. :
neglected, i. 41;/.
English colonies: effect of French raids
on, ii. 214 ; congress, 215.
English flag: raised at Quebec [1629],
i, 96.
English navy: time of Henry VII., i. 2.
English occupation ofCanada[ 1 629-32]:
little record of it, i. 113 ; report on
Quebec, 116; its condition [1629-30],
116.
English priority of discovery Hudson's
bay : iii. 2-9.
English turn, the : on Mississippi,
history of name, iii. 217.
Eries : tribe of, i. 224; female revenge
cause of war, 234 ; destroyed, 234.
Escairac, d' : killed in Schuyler's at-
tack on Laprairie, ii. 254.
Esmanville, d', suipician, priest : with
de La Salle, ii. 12S ; requests de lieau-
jeu to take command, 130; decides to
return, 141 ; offers to be responsible
for stores from Martinique, 141 ; sails
with de Beaujeu, rescues prisoners
from buccaneers, 141 ; writes to Mont-
real opinion of expedition, 162.
Estebe: in charge of king's magazine,
returns to France, iv. 82.
Estourville, d': admiral, joins fleet at
Chibucto, iii. 338; depressed condi-
tion of fleet, 339 ; proposes return to
France, 339 ; opposed by de la Jon-
quiere, 340 ; commits suicide, 340.
Estrces, Comte d' : advises seizure of
Spanisii America, ii. 113 ; sent with
fleet to attack Spaniards, 114.
Etchmins : territory of, ii. 1S9//.
Evertsen : in command of Dutch at
battle of Beachy Head, ii. 246.
E.xpatriatioPi of Acadians : no other
policy possible, iii. 145 ; long fore-
seen as unavoidable, 149 ; alluded
to as possible in [1721], 151 ; erron-
eous opinions concerning it, 1 68 ;
circumstances leading to, 502 ; the
Indians incited to aggressiveness,
503 ; ignorance of the Acadians,
503 ; their trade, 503 ; weakness of
British garrisons, 504 ; not caused
by Braddock's defeat, 505 ; accepted
in London, 506 ; Acadians send in
insolent petitions, 506 ; ask to ex-
plain them away, 507 ; deputies refuse
to take oath, 507 ; imprisoned, 507 ;
council meets, resolve inhabitants
nmst take oath, or leave country, 50S ;
oath refused, 509 ; policy deter-
mined 28ih July, 509 ; number de-
ported, 510; placed on board the
vessels, 513; where landed, 513;
instructions to masters of vessels,
514; examination of the policy,
5r8-52i ; must be held to have
been unavoidable, 522.
532
INDEX.
Executions : during interregnum, iv.
444-
Eyre, major : in comTnand at fort Wil-
liam Henry, iv. n. ; his services,
II ; 15//; strength of force, 11 ; sum-
moned to surrender, 13; his deter-
mination to defend fort, 13 ; his
gallant defence, 14 ; attack aban-
doned, 15.
Faillon, M. 1' abbe : i. 256;/. ; 397;/. ;
407«. ; 416//. ; ii. 17//.
Family compact, the : iv. 4S2 ; kept
secret, 4S3 ; becomes known, 4S3.
Fatilx Sauliiicrs, illicit dealers in salt :
iii. 233.
Female emigration : i. 360 ; its re-
spectability, 360 : marriages and
births, 359'/. ; statements of la Ilon-
tan denied, ii. 59^/.
Fenelon, Francois de, abbe : arrives in
Canada, i. 367 ; corresponds with
de Frontenac, 41S ; shews letters to
Perrot, proceeds to Quebec with
Perrot, 41S : waits upon de Fron-
tenac, 421 ; returns to Montreal, 421 ;
his sermon, chapel Jtotcl Dit-u, 422 ;
held to apply to de Frontenac, 423 ;
explains away his sermon, 424 ;
solicits signatures to Mde. Perrot's
petition, 425 ; leaves seminary, 426 ;
retires to L-ichine, 426 ; refuses to
give copy of sermon, 426 ; cited
before council, 427 ; a]ipears before
council, 427: his imprudent comluct,
42S ; again brought l)ef ire council,
429 ; sent liack to T'rance, 430 ;
(jrdered never to return to Canada,
431-
Ferguson, cojitain of the " Prince of
Orange " : his advice to Boscawen,
iv. 123.
Ferland, M. Tabbe : i. 77//., ii. 220 ;
iii. 277.
Feversham : ditncuilies in obtaining
seamen in New York, ii. 471 : one
of the crew of a brigantine killed,
471 ; verdict of murder against officer,
472.
filles de la cascttc : Louisiana, iii. 236;/.
Fire : at Montreal [1726], ii. 4S7.
Fire ships : sent down to island of Or-
leans, iv. 243 ; one ship burned, 249;
last fire raft sent down, 250.
P'irst church built in Canada : at Ta-
dousac, i. 19S.
Five Nations : send embassy to Quebec,
i. 341.
Flemish Pastard. [See Bdlard Fla-
il t and. \
Fletcher, Penjamin : governor of New-
York, ii. 297 ; desires to sustain Iro-
quois against the French, 303 ; asks
for men and money, 314.
Fletcher, James, Mr.: government bot-
anist, ii. 440//.
Flenry, cardinal : his jiacific policy, iii.
252 ; refuses title of first minister,
269 ; conciliates clergy, 269 ; remits
tax on clergy, 269.
Florida: early attempts at coloniz.ition,
iii. 219 ; ceded as a British province,
iv. 497.
Foggo, the rev. Dr., Philadelphia : iv,
21S.
Folles-Avoines, tribe of: iii. 271.
Fcmtenoy, battle of : iii. 325 ; 326/;.
Forbes, John : brigadier in command
of expedition against fort Duquesne,
iv. 191 ; his services, 192 ; his high
character, 192 ; comparatively un-
known in history, ig2«. ; difficulties
with legislatures of Virginia and
Pennsylvania, 193; his force, I93«. ;
question of route, 194 ; plan of cam-
])aign, 196 ; at Carlisle, 196 : ex-
presses his opinion as to treatment of
Indians, 199 and n. ; deficiency of
horses and waggons, 199 ; sick at
Carlisle, 200 : fires feu dc joie for
taking of Niagara, 200 : obtains
treaty of Knston with Indians, 207 :
is so ill as to be carried on a hurdle,
20S ; calls council of war, 210; it
reconnnends abandonment of expedi-
tion, 211; determines to advance,
INDPX.
533
211 ; proceeds to fort Duquesiie,
211 ; finds it abandoned, 212 ; takes
possession of territory, 212 ; re-names
it Pittsburg, 213 ; returns to I'hila-
delphia, 214; proposes to yive medal
for campaii,r„, 215;/. ; his death, 215 ;
his place of burial, 216 ; secures for
British race territory west of AUe-
ghanies, 216.
Forbin, Chevalier do:e.\-pedilion against
Scotland, ii.'4o6;;.
Force in Canada : available fur defence
[1709], ii. 459-
Foster, father and son : report on Cop-
per, iii. 290.
Fouquet's last eiitertaiimient
Fox, first lord Holland :
Pitt.
accepts Newcastle'
: 1. 300.
abantlons
offers, iv.
93 ; endeavours to form ministry,
96 ; carries peace [1763] in house of
Commons, 499 ; the means by which
the vote was obtained, 499.
Fox river : danger experienced in its
ascent, iii. 271.
Foxes, the tribe of: described, ii. 474 ;
forms alliance with Kikapoos anil
Mascoutins, 475 ; resolves to attack
Detroit, 475 ; surrender Huron
women on demand of du Buisson,
477 ; retreat to lake Saint Claire,
477 ; their unconditional surrender,
478 ; massacre of men bearing arms,
47S ; still hang about lake Michigan,
478 ; become troublesome, 509 ; de-
feated by de Louvigny, 510; again
mischievous, iii. 271 ; weakened by
loss of allies, 273 ; a party on the
Illinois is attacked by de Saint-An^e,
273 ; besieged, 274 ; defeated, their
great loss, 275 ; consiilered to be
thoroughly humbled, 275 ; attacked
by riurons, 276 ; great slaughter,
276 ; join tribe of Sakis, 276.
Foy, supercargo: creates disturbance in
New Vork, ii. 471.
France : threatened with anarchy on
death of Henry I V., i. 35 ; condition
after his death, 117; desirous of
peace, iii. 255 ; embraces cause of
pretender [1744], 299 ; division of
opinion as to foreign policy, iv. 41.
Francis the first of France : i. 7.
Franklin, Benjamin : his influence,
I'ensylvania assembly, iii. 449 ; his
mis-statement relative to Hraddock,
463//. ; 464 ; aids Braddock to obtain
horses and carts, 467//. ; his incorrect
account of ]Jraddock's death, ^S^n. ;
influences assembly to refuse protec-
tion to frontier, 540 ; his mis-state-
ments concerning Loudoun, iv. 20«.
Franquet, officer of engineers : de-
scribes Acadians, iii. 504 ; his jour-
ney from Quebec to .Montreal, 572-
57S.
Frederick the great : his lines on duke
of Cumberland, iv. loi//.
Frederick, prince of Wales: his death,
iv. 91.
French Canadians: a compound race,
iv. 502.
French: early explorations of, i. 115.
French : claim of discovering Hudson's
bay, iii. 3 ; dei)ends entirely upon
pretensions of des Groselliers and
Radisson, 8.
Freneuse, Mde. de : mistress of de
Bonaventure, iii. 113; appears as a
spy at Annapolis, 113 ; leaves night
after attack of boats, 116.
Frhis, hospitaliers : established, iii.
293-
Fresniere, de la : commandant at fort
Frontenac, ii. 447.
Frontenac, Louis de Buade : served in
Holland, i. 177; appointed governor,
392 ; arrival at Quebec, 393 ; calls
people together, 393 ; consiilered in- '
judicious, 393 ; constructs fort Cata-
raqui, 409 ; 411 ; scene on its com-
mencement, 412; accused of being
interested with de La Salle, 416 ;
speech to council [1673], 4^9 ; re-
ceives letter from Sulpicians, 425 ;
retiuests seminal y to dismiss de
PY-nelon, 426 ; applies for copy of
sermon, 426 ; blamed for assuming
excessive powers, 431 ; receives letter
534
INDEX.
from king, 431 ; question as to func-
tions of Duchesneau, 434 ; refers
Duchesneau's demand for honours in
church to France, 437 ; receives
friendly expostulation from Colljcrt,
437 ; claims to be chief of the coun-
cil, ii. I et seq.; his relations with his
wife, 10 ; his recommendation as to
the Iroquois, I4 ; his quarrels with
Duchesneau, 16; minute as to preten-
sions of intendant, 26 ; recalled, 32 ;
state of Canada, close of hi.-i first
administration [16S2], 33 ; wrongly
accused of introducing Indian raids,
ii. 192 ; returns from France, 196 ;
instructions as to proposed capture
of New York, 199 ; kindness to
Ourtouhare, 202 ; French mo<le of
warfare, dcva^tating English settle-
ments, carried out at Schenectady,
210 ; his attacks on New England
considered, 212 ; proceedings at Con-
seil Souverain, 217 ; sends exjiedi-
tion to western lakes, 220 : joins in
a war dance, 225 ; fortifies Ouebec,
231 ; his conduct during Phips' at-
tack, 234; repulses I'hips, 24S ;
receives news of Schuyler's attack,
257 ; propositions from New York
for neutrality, 25S ; commences forti-
fications of Quebec, 259 ; secures the
furs at Michillimackinac, 269 ; dis-
putes with clericals, 273 ; minute on
case of do Mareuil, 2S5 ; negotia-
tions with Iroquois, 300 ; re-estab-
lishes fort Frontenac, 305 ; expedi-
tion against Iioquois, 309 ; corres-
pondence with lord Ikllomont, 321 ;
death of, 322 ; character, 325.
Frontenac, fort, lake Ontario : con-
structed by de Frontenac, i. 412 :
scurvy at, ii. S7 ; reinforced, 96 ;
seized by de la IJarre from de La
Salle, 112 ; destroyed by de Denon-
ville, 202 ; restored, 305 ; taken by
Bradstreet, iv. 1S4 ; attempt to re-
lieve at Montreal, 185.
Fry, colonel : at Alexandria, iii. 453.
Frye, major : attacks settlements at
Chipoddy and Petitcodiac, iii. 513 ;
some of his party attacked by de
Boishebert, 513.
Fundy, bay of : etymology of name, i.
25;/.
Furs : taken at Quebec, claimed in
London, i. 109.
Gage, Brigadier : sent to Niagara, iv.
328 ; instructed tc^ descend to La
Galelte, 32S ; his reasons for non-
compliance, 343 ; Pitt's dissatisfac-
tion, 343«. ; appointed governor of
Montreal, 440 ; ordinances issued by
him, 441 ; courts for civil cases, 442 ;
proclamations made by him, 446 ;
address to him on his departure from
Montreal, 446 ; his reply to address
of captains of militia, 447 ; describes
his treatment of "new subjects" and
of the Indians, 455 ; establishes free
trade with Iiulians, 457.
Galifet, de : in command at Lachine, ii.
102.
Galigai, Leonora: i. II9 ; burned, 121.
Galiiice, de : aj^pointed to expedition
with Dollier, i. 379 ; expedition
leaves Lachine, 3S1 ; proceeds to
Irondequoit bay, 3S1 ; at Genesee
village, 3S1 ; meets the Jesuit Firmin
there, 3S2 ; burning of a jirisoner,
3S2; guides unobtainable, 3S3; pro-
ceeds to head of lake Ontario, 3S3 ;
meets Louis Jolliet, 3S4 ; descends
Grand rivci', 3S6 ; winters on lake
Erie. 3S6 ; resumes voyage in s]ning,
3S7 ; reaches Sault St. Mary, 3S9 ;
his map, 389 ; not well received by
Jesuits, 389 ; reaches Montreal, 3S9.
Galinier, ^L, sul]iician : arrives at
Quebec with M. de Queylus, i. 240.
Galops Rapids : described, iv. 22I«.
Galveston bay : suggested as place of
de La Salle's landing : ii. 138.
Ganiachc, Marquis de : i. 148.
Gammel, a seditious trader: iii. 155.
INDEX.
535
Garagonti^, Indian chief: ii. 296; death
of, 409.
Gardner, of 44th : killed on Rogers'
expedition, iv. 9.
Gamier, Cliaries, Jesuit father: i. 162;
killed, 206 ; his career, 20S.
Gamier, Julien, Jesuit : witli the Sene-
cas, i. 454 ; ii. 409.
Garreau, pere : sent to Oltawas, i. 237 ;
killed, 238.
Gaston of Orleans : i. 104.
Gatineau : sent by de 1 lertel with pris-
oners from Salmon falls, ii. 337.
Gaudais, Louis : arrives at Quebec, i.
303 ; his commission, 304 ; recalled,
307-
Gaulin, missionary at Mines: excites
Indians and Acadians, iii. 112; re-
ceives ransom for troops taken by
Indians, 115;/.; assambied inhabi-
tants to organize attack of fort, 1 16 ;
sent to Flacentia to obtain arms and
munitions of war, 1 17; informed by
French ambassador he was trying to
obtain liberty for Acadians to sell
property, 127 ; present at meeting
[1714], 133; makes submission to
government, 154.
Gaultier, abbe : agent in negotiations
of treaty of Utrecht, ii. 541.
Gaultier, physician : his death, iii. 3S7«.
Gaune, de : sent to Mines, iii. 307 ;
addressed by Acadians, 30S.
Gayaree, Mr. : iii. 229;/.
Gensing : discovered by pere Lafitau,
ii. 503 ; its trade and disappearance,
504-
George I. : accession of, ii. 4S9 ; pro-
claimed, iii. 1 28 ; death of, 135 ; his
undisputed accession, 254 ; his char-
acter, 254 ; his policy, 255.
George II. : accession, iii. 155 ; his de-
scription of Temple and Pitt, iv. 97;
his birthday observed on lake Cham-
plain, 346; his death, 434 ; his char-
acter, 435 ; his constitutional govern-
ment, 436 ; citizens of Montreal go
in mourning on death of, 444.
George III. : his ascent of the throne.
iv. 467 ; difficulty in descril)ing his
character, 46S ; his personal merit,
469 ; his attempt to rule arbitrarily,
470; succeeds amid general acclama-
tion, 475 ; his favour to Bute, 476.
Germain, father : in Acadia, iii. 427 ;
on the .Saint John, iv. 151.
" Gertrvide of Wyoming," ii. 167.
Geyer, governor of I'ort Nelson, Hud-
son's bay: surrenders to d'Iberville
[1694], iii. 31.
Gibraltar : besieged by Spain [1727],
iii. 295.
Giffard, seigneur of Beauport : i. 147;
began clearance of land [1636], 162.
Gilbert, sir Humphrey : i. 40/z.
Ciilham, captain Benjamin : at Port
Nelson, Hudson's bay, iii. 10; wreck
of vessel, 10.
Gilhani, captain Z.ichary : in James
river, iii. 2.
Girard, father : at Annapolis, iii. 434.
Glandelet, cure of Quebec : attacks
plays, ii. 276
Glen, major : house of, at Schenectady,
sjiared by French, ii. 20S.
Glover's ballad, "Ilozier's ghost :" iii.
296/;.
Godalie, de, priest : sent out of Acadia,
iii. 163.
Godefroy, John : accompanies pere
Druilletes, i. 194.
Godefroy, Thomas : taken prisoner, i.
174; released, 1S7.
Godolphin, Sydney, earl of: not in
power when Sir Hovenden Walker's
expedition left England, ii. 453 : loss
to country from non-employment of
his executive ability, 453 ; signs
treaty [1686], iii. 19; his character, 24.
Goldthwaite : surrenders at Grand Pre,
iii. 349.
Gorham, captain : pursues Micmacs,
iii. 430 ; joins Handheld, 430; at-
tacks Mall)aie, iv. 261 ; crosses over
to Saint Roch and Saint Anne, 261.
Goujiil : i. 1S6.
Goutin, de : judge in Acadia [169S],
iii. 67 ; attacks de Bonaventure, 67 ;
536
INDEX.
accuses de Villebon allowing English
to trade, 6S ; liis petty scandals, 6S.
Goyer, father, recollet : attends de
Frontenac's death-bed, preaches fun-
eral sermon, ii. 324.
Grand Agnier : Indian chief, ii. 207 ;
killed, 222.
Grand-fontaine, Hubert d'Aubit^^iy de :
receives Acadia on behalf of Fieiicl],
ii. 179.
Grand, Pre (modern Ilorton) : march
of troops 10, iii. 346 ; colonel Arliuir
Noble in command, 347 ; attaclceil,
348 ; defeat of ]5iitish garrison, 349 ;
their surrender, 349.
Grandville : taken prisoner by Phips,
exchanged at Quebec, ii. 245.
Grandville fort, on Junita : destroyed,
iv. 29.
Grant : ensign, at Louisbourg, iv. 126.
Grant, major : his advance upon fort
Duquesne, iv. 201 ; his attack effort,
202 ; his defeatj 203 ; taken prisoner,
204.
Grants of land : laws concerninrr i
363. ■
Granville : commands militia, de
Denonville's expedition, ii. 79.
Grassier, Jesuit : at Louisiana, iii. 22S.
Greason, Robert : killed by French
near fort Loyall, ii. 339.
Great Britain : style of, adopted, ii.
441.
Green bay : a mission at its head, i.
215.
Griffon, k : constructed by de La Salle,
i. 457 ; origin of name, 45S ; com-
pleted May [1679], 45S ; vessel
launched, 458 ; taken up to .Squaw
Island, 45S ; to lake Erie, 459 : her
crew, 459 ; proceeds on voyage, 459 ;
laden with furs at Green bav, 462 ;
founders, supposed in lake Michigan,
462.
Grinnington, cajnain : in command of
expedition to Hudson's bav, iii. 28.
Grollet : found by Spaniards among
Indians, ii. 153 ; deserter from de La
Salle, 158,
Groselliers, Medart Chouart, de : mar-
riages, Iii. 1,1. [see Hudson's bay].
Guignas, pere : taken prisoner with
party on Mississippi, iii. 272 ; in-
duces his Indian captors to join the
French, 272 ; visits fort Chartres,
272.
Gulliver's travels : ii. 59.
Guns : first given to Indians by La
Rochelie traders, i. 61.
Guyart, Marie : [see mere de I'lncar-
nationj.
PI
Ilabilant: his mode of life, i. 440.
Haldimand, Frederick : second in com-
mand, Niagara, iv. 316 ; his services,
317; his character unjustly assailed,
317: his birth, 31S//. ; left in com-
mand at Oswego, 319; attacked by
Saint Luc de la Corne, 319; his
defence, 319; called upon by John-
son to proceed to Niagara, 327 ;
appeals to Amherst, 327; acting
governor of Three Rivers, 447 ; es^
tablishes locality of law courts, 447 ;
his ordinances, 447; against those
pleading in bad faith, 44S ; expresses
opinion, there was no emigration to
France, 448; his ordinances, 449;
his proclamations, 449.
Half-King, Indian chief: present with
Washington on the Ohio, iii. 452 ;
joins Washington at Great Meadows,
453-
Ilalilax fort : constructed by Winslow,
iii. 461.
Halifax, Nova Scotia : founded, iii. 419 ;
first population, 419 ; first meeting,
of council, 419; character of oath'
discussed, 420 ; should be enforced
without exemption, 420 ; settlements
looked upon suspiciously by Canadian
authorities, 423 ; saw mill attacked,
42S ; outrages in neighbourhood of,
439 : population, 440 ; absence of
religious instruction, 440 ; difference
•from foundation of New Orleans,
440.
INDEX.
537
Halkett, Sir Peter : in commnml first
- 'di.ision Braddock's force, iii. 472.
Hamel, Mgr. : iv. 420;/.
Hamilton, governor of Penn'-ylvniua :
sends Croghan to Miamis, iii. 44S.
Hamilton, lieutenant : taken prisoner,
iii. 430 ; receives letter from Le
Loutre, 4S9 ; letter sent to Law rence,
489-
" Hampshire '' : foundering of, at fort
York, Hudson's bay, iii. 35.
Handheld, captain : sent to Mnies,
iii. 42S.
Hannonsacha, Indian chief: killed at
Michilliniackinac, ii. 43.
Hanover : treaty of, and consequences,
iii. 295.
Hanson, Jcjhn : story of, iii. 1S9.
Hardy, admiral sir Charles, governor
of New York : not favourable to Shir-
ley, iii. 557 ; in command at New
York, iv. 32 ; escorts Loudoun's
force, 32 ; arrives at Halifax, 33.
Harley, Robert, earl of: in power, ii.
534 ; his policv, 535 ; his ciiaracter,
562.
Harman : at Norridgewock, iii. 191.
Hart, colonel : tried by court martial,
iv. 17S. . '
Havannah taken, iv. 493.
Haverhill, on the .Merrimac: massacre
at [1697], ii. 3S4 ; attacked [1704],
iii. 92 ; [170S], 93.
Haviland : in command on lake Cham-
plain, iv. 383 ; advances against ile
aux Noix, 396; lands east side of
lake, 397 ; takes shipping, 39S ; fort
surrenders, 399 ; atlvances to St.
John's, fort abandoned, 399 ; sends
colonel Darby to Cliambly, 399.
Hawthorne, col.: unsuccessfully attacks
Naxouat, ii. 3S2.
Hazzen, lieutenant: ascends the St.
John, iv. 153.
Hay, lord Charles: his conduct at Hali-
fax, iv. 34 ; afterwards in London,
Hay: made prisoner at Heauscjour, iii.
497 ; killed, 499.
Hayes, fort, Hudson's bay : taken by
de Troyes, iii. 15; named by French
fort Saint Louis, 28.
Hearne, Samuel : his expedition, iii.
38 1;;.
Hebert : first settler, Quebec, i. 53 ;
cultivates land, 56.
Hendrick, Mohawk chief: killed, iii.
530.
Hennepin, Louis, recollet : his early
career, i. 450 ; his want of truth,
450 ; joins de La Salle, 450; returns
to Cataraqui for more recollets, 45S ;
sent Ky de La Salle to Upper Missis-
sippi, 469 ; the misrepresentations in
his volume, 479; ascends Mississippi,
480 ; he and his companions taken
by the Sioux, 481 ; first European to
record falls of St. Anthony, 4S1 ;
descends Mississippi with hunting
party, 48 1 ; released by du Luth,
4S2 ; returns to Montreal, 4S3.
Henrietta Maria, i. 9 ; her l'"rcncli ser-
vants sent away by Charles L, i. lo ;
106;/.
Henry H. of France : i. 8.
Henry HL of France : i. 9.
Henry IV. of France: i. 9 ; his death,
35-
Herbin : attempts to force British out-
posts east of Quebec, driven back,
iv. 364.
Heron, captain Patrick: in command at
Canso, iii. 302.
Hertel, de : sends news to Montreal of
Schuyler's advance to, ii. 253 ; with
brother released by Indians, 301 ;
leaves Three Rivers on raiding expe-
diti<jn, destroys Salmon falls, 337 ;
joins de Portneuf, 33S.
lieu, father d' : with Senecas, ii. 447.
Hiens: starts with de La. Salle for
Canada, ii. 153 ; concerned in his
murder, 156; murders Duhaut, 159.
Hill, Abigiil [.Mrs. Masham] : ii. 454-
Ilill, General[hrotherof Mrs. .Ma.ham]:
ii. 454; appointed to command
Quebec exiiedition, 455 ; his early
life, 455 ; his appointment as colonel
538
INDEX.
opposed by Marlborough, 456 ; ob-
tained through influence of Mrs.
Masham, 457 ; Swift's account of
him, 457 ; his character, 458 ; regi-
ments constituting expedition, 459
and n. ; abantlons projected expedi-
tion on wrectc of vessels, 465 ; arrives
in London, 468 and «.
Hobby, sir Chailes: knighted, iii. iOO«. ;
left in charge of fort Annapolis, in;
orders expedition to obtain timber,
112.
Hocquart, Gilles : appointed intendant
[1731], iii. 269 ; opposed to^bi.shop
Dosquet in his interference with
trade, 283 ; investigates mines
throughout the country, 290 ; makes
botanical collection, 291 ; replaced
by Bigot, 300.
Hogarth, William : favoured by Bute,
iv. 490; his caricature, "The Times,''
490 ; his death, 490 ; supposed to
have made etching against Pitt, 49i«.
Holbourne, admiral : in command of
fleet sent to America, iv. 31 ; arrives
at Halifax, 33 ; sails to Loui^bourg,
35 ; caught in hurricane, 35 ; loss of
his vessels, 35.
Holdernesse, lord : resigns to make
room for Bute, receiving pension,
iv. 478.
Holmes, admiral : given duly of de-
stroying French ships above (Quebec,
iv. 256 ; ascends river, 260.
Holmes, sir Robert : sails to New
York [1661], i. 353.
Hopitai giniral de Quebec : founded by
de Saint Vallier, iii. 258 ; anniver-
sary of his ordination observed there,
258 ; scene at de Vallicr's burial,
260 ; some irregularities reproved,
282.
Hopkins, lieutenant : at Louisbourg,
iv. 126.
Hopson, Peregrine Thomas : assumes
government Nova Scotia, iii. 441 ;
enforces proper treatment of Aca-
dians, 441 ; makes peace with .Mic-
macs, 442; his description of Acadia,
443 ; in command of land forces,
iv. 32.
Horchouasse : Iroquois chief, sent to
France a prisoner, ii. So.
Horse: the French- Canadian love of.
ii. 483 ; restiictions in possession
of, 4S4.
Horse-flesh served out as rations, iv. 76;
conduct of women, 79 ; difficulty
with troops, 77 ; behaviour of de
Levis, 76.
Horses . none in Canada at an early
date, i. 156; first imported, 329.
Hospital, nuns, Montreal : established
i. 36S.
Hosta, d', French ofhcer : killed in
Schuyler's attack on Laprairie, ii.
254.
Howe, a member of Plalifax council :
murdered by order of Le Loutre, iii.
437.
Howe, admiral : takes " I'Alcide " and
" le Lys,'' iii. 461.
Howe, Ihigadier, lord : advances to
Palatine settlement, iv. 71 ; at
Schenectady, 71 ; at Half-way brook,
159 ; killed, 165 ; his character,
165;/. ; his death without influence
on the result of that day, 165 ; not
sent out to control Abercrombie, 166.
Houel, Louis, of Brouage : i. 47.
Hudson's bay : supposed to be great
sea reported to Champlain, i. 33;
Talon's expedition, 390 ; letter of
Louis XVL to de la Bane, ii. 46 ;
two Frenchmen reach river Ottawa
from, 70 ; expedition to, 70 ; first
mention of, iii. i ; conference in Lon-
don, I ; forts established, 2 ; first
overland expedition, 3 ; no authority
for reported expedition ofdes Grosel-
liers and Radi-^son, 5«. ; stated in
[1660], all known of Hudson's bay
through Indians, 5 ; routes from
shores of lake .Superior, 6 ; impossi-
bility of land journey from lake Su-
perior to port Nelson, 6; des Grosel-
• lievs and Radisson dismissetl from
English service, 9 ; de Troyes' ex-
INDEX.
539
pedition [t6S6J, 14: forts le-named
by French, 2S ; in possession of
French [1695], 32 ; forts retnken by
English [1696], 32; ceded to Great
Britain treaty of Utrecht, 43; present
character of, 44.
Hudson's bay Co. : unable to obtain
aid to recover forts, ii. 230; petition
king, iii. 21 ; importance of text of
petition, 21 ; inlbience of, 21 ; peti-
tion queen Anne, 39; tiieir only pos-
session fort Albany, 4 i ; pretensions
of the company at this date, 42 ;
claim only to east and south of bay,
42.
Hudson River, New York : as means
of communication, iv. 157 ; above
Albany, I57«.
Hudson, valley of : i. 349 , discovery
in [1609], 351 ; traditions concerning
it, 35 1-
Hiiet, recollet father : i. 55.
Huguenot sailors : not allowed to sing
psalms on the St. Lawrence, i. So ;
form two-thirds of the crew, 80 ;
continue to sing psalms, So.
Huguenots : leave Ilollantl and Eng-
land for south Carolina, iii. 220.
Hull, Mr. John T. of Portland : ii.
33S«. ; 34U/. ; 3537/.
Hunter, Robert, governor of New
York : ii. 446 : sends Schuyler to
pull down blockdiouse, erected by
Joncaire, 470 ; establishes settlement
of Palatines on the Mohawk, 471 ;
describes feeling in New York. 472 ;
detains three officers as S]Mes, 472.
Huron dictionary : fust compiled by
recollets, i. 72.
Huron missions : commencement of,
i. 149.
Hurons : complain of dilTiculty experi-
enced in passing through Algonquin
country, i. 70; 127; at (Quebec, 128;
refuse to carry back Jesuit fathers,
128: attacked by Irof|uois, . 14S ; ill-
judged policy towaiiis them, 154;
lose their warlike instincts, 204 ;
seized with terror, proceed to Chris-
tian islands, 208 ; their privations,
209 ; attacked by Iroquois, fate of
survivors, 212 ; some established at
Three Rivers, 228; proceed to Mont-
real to be incorporated with Onon-
dagas, 239.
Hurons of Detroit ; appeal for aid to
Indians of Two Mountains, iii. 275 ;
proceed to Montreal, 393.
Ilussey, commandant of fort Lawrence:
meets Le Loulre, iii. 4S9.
Hutchinson, Thomas, lieut. -governor,
Massachusetts : iv. 238 ; raises pion-
eers for Wolfe, 238 ; his history of
Massachusetts, ii. 235 ; iv. 239//.
I
Iberville, Pierre Le Moyne d', third son
of Charles Le Moyne: receives letter
written by Tonty to de La Salle, ii.
160 ; expedition against Schenectady,
205 ; returns to Montreal, 209; expe-
dition of, to Hudson's bay, 299 ; expe-
dition to Pemaquid, 364; lakes Eng-
lish frigate, 376 ; in Louisiana, 395 :
in de Troyes' expedition, iii. 14;
placed in charge fort Albany, Hud-
son's bay, 18 ; sent with naval expe-
dition to Hudson's bay, 2S; does not
carry out expedition of [1693], 30 ;
commands expedition of [1694]
against fort Nelson, takes fort, 31 :
winters in Hudson's bay, 32 ; retakes
forts, James' bay ; his expedition of
[1697], 33; naval action before fort,
34 ; his account of action, 35 ; his
expedition to Newfoundland [1696-
1697], 50-5S ; sails for Louisiana,
212 ; reaches Chandeleur islands,
213; ascends Mississippi, 214: his
doubts until receives livic de prih-cs,
214; obtains Tonty's letter to de La
Salle, 214; constructs fort at Riloxi,
215; sails for France, 215; returns
to Louisiana, 216; ascends Missis-
sippi to Natchez, 216; returns to
i;iloxi, 2U>: visited by Canadian
foiintirs lit- hois, 217 ; establishes
540
INDEX.
fort Rosalie, 2lS ; his report ou
trade, returns to Loui>iann, 221 ;
establishes Mobile, 221 ; his death,
222.
lie aiix Coudres : describoil, iv. 232//.
lie aux Noix : attacked by llaviland,
'V. 397 ; surrenders, 398.
lie aux Oies : attacked, i. 231.
lie Saint Jean. [See I'riace Edward
island.]
Immigrants : arrival of [1665], i. 332.
Indian trade : the several posts, iv.
455 ; made free by Amherst, 457 ;
at Three Rivers, 457 ; i;iiti>h rule
distinguished by its justice with re-
gard to, 45S.
Indians, the : describeil by I>aleuiant,
i. 76; condition of, in [16S2J, ii. 31 ;
dissatisfied with the attempt of the
British colonists to oijtain possession
of land, iv. 1S8.
Invasion : fears of, in England, iv. 102
and M.
Ireland : struggle of [16SS] prevents
troops being sent to America, iii. 2S.
Irish brigade at Fontenoy : iii. 326//.
Iroquois : in [1604], at 'i"ailousac,sp(jken
of as enemies, i. 22 ; two ambassa-
dors come to Quebec [1622J, 68;
first attack on Canada, in [1641], 74 ;
on the war path, 84 ; threaten Three
Rivers, 175; retreat, "176; roam up
and down tlie Saint Lawrence, 1S5. ;
threaten Quebec, 1 87 ; assault mis-
sions, 204 ; seized with panic, re-
treat, 207 ; burn captives, 207 ;
threaten Three Rivers [1652], 218 ;
no Huron to be spared, 220 ; plot to
surprise Three Rivers, 221 ; ofTer
peace, 222; make peace [1653], 224;
offer to make peace [165S], 246;
suffer from war [1663], 312; send
deputation to (>uebec, 313 ; aggres-
sions of, ii. 39; unsuccessfully attack
fort on the Illinois, 44; treaty at
Albany with, 48 ; at Montreal, 87 ;
peace signed with de 1 >en()nville, 96;
note on, 166; their policy against
French, 214 ; sign peace with de
Callieres, 393; policy of, 416; de-
termine to attack Ottawas at Detroit,
434 ; forbidden by de Vaudreuil,
434; a party enliste<l by de Cadillac,
434; remonstrate with de Beauhar-
nois, iii. 336; take l^ritish side, 337;
attack Chateauguay, lie Perrot and
St. Aime, 337.
Irondetiuoit bay : ii. 82.
Irwin, colonel, R.A. : iv. 123;/.
J
Jacobinism, in England : popularity of,
iv. 90.
Jamay, recollel father : i. 48 ; sermon,
6r.
James' bay : forts re-laken [1693], iii. 28.
James II. : his passiveness with regard
to America, iii. IQ ; orders English .
governors to live in good intelligence
with the French, 19 ; subservience
to France, 22 ; ready to sacrifice
American possessions, 27.
Jeannin, president : i. 44.
Jeffreys, lord: signs treaty of [1686],
iii. 19.
Jeremie : his narrative of French settle-
ment river Nelson, iii. 8 ; account of
d'lberville's naval action, 35.
Jesuits : name mentioned in edition
[1632] at the expense of recoUets,
i. 18 ; their policy, 30 ; all powerful
under Mary of Medicis, 35 ; first sent
to Canada [1625], 72 ; their ar-
rival at Quebec, 73 ; received by
recollets, 73 ; the relations commen-
ced in [1626], 75 ; missions com-
menced [1626], 81 ; regard Canada
as a field for missions, 102 ; re-estab-
lish themselves in Quebec [1632],
in; inlluence of the jjublished re-
lations, 160 ; their political aspira-
tions, 179 ; devotion of early mission-
aries, iSo ; their missions, 19S ;
ilisadvantages to be overcome, 200 ;
looked upon as magicians, 200 ; pro-
gress maile slowly, 20I ; exposed to
hostility of Iroquois, 202 ; send
INDEX.
541
canoes to Three Rivers, 203 ; their
depression on the muiiler of five
missionaries, 208 ; close of the mis-
sion, 212 ; give fete to d'Argenson,
245 ; attempt to obtain appointment
of bishop, 250 ; their opposition to
de Queylus, 250 ; described by Talon
as having reformed their conduct,
372 ; their power with de Denon-
ville, ii. 66 : oppose seminary of
Quebec, iii. 28 1 ; influence on side
arbitrary power, 281 ; an annual
religious service in their honour dis-
continued, 28 1 ; re-established by
bishop Dosquet, 2S2 ; revoked, 282 ;
accused of trading with Albany, 293 ;
the store of the demoiselles Desau-
nier, 293 ; supreme in France, iv. 38.
Jesuit missions : the labf)ur and dis-
comfort suffered, i. 19S ; changes
made in conducting them, 199 ; the
head station, 199.
Jogues, Isaac, father : attacked by
smallpox, i. 162 ; seized as prisoner,
185 ; escapes, 186 ; his sufferings,
186 ; sent to the Mohawks, 1S8 ; his
death, 189.
Johnson, Sir Willinm : ajipointed sole
director Indian affaiis, iii. 469; his
early career, 525 ; appointed major-
general, 525 ; assembles troops at
carrying-place, 526 ; the difficulties
he had to overcome, 526 ; beats off
French attack, 533 ; his protection of
Dieskau, 535 ; gives name of Like
George to these waters, 535 ; receives
baronetcy, 535 ; not possible for him
to continue operations, 536 ; holds
council of war, 536 ; not advisable
to attack Crown Point, 536 ; his
letters on defeat of IJraddock and loss
of Oswego, iv. 2 ; his ability in
dealing with Indians, 3 ; meets Mr.
Edmund Atkin, 4 ; at Ticonderoga,
171 , at Niagara in command of
Indians, 324 ; assumes command on
Piideaux' dealh, 324 ; defeats l'"rLnch
le-inforcements from the Ohio, 324 ;
sends major Ilervey to propose capit-
ulation, 326 ; fort capitulates, 326 :
terms granted, 326 and 327;/.;
number of prisoners taken, 327 ;
calls upon llaldimand to proceed to
Niagara, 327 ; arrives at Oswego
with Indians, 383 ; praised by
Amherst for his control of Indians,
389-
Jolliet, Louis : sent by Talon to lake
Superior, i. 384 ; meets Galinee on
his return, 384 ; his early youth,
399 ; descends Mississippi, 401 ;
proceeds to Quebec, 405 ; map to
Hudson's bay, land route from Que-
bec, iii. 9.
Jolliet, Mde. : taken prisoner by I'liips,
ii. 233 ; exchanged, 245.
Joncaire : taken prisoner, ii. 301 ; his
influence, 391 ; meets Schuyler, 399 ;
passes winter with Senecas, 413 ;
proceeds to Montreal, 415 ; his ad-
vice to d'Aigremoiit, 436 ; indignant
with de Lamberville, 446 ; leaves
Senecas, 44S ; commantls Indians
under de Ramezay, 449.
Jonquest, Etienne : i. 55.
Jonquest, Mde., llebert's eldest daugh-
ter : dealh of, i. 60.
Jordi, de : interdicted, ii. 286.
Joutel : volunteer in de La Salle's expedi-
tion, ii. 129 ; in command of detach-
ment, 135 ; plot to kill, 143 ; left by
de La Salle in fort, 149; starts with
de La Salle for Canada, 153; con-
tinues journey after murder, 159;
arrives in Canada and proceeds to
France, 162; his account of landing
by de La Salle considered, 165.
Joybert, Pierre de, ofSoulangcs, Cham-
pagne: ^father of Mde. de A'audreuil,
ii. 641;.
Juchereau, sieur : attempts settlement
on Waiia.sh, ii. 409.
Juchereau de St. Denis : wounded in
Phips' attack on Quebec, ii. 240.
Juchereau. la sceur de St. Ignace ; her
account of Phips' expedition, ii. 234;
repuved authoress of hi^^tory of hi'h-l-
Dicii, (.>uebec, 28o«.
542
INDEX.
Jumonville, Coulon cle : killed, iii. 454;
had ke|)t in concealmeiu, evidently
waiting for reinforcements, 454 ; the
expression " /'assasin i/iii a iii- fait "
457«.
Justinian, fatlier : present at meeting
with Nicholson [1714], iii. 133;
leaves Annapolis without permis-
sion, 142 ; visited Saint Ovide to
ask his protection, 143.
K
Kalamanzoo, fort on : established by de
Frontenac, ii. 27.
Kalm, Swedish traveller : describes
Saratoga, iii. 33i«. ; 357«- ; his con-
versations with de La Verendrye,
379«. ; describes de la Galissunniere,
, 387«-
Kennebec : ascended by an English-
man [1640], i. 215.
Kennedy : killed on Rogers' expedi-
tion, iv. 9.
Kennington Cove [la Cormorandiere] :
selected as point of disembarkation,
siege of Louisboiug, iv. 124.
Kikapoos, tribe of : forms alliance
with Foxes, ii. 475 ; iii. 271 ; a party
seize prisoners, 272.
King Philip's war : ii. iSS.
Kirke's expedition : i. S7 ; defeats de
Roquemont, 92 ; burns vessels he
cannot use, 93 ; arrival of his fleet
before Quebec, 95 ; names of ships,
95-
Kirke family : an ancient family from
north Derbyshiie, i. 142.
Kirke, Uavid, an Englishman, not
French huguenot : at Tadousac, i.
97 ; proceeds to Quebec, 9S ; seizes
French vessels, 100 ; hunts in com-
pany with Champlain, 100 ; protests
against furs being given up, no.
Kirke, Gervase : an English merchant,
i- 87.
Kirke, Louis : commands ships before
Quebec, i. 95 ; restores (Quebec to
the French, in.
Knight : governor of fort Albany,
Iludsou's bay, 2S.
Knowlcs, admiral : describes drunken-
ness at Louisbourg, iii. 321.
Knox, captain : iv. I5«.; l6o«.; 23S;/.;
24i«. ; 403;:.
Kondiaronk, Indian chief [Le Rat] :
places himself in ambush and attacks
Senecas, ii. 97 ; advises Ottawas to
ask for i)risoner to burn him, 221 ;
becomes a christian antl devoted to
French interests, 400 ; death of, 401.
Labrador : i. 3.
Labrie, Dr. : his description of the
rcgne inilitain, iv. 440.
la Barrc, le Fevre de : appointed gov-
ernor, ii. 32 ; his instructions, 36 ;
appeals to France for aid, 42 ; seizes
fort Frontenac, 43 ; correspondence
with Dongan, 48 ; expedition against
Senecas, 53 ; makes peace, 56 ; re-
called, 5S ; fleet under his command
beaten back from Charleston, iii.
222.
La Blaussicre : sent by de Frontenac to
Iroquois, burned, ii. 212.
la Brognerie, de : killed at Wells, ii.
35S.'
la Chaise, pere : confessor to Louis
XIV., ii. 292.
la Chasse, pere de, superior of Jesuits :
condemns transfer of Indians to
Cape Breton, iii. 175 ; accompanies
Abenakis to Georgetown, 177 ;
writes letter for Indians, 178.
La Chauvignerie : sent by de Fronte-
nac to the Iroquois, ii. 212.
La Chenaye : massacre at, ii. 202.
la Chesnaye, Aubert de : beneficence
of, ii. 40 ; adviser of de la Barre,
40; alleged to be his partner, accom-
panies him on expedition, 52 ; op-
poses de La Salle, III ; tits out
expedition to Hudson's bay [1682],
iii. 6.
Lachinc : traditional origin of name,
INDEX.
543
i. 396; attacked by Indians, ii. loi ;
massacre of the night of the 4th and
5th August, loi ; Indian cruelties,
102; de Subercase advances to attack
Indians, 103 ; restrained by de Vau-
dreuil, 103 ; the Iroquois retire un-
harmed, 105.
La Corne, chevalier de : assumes com-
mand at Grand Pre, iii. 349 : in
command at Michillimackinac, 393 ;
constructs fort Beausejour, 435.
La Corne, recollet [capt. Jean Barthe] :
at Miramichi, iii. 515.
la Dauversiere, M. de : i. 1 78 ; loss to
Montreal by his bankruptcy, 195 ;
246.
la Demoiselle, Miami Indian chief:
iii. 405 ; attacked by Charles Lang-
lade and killed, 450.
la Durantaye, de : ordered by de la
Barre to join expedition against
Senecas, ii. 54 ; successfully attacks
Albany traders, 75 : results of his
attack, 77 ; engaged in expedition
against Senecas, 79 ; in coinmand at
Michillimackinac, 203 ; recalled, 220 ;
arrives in Montreal, 229 ; supports
de Vaudreuil, 3SS; resigns conmiis-
sion, 3S9 ; reports arrival of two
• Frenchmen overland by the Abbit-
tibbi and Ottawa, iii. 12.
la Durautaye, de : in command of
party against Rogers, iv. 85.
La Famine [Salmon River] : proposed
as place of meeting by Iroquois, ii.
38 ; peace of, 56 ; " Le Rat " places
himself in ambush there, 97.
la Ferte, Juchereau de : appointed to
council, i. 302.
Lafitau, pere : introduces Censing,
ii. 502 ; his career, 503;/.
La Forrest : left by de La Salle at fort
Frontenac, ii. 39 ; possession taken
by order de la Barre, 43 ; declines
cfifer to serve under him, 112; pro-
ceeds to fort on Illinois, 68 ; joins
de Denonville, 81.
La Frcilicre, de : tyrannical behaviour,
>• 395-
la Fresniere, de : takes possession of
Crown Point, iii, 2S6.
La Galette : proposition to garrison, ii.
42 ; de Lamberville recommends
should be fortified, 50 ; canoes at-
tacked there, 87 ; fort proposed at,
437-
la Galissonniere, Rolland Michel de,
governor-general : arrives at (Quebec,
iii. 357 ; his services and high char-
acter, 387 ; his memoir on Canada,
3S9 ; directs attention to Ohio, 390 ;
prefers Montreal to Quebec, 394 ;
returns to France, 40S ; recommends
French retention of eastern part of
Nova Scotia, 423 ; one of commis-
sioners to establish boundaries, 42^ ;
regards Cape Breton as point from
which war can be carried on against
British possession, 423.
La Gargousse, Hudson's bay so named:
iii. 1 1.
la Gorgendiere, Catherine de, wife of
third Baron de Longueuil : ii. 64//.
la Gorgendiere, Louise Thcrese Fleury,
de, wife of de Rigaud : ii. 64;/.
La Grande Armce : i. 231.
la Grande Cuiller : i. 246.
la Grande Gueule [Big Jaw], Indian
chief : ii. 50.
La Ilontan, Baron : his career and
memoirs, ii. 59«.
la Jemeraye, nephew of de La Verend-
rye : iii. 372 ; sent to fort Maurepas,
373 ; his death, 373.
la Jonquitre, Jacques, Pierre de Tafifa-
nel. Marquis de : sent to replace de
Beauharnois, iii. 33S ; his services,
339 ; on board admiral's ship, 339 ;
in command of fleet, 340 ; close of
expedition, 340; its losses by disease,
341 ; fleet sails away, 341 ; made
prisoner in naval action off Cape
Finisterre, fought by Anson and
Warren, 351 ; governor-general, 408;
his name identified with ill-treatment
of son of de La Verendrye, 41 1 ; ap-
points de Saint Pieire in command of
expedition, 411 ; charged with being
544
INDEX.
engaged in trade, 412 ; his fondness
for money, 412; the story of the
wax tapers, 4i2« ; knew de La
Verendrye, 412; takes no active
steps consequent on de Celoron's ex-
pedition, 415 ; writes to Clinton for-
bidding British trading on the Ohio,
415 ; liis death, 416 ; his correspond-
ence with Le Loutre approving his
schemes, 427 ; sends de La Corne^vith
men and arms to Acadia, 427; writes
to CornwalHs, trusts peace will con-
tinue, 429; declines to interfere with
matters under control of bishop, 429;
issues orders, Acadians must take
French oath, 43S.
lake Champlain : first recorded fight
on its shores, i. 32 ; steps taken for
defence of [1759], iv. 219.
lake Chatauqua : iii. 397.
lake George : so named by Johnson,
i"- 535; iv. i6i«. ; 162.
lake Huron : discovered by Cham-
plain, i. 50.
lake Ontario : discovered by Cham-
plain, i. 51 ; early mention of, 226.
lake Pepin : French settlement at,
iii. 270 ; not attacked, 272.
lake Ponchartrain : iii. 215 and n.
lake Saint ■ Peter : first visited by
Champlain, i. 22.
lake Sturgeon : Champlain makes
portage to, i. 51.
lake Superior : known, i. 212 • terri-
tory west of, iii. 366.
lake of Two .Mountains : visited by
Champlain [161 1], i. 37.
lake of the Woods : visited by de
Noyon, iii. 366.
la Lande, Mde. de : taken prisoner by
Phips, proposes exchange of prison-
ers, ii. 244.
Lalemant, pere Charles: his letters
acknowledging obligations to the
recollets, i. 73; wrote first relation
[1626], 75; his description of Canada,
75 ; his complaints, 77 ; interests
himself in the project of M,jntreal,
178; his early life, 179.
Lalemant, Gabriel, Jesuit father: re-
turns to St. Mary's, i. 204 ; made
prisoner at St. Joseph's, 205 ; tor-
tured and burned, 206; his career, 206.
Lalemant, pere Jerome : arrives in
Canada, i. 259 ; intercedes for woman
convicted of selling liquor, 2SS ; re-
plies to de Mcsy's letter, 316.
la Madelaine, x\L de : i. 152.
la ALaisonforte, de : taken prisoner,
iii. 317.
Lamberville, de, Jesuit father : sent to
Senecas, ii. 49; his letter to de la
Barre, 57 ; his second mission, 71 ;
left by de Denonville among Senecas,
81 ; exercises his influence in gover-
nor's interest, 96; sent on embassy
to Senecas, ipi ; with Onondagas,
409 ; leaves for Montreal, 447 ;
blamed by de Joncaire, 447.
Lamberville, de, the younger, Jesuit :
sent to the Onondagas, ii. 55.
Lamothe. Cadillac : sent to fort at
MichiUimackinac, ii. 302 ; his char-
acter of de Frontenac, 328«. ; con-
structs fort at Detroit, 408 ; leaves
Detroit for Quebec, 432 ; returns to
Detroit, 434; enlists Iroquois to
proceed thither, 434; coerces Mia-
mis, 435; blamed by d'Aigremontm
his report, 437 ; proposes companies
of Indians, 437 ; writes to Versailles
that d'Aigremont's visit had been
hasty, 43S ; governor of Louisiana,
iii. 229 ; comi)lains of what is objec-
tionable, 230; not charged with un-
worthy motives, 231 ; ascends Mis-
sissippi to examine nnne, 231; re-
called, 231.
la Mothe, Chevalier de: draws up/; W.f
verbal, abandonment of fort Niagara,
[16S6], ii. So ; in command between
Longueuil and Sorel, 223.
la Moihe, de : sent to' Senecas by de
La Salle, i. 454 ; objects to Gamier
remaining at council, 454 ; slates de
La Salle's desire to build ship above
falls, 434; returns to I.ewi^ton, 454 ;
again proceeds to Seneca village, 457.
INDEX.
545
La Nauguere, de : appointed governor
Montreal, i. 420.
Land : clauses introduced into conces-
sion of, declared illegal, ii. 4S5.
Landry, John : takes furs from Mines
for Vetch, iii. 109; presents furs, 109.
L'Ange Gardien : burned, iv. 262.
Langelier, Mr. J. C., of Quebec : ii.
420/{.
Langlade, Charles : attacks village of
la Demoiselle, iii. 450.
Langy, de: attacks British scouts, iv.
48 ; hovers about fort Edward, 84;
commands force against Rogers, 85 ;
reports British advance, 163 ; attacks
party near Crown Point, 379 ; his
death, 397.
la Noiie, pere de : recollet father, ac-
companies Champlain to Canada, i.
79 ; leaves on a mission, 81 ; returns
to Canada, no.
Lanoue, de : on expedition against
Mohawks [1693], i'- ~^3-
la Noue, de : sent to the Kaministiquia,
[1716], iii. 366.
la Peltrie, Mailame de : her birth and
character, i. 165 ; visits Tours, 167 ;
at Paris, 16S ; embarks at Dieppe,
168 ; founds Ursuline convent, Que-
bec, 16S ; accompanies de Maison-
neuve to Montreal, 1S3 ; returns to
Quebec, iS-l ; her death, 395.
La Perouse : attacks Hudson bay forts
[1782], iii. 44.
la Perriere, Boucher de : commands
Indians [170S], iii. 92.
La Plaque, Indian scout : ii. 225.
La Potherie, de : his account of Port
Nelson, iii. 8.
La Potherie, Le Neuf de : arrives in
Canada, i. 159 ; arrests Indian chief
at Three Rivers^ 246.
La Presentation [Ogdensburg] : iii. 409 ;
established as post, iv. 312.
la Ralde, de : placed in connnand, i.
78 ; considered by the Jesuits to be
unfavourable to them, 79.
La Reine, fort on the Assiniboine :
constructed, iii. 374.
la Ribourde, Gabriel, recollet father :
accompanies de La .Salle, i. 459 ; his
death, 478 ; ii. 29.
la Roche, de, father : i. 81.
la Roche, marquis de : i. 13.
La Rochelle : mayor's speech, i. 59.
La Salle, Robert Cavalier de : his
birth, i. 376; first appearance in
Montreal, 377 ; his brother, 377 ; his
voyages, 377 ; his concession of land
at Lachine, 378; abandons his pro-
perty to seminary, 379; jiroposes to
proceed to the west, 380; joins e.xpe-
diti'in of DoUier de Casson and Gali-
nce, 381 ; leaves it at the Grand river,
385 ; his early career, 405 ; seen by
Nicolas Perrot on the Ottawa, 406 ;
his claim to discovery of Mississippi
examined, 407; his explorations south
of lake Erie. 40S ; supi^osed to have
reached Ohio, 40S ; obtains grant of
Cataraqui, 414 ; conduct during de
Fenelon's sermon, 423 ; blamed by
seminary, 427 ; fort Frontenac ceded
to, 435 ; proceeds to France to obtain
money [1674], 448 ; one of the twenty
commissioners, 44S ; again in France,
obtains large sums [1677], 449 ; de-
fects in character, 451 ; leaves King-
ston in November, 451 ; arrives at
Niagara, 452 ; constructs fort at Nia-
gara river, 453 ; sends de La Mothe
and Hennepin to Senecas on snow-
shoes, 453 ; at Seneca village, 455 ;
removes ol)jection of Indians against
construction of ship, 455 ; leaves
vessel to proceed on snow-shoes to
Niagara, 455 ; in his absence vessel
wrecked, 455 ; reaches Niagara, 455;
proceeds above falls, 456 ; selects
Cayuga creek, ten miles from Buffalo,
for building vessel, 456 ; keel of ves-
sel laid, 456 ; owing to loss of stores
returns to Cataraqui, 456 ; his endur-
ance, 456; his embarrassments, 458;
proceeds in " le Griffon" to upper
lakes, 459 ; joined by two recollets,
4^9; sails in " le Griffon " [1679],
460 ; approaches Detroit, 460 ;
2L
546
INDEX.
arrives at Michillimackinac, 461 ;
reaches Green bay, 461 ; difficulty
from want of canoes, 462 ; " le Giif-
fon" laden with furs to return to Cat-
araqui, 462 ; never agnin seen, 462 ;
ascends to head of lake Miciiii;;an,
463 ; ascends river St. Joseph, 464 ;
waits for arrival of de Tonty, 465 ;
reaches portage to Kankakee, 466 ;
descends the Kankakee, 466 ; effects
landing, 467 ; fort Crevecreur, 468 ;
constructs another vessel, 46 8 ; sends
Hennepin to upper Mississippi, 469;
returns to Niagara, 470 ; his arduous
journey, 470 ; arrives at Montreal,
471 ; seizes a party of deserters,
472 ; reaches the Kankakee again,
472 ; arrives at Indian town, 473 ;
terrible evidence of attack by Iro-
quois, 473 ; descends river in search
of de Tonty, 474 ; blazes a tree with
marks, 474; returns to fort Miami,
lake Michigan, 474 ; generally ac-
companied by recollet fathers, 480 ;
at fort Miami [winter, 1680-81], 483;
met de Tonty and father Membre at
Michillimackinac, 4S3; obtains funds
from Montreal, 483 ; organization of
expedition to descend Mississippi,
484 ; descent of river to gulf of
Mexico, 485 ; raises column to Louis
XIV., 486 ; foundation of Louisiana,
486 ; his fort on the Illinois, ii. 40 ;
its effect on the tribe, 40 ; sails for
France, 41 ; fort Frontenac seized
by de la Barre, 43 ; remains unwell
at fort Prudhorame, 109 ; establishes
fort on Illinois, no ; opposed by de
la Barre, ill; fort Frontenac seized,
112; proceeds to France, 112; in
Paris, 115 ; proposals to French
government, 118; his expedition to
gulf of Mexico, 120 ; his distrust of
those with him, 127 ; his difficul-
ties with subordinates, 127 ; start of
the expedition, 129 ; at San Do-
mingo, 130; changes to "/'/f ////(? /'/>,"
131 ; arrives in gulf of Mexico and
explores coast, 133 ; lands troops,
135 ; his stores, 137; " rAiniab/e"'
wrecked, 1 38 ; rescues captured
sailors from Indians, 140 ; de Beau-
jeu sails for France, 142 ; constructs
fort, 144 ; further explorations on
coast, 146 ; the " Belle " lost, 147 ;
returns to fort, 147 ; resolves to seek
aid from Canada, I48 ; influence
exercised by him, 149 ; leaves on
expedition to find route to Missis-
sippi, 149; returns to fort, 150;
starts for Canada, 153 ; murdered,
156.
Lasalle, de : conunissatre at Louisiana,
iii. 228 ; attacks de IJienville, 228.
la Touche, de : appointed governor of
Montreal, i. 313.
La Tour, Bertrand de : arrives in
Canada, iii. 279 ; author of life of
bishop de Laval, 2S0;/. ; dean of
chapter : nominated superior over
convents, 282.
la Tour, officer of artillery : murdered
at Oswego by Indians, iv. \qn.
la Tour, Charles de : a baronet of
Nova Scotia, ii. 173; marries widow
of de Charnisay, 175 ; accepts Eng-
lish allegiance, 1 77 ; sells land to
Temple and Crowne, 177; his death,
177.
la Tour, Claude Etienne de : settles
in Acadia, ii. 172 ; carried prisoner
to England, 172; takes grant from
lord Selkirk, 172.
Lauberiviere, Mgr. de : appointed
bishop, iii. 2S4 ; his early death, 2S5.
Launay, de : left by de Tonty on iNIis-
sissippi, ii. 160.
Laureyat, pere : endeavours to make
Abenaki Indians hostile, iii. 170.
Lauson, Jean de : refuses permission to
recollets to proceed to Canada, i. 123 ;
their steady opponent, 15 1; arrives at
Quebec as governor, 216; his acquisi-
tions, 216 ; at Three Rivers, 221 ;
desires to keep troops at Quebec,
225 ; insulted by Mohawks, 237 ;
■ returns to France, 239.
Lauson, Jean de : killed, i. 264.
INDEX.
547
Laval, Fran9ois de : first bishop of
Quebec, i. 250 ; the Laval family, 25 1 ;
not entitled to affix of de Montmo-
rency, 252«. ; pedigree, 294 ; his life,
253 ; his religious opinions, 254 ; his
influence upon events, 254 ; his early
life, 255 ; named bishop of Petrea,
256 ; opposed by French episcopate,
256 ; appointed vicar-apostolic in
Canada, 256 ; clashes with arch-
bishop of Rouen, 256 ; consecrated
by pope's Nuncio with closed doors,
257 ; king gives him letters patent,
257 ; pretensions of archbishop of
Rouen, 258; arrives at Quebec, 259;
proceeds to Ursuline convent, 259 ;
religious orders acknowledge his ju-
risdiction, 259 ; disputes with d'Ar-
genson, 267 ; his ecclesiastical pre-
tensions, 269 ; his effort to obtain
political pre-eminence, 271 ; con-
temporary opinions concerning him,
272 ; his intluence in France, 273 ;
his austere life, 274 ; calls on clergy
to recognize only his authority, 278 ;
visits Montreal, 278; orders de
Queylus not to leave Quebec, 2S0 ;
asks d'Argenson to enforce request,
280 ; threatens de Queylus with
suspension, 2S2 ; opposes Bull U>i- aire
of Montreal, 283 ; tlireatens excom-
munication to those dealing in liquor
with Indians, 2S7; his stern reprisals,
288 ; his threat of censures and ex-
communications, 2S9 ; leaves Canada
to obtain appointment of bishop of
Quebec, 2S9 : obtains promise from
king, 290 ; bishopric endowed, 290 ;
returns to Canada, 293 ; desires to
exclude Protestants, 295 ; appointed
bishop of Quebec, 296 ; in Paris
[1662], 301 ; returns to Canada with
de Mesy, 302 ; his quarrels as to the
seat in church and the fttc-dieu, 314;
his reply to de Mesy, 316: establishes
seminary of Quebec, 317; makes
temporary peace with de Mesy, 319 ;
again opposes de Mesy, 323 ; pub-
lishes a vwnitoire relative to liquor.
323; New Year's day civilities, 324;
conduct to de Mesy, 327 ; difficul-
ties as to bishopric of Quebec, 397 ;
remains in France three years, 39S ;
appointed bishop of Quebec, 399 ;
arrives in Canada, 433 ; his despotic
power over the clergy, 437 ; the
liquor traffic, 43S ; opposes that any
should be used in the fur trade,
439 ; declares use of it to be a mor-
tal sin, 440 ; leaves for France, 446 ;
compelled to withdraw excommuni-
cations, 447 ; returns to Canada in
[16S0], supports council against de
Frontenac, ii. 22 ; leaves for France,
61 ; his policy with regard to cures,
61; returns to Canada, 68; his
death, 68.
Laval, edition of Champlain : its ex-
cellence, i. 20«.
la Valterye, de : in command of militia,
de Denonville's expedition, ii. 79.
la Vente, de : cure of iMobile, iii. 228.
Laverdiere, abbe : i. I3i«.
La Verdure : commandant at Port
Royal, ii. 176.
La Verendrye, Pierre Gauthier de : iii.
369 ; his early services, 370 ; asks
for aid to proceed to lake of Woods,
370 ; forms company for trade, 371 ;
leaves Montreal, 371 ; joined by
father Messaiger, 372 ; lands at
Pigeon river, 372 ; arrives at lake of
the Woods, 372 ; constructs fort St.
Charles, 372 ; embarrassed by want
of supplies, 373 ; returns to Mont-
real, 373 ; at fort Maurepas, 374 ;
ascends Assiniboine, 374 ; goes to
the Matanes, 374 ; his illness, 374 ;
furs seized at Michillimackinac, 375;
arrives at Montreal, 375 ; received
by de Beauharnois, 375 ; leaves for
the west, 375 ; what he accomplished,
378 ; returns to Montreal, 378 ; ob-
tains captaincy and cross of St. Louis,
379 ; his death, 379 ; his communi-
cations with Kalm, 379«.
La Verendrye the younger, le cheva-
lier de : explores lake Manitoba, iii.
548
INDEX.
374 ; constructs fort Dauphin, 374 ;
reaches the Saskatchewan, 374; sent
by his father to tlie Matanes, 376 ;
arrives in view of some mountains,
377 ; complains to minister of being
excluded, 413 ; meets Saint i'iene
at Michillimackinac, 413.
Law, John: his money operations affect
Canada, ii. 501 ; his last days, 501 «.;
accepts Crozat's charter, iii. 232 ;
founds Compagnie cV Occident, 233 ;
ruin of company, 236 ; leaves Paris,
236 ; company resigns charter, 241.
Lawrence, colonel Charles : sent to
establish fort at Chignecto, iii. 435 ;
opposed on landing, 435 ; returns to
Mines, 436 ; constructs fort Edward,
436 ; proceeds to Chignecto and
forces a landing, 436 ; commences
fort, 436; governor of Nova Scotia,
487 ; receives letter from Le Loutre,
489 ; contemplates attack of Nova
Scotia, 490 ; his imperfect means of
resistance, 494 ; determines to attack
Beausejour, 495 ; reports condition
of country, 506.
Lawson, Miss Elizabeth : admired by
Wolfe, iv. 113 ; her death, 114.
Lawson, sir John : takes New York,
i- 354-
le Bailiff, recollet father : i. 62 ; sent
to de Caen, 63 ; bearer of petition
to France, 65 ; doubts of its being
genuine as given, 65.
" Le Baron": Huron chief, ii. 224;
unfriendly to the French, 307.
Le Ber ; arrested by Perrot, i. 417;
released, 417; petitions council,
420 ; opposes de La Salle, ii. 424.
Le Ber du Chesne : killed in attack
on Schuyler's force, ii. 255.
Le Blanc : Ottawa chief, ii. 434.
Le Blanc, Peter : obtains release of
Capon, iii. no.
Le Boeuf fort : on the Ohio, iii. 446.
Le Borgne, Emanuel : attacks Acadian
settlement of Denys, ii. 175.
Le Caron, recollet fatiier : i. 48 ; starts
for west, 48 ; leaves without Cham-
plain, 49 ; joined by Champlain, 50;
teaching and baptizing, 53 ; returns
with Champlain to France, 54 ; starts
for lake Nipissing, 70 ; at Paris, saw
power of Jesuits, 74 ; returns to
Canada, 79 ; sent to Tadousac, 94 ;
his death, 123.
Lecky, Mr. \V. E. H. : iii. 144^.
Le Clercq : the recollet historian, i. 71;
accepted as an authority, 102.
Le Clerct|, Maxime: recollet priest with
de La Salle, ii. 128; left at furt, 152.
Le Come : appointed to command at ^
Cataraqui, ii. 397.
Lefroy, captain R. N. : captures vessels
in Louisbourg harbour, iv. 134.
Legal proceedings : early days of Cana-
da, iv. 443.
Legge, Henry : chancellor of e.xchequer
dismissed, iv. 479.
Le Cuers : sent to Three Rivers, i. 61.
Le Jeune, Jesuit father : not the author
of Algonquin dictionary, i. 74; re-
turns to Canada, no; his views of
Canada, III ; has sealed instructions
appointing Champlain's successor,
149; his extraordinary powers, 150;
selects ground at Sillery, 164; alludes
to the North Sea, 215 ; his touching
appeal to the king, 263.
Le Leopard, arrival of : spreads fever
in Quebec, iii. 551.
Le Loutre, Joseph, missionary : his
character, iii. 303; with Micmacs,
303 ; favourably impresses Mascarene,.
303; ctni of Messaguash, 304; at
Louisbourg, 424 ; sends Micmacs to
de la Jonquiere, 424 ; his letter tg
Canada, 425 ; declares his intentions
of e.\citing savages, 425 ; threatens
habitants with death, 431 ; his plot
to murder Howe, 437 ; shews atten-
tion to lieut. Hamilton when prisoner,
489 ; opens negotiations with him,
4S9 ; sends paper to Lawrence, 489 ;
its audacity, 489 ; demands cession of
half of Nova Scotia, 490: treated
■ with contempt as an attempt to c.ijole-
Acadians, 490 ; described by Pichon^
INDEX.
549
492 ; approved of by Duquesne,
493 ; condemned by de Ponlbriand,
493 ; applies money intended for
fortifications to drainage, 496 ; at
siege of Beausejour, 497 ; escapes in
disguise, 500 ; received at Quebec
with disfavour, 500 ; sails for France,
500; takes the name of Duprez,
500; nearly bayonet ted at Jersey,
501;;.
le Maistre, Jacques : killed, i. 265.
le Mercier, Jesuit father : joins Huron
missions, i. 161.
Le Mercier: sent to fort William Henry
with summons to surrender, iv. 13 ;
directs artillery on island of Orleans
against Durell's ships, 234 ; accom-
panies de Levis, 260 ; sent with
despatches to France, 350.
Le Moyne, Chas. : sent to Onondaga
to confer with Indians, ii. 43 ; meets
Arnold Viele, English interpreter,
49-
Le Moyne de Longueuil : battalion
officer of militia in de Denonviile's
expedition, ii. 79 ; sent on embassy
to Senecas, loi.
le Moyne, pere Simon : sent to Onon-
dagas, i. 226 ; first to ascend Saint
* Lawrence, 227 ; reaches lake On-
tario, 229 ; manufactures salt at
Salena, 229; returns to Montreal,
230 ; attacked on ascent of river,
231 ; at Mohawk villages, 233 ; pro-
ceeds to the Onondagas, 264 ; his
death, 334.
Leopold : emperor of Germany, ii. 405.
le Page, ciux of Terrebonne : opens
iron works, iii. 291.
Le Pesant, Ottawa chief: counsels re-
sistance, ii. 433 ; his surrender de-
manded, 435 ; given up and re-
leased, 435.
I'Epinay, de : appointed governor
Louisiana, iii. 232.
Lery, de : attacks fort Hull and carries
away prisoners, iii. 549.
Lery, de : sent to New Orleans, iv,
233.
L'Escarbot : i. 24 ; gives account of
winter Port Royal, 28 ; proceeds to
the Saint John, 28.
Lestock, admiral : failure of attack on
"I'Orient," Brittany, iii. 356.
Le Sueur : reaches falls of St. Anthony,
iii. 220 ; builds fort Thuiller, 221.
Leverett, John ; governor of Port
Royal, ii. 177; falls into ambush,
iii. 194.
le Verrier, de : at Michillimackinac,
iv. 84.
Le Verrier : gives lectures in law, iii.
292.
Levesseur : engineer officer with de
Frontenac, ii. 310.
Levis : antiquity of family, i. 77;;.
Levis, Francis Gaston, Chevalier de :
his passion for Mde. Pennisseault, iii.
547 ; his career, 553 ; arrives at Car-
illon, iv. 6 ; represents condition of
officers in Canada, 18 ; relates how
he sent out parties to occupy atten-
tion of garrison, fort William Henry,
29 ; arrives at Carillon, 48 ; makes
portage road, 48 ; his activity in
moving stores, 48 ; ascends western
shore, lake George, 51 ; strength of
column, 52 ; arriving at point of meet-
ing, is joined by Montcalm, 53 ;
places himself south of fort William
Henry, 53 ; his Indians take one
hundred and fifty oxen, 53 ; at Wil-
liam Henry, 53-63 ; his conduct with
regard to refusal of horse-flesh rations
by regiment of Beam, 75; 77; quiets
discontent, 78 ; organises expedi-
tion for Frontenac and to descend
Mohawk, %(> ; arrives at Ticonder-
oga, 169; takes part in defence, 169;
learns at Saw Mill retreat of British,
173 ; e-xpedition to Mohawk aban-
doned, 181 ; leaves for Montreal,
190; arrives at Quebec, 221 ; takes
part in campaign, 253 ; leaves Que-
bec, appointed to command Montreal
frontier, 260 ; has no fears for ile
au.\ Noix, 266 ; collects harvest at
Montreal, 26S ; hears of Montcalm's
550
INDEX.
death, 293 ; joins de Vaudreuil, 293 ;
attempts to relieve Quebec, 294 ;
hears of de Ramezay's surrender,
295 ; retreats to Jacques Cartier,
296 ; ascends Saint Lawrence, 34S ;
orders fortification of island below
Prescott, 348 ; attends council of
Indian women, 349 ; bis ]:)osition
changed by death of Montcalm, 349 ;
position of French troops, 350 ; de-
termines to attack Quebec, 351 ; his
projects, 351 ; defers operations until
opening of navigation, 352 ; tiooi^s
collected by him, 353 ; his force
leaves Montreal, 356; lands at Poinle
aux Trembles, 366 ; advances to
Quebec, 366; battle of aSth of April,
368 ; strength of French, their losses,
369 ; 370;/. ; hears of arrival of
British ships, 374 ; gives orders for
retreat, 374 ; French ships attacked
and burned, 374 : leaves French
camp standing, 375 ; arrives at Pointe
aux Trembles, 375 ; leaves detach-
ments and proceeds to Montreal,
376 ; his correspondence with Mur-
ray, 377 ; the enterprise considered,
378 ; fears junction of Murray with
Haviland, 394 ; endeavours to chjse
channel of Richelieu, 395 ; at l>er-
thier with Dumas, 395 ; hears of sur-
render of fort Levis, 395 ; endeav-
ours to organize resistance at La-
prairie, 400 ; returns to Montreal,
400 ; sends de la Pause to Amherst,
402 ; asks reconsideration of terms,
402 ; proposes prolonged resistance
to de Vaudreuil, 404 ; his conduct in
the destruction of the standards,
404 ; in his memoir relates he orders
their destruction, while giving his
personal word of honour none exist-
ed, 404 ; French troops at the capitu-
lation, 408 ; they embark as prison-
ers of war, 409,
Levis, fort on the Saint Lawrence :
attacked by Amherst, iv. 385-3S9 ;
surrenders, 3S9 ; renamed fort Wil-
liam Augustus, 3S9.
Lewis and Clarke : exploration of
Rocky Mountains, iii. 381 ; 3S2;/.
Liegois, brother : killed at Sillery,
i. 231.
Ligneris, de : present at attack on
Braddock, iii. 484; at fort L)uquesne,
iv. 207 : retreats to Venango, 213.
Lignery, de : makes peace with Foxes
[1726], iii. 271.
L'Incarnation, mere de [Marie Guyart],
i. 167 ; her birth and character, 169 ;
her personal appearance, 170 ; first
superior Ursuline convent, 171 ; her
death, 395.
Liotot, a surgeon : starts with de La
Salle for Canada, ii. 153 ; causes of
his bitterness against de La Salle,
155 ; murder of three of the party,
156 ; murder of de La .Salle, 157 ;
himself murdered by Ruter, 159.
Liquor traffic : i. 286 ; (Jhamplain's
policy, 286 ; de Laval threatens ex-
communication to those in the trade,
287 ; law passed inflicting death on
those supplying Indians with liquor,
257 ; affecting the whole of Canada,
258 ; edict against sale [1663], 302 ;
Talon's policy, 374 ; twenty persons
to report reganling it, 445 ; decision
of pere la Chaise and the archbishop
of Paris, 446 ; trade with Indians,
ii.275.
Litigous character of French Cana-
dians, iii. 419.
Littlehales, lieut. -colonel : on massacre
at Oswego, iv. iq/;.
Livingstone, major Philip: sent to Que-
bec by Nicholson, iii. 102; his hard-
ships, 103; instructed to organize one
hundred Six Nation Indians, 122.
Livingston, Robt.: secretary for Indian
affairs. New York, ii. 424.
Lockhart of Lee : i. ii«.
Longchamps : captain of French frigate
seized by Spaniards, ii. 114.
Longueuil, baron de : wounded at fort
Presentation, ii. 104; sent to Onon-
dagas, 415 ; influences chri'-tian In-
dians to protest against British pos-
INDEX.
551
session of Oswefjo, 515 ; reports has
sent his son to lake Oswego, 516 ;
commands force sent to Mississippi,
iii. 244 ; in command at Detroit,
393 ; chastises Indians, 393.
Longueuil, de : the younger reports
no canoes at Oswego, contradicted by
Burnett, ii. 516.
Longueuil, de : second haron, admin-
isters government, iii. 417; advocates
active operations on Ohio, 445.
Lorimier, de : duel with de Noyau, ii.
219.
Lotbiniere, Chartier de : attorney-gen-
eral, i. 318.
Lothbiniere, de, archdeacon : duly to
conduct funeral, bishop de Saint
Vailier, iii. 259.
Loudomi, lord : appointed commander-
in-chief, iii. 558 ; removes troops
from northern frontier, 560 ; organ-
izes attack of Louisbourg, 560 ; as
to massacres at Oswego, iv. ign. ;
arrives at New York, 20 ; Franklin's
misstatement concerning, 20 ; a
voluminous writer of dispatches, 20 ;
his character, 21 ; takes command
from Shirley, 24 ; Sliirley's speech
to him, 25 ; reports conditions of
affairs, 25 ; not responsible for loss
Oswego, 28 ; orders no advance on
Crown Point be attempted, 29 ; sends
circular to governors of provinces,
29 ; its depressing language, 29 ;
engaged in recruiting for " Royal
Americans," 31 ; his propo-,iti(jn for
attack of Quebec accepted, 31 ;
assembles troops at New York, 31 ;
places embargo on vessels, 31 ; arrests
deserters from ships, 32 ; detained at
New York, 32 ; sails with troops,
32 ; ridicule thrown upon liim for his
"cabbage garden ex|)edition," 33 ;
a mark of his sense and judgment,
34 ; hears of strong force at Louis-
bourg, 35 ; expedition abandoned
and returns to New York, 35.
Louis XI Y. : binli ceicbratctl, i. 173;
his encouragement of marriage, 361 ;
unworthy treatment ot de Fron-
tenac, ii. 12 ; writes to de la Barre
concerning Hudson's bay, 46 ; his
intentions as to Indians, 47 ; recalls
de la Barre, 58 ; his opposition to
widening settlement, ill ; views of
on Spanish possessions, 113; receives
de La Salle, 118 ; asks for informa-
tion as to de La Salle, 163 ; reap-
points de Frontenac governor, 198 ;
cruel policy of, 2U ; complains of
negotiations with Indians, 303 ; es-
pouses cause of son of James II. as
king of England, 386 ; appoints de
Callieres governor, 389 ; effect of
recognition of pretender, 404 ; op-
poses extension in territory of west-
ern Indians, 40S ; his death, 490 ;
his service to Canada, 490 ; what
does Canada owe him, 492 ; gives
instructions, pi'ogress of English in
Hudson's bay should be stopped, iii.
13 ; sends troops to Canada in time
of peace, 19 ; orders French gover-
nors to act with vigour, 19 ; com-
plains of conduct of Dongan, gover-
nor of New York, to James II., 27.
Louis XV. : his conduct after attempt
of Damiens. iv. 42.
Louisbourg: known as Havre a I'An-
glois, re-named, iii. 132 ; its natural
advantages discovered by de Costa-
belle, 132 ; work of furlification
actively proceeded with, 153 ; much
of tlie material used came from
Massachusetts, 153 ; emigration en-
forced, 154; released pi isoners report
open to attack, 309 : fleet leaves
]5o^ton, 312 ; arrives at Canso, 313 ;
landing made, 314; siege of, 316;
317 ; losses of French, 31S ; booty
taken, 319 ; advantages resulting
from capture. 320; cost of fnrtifica-
tions, 323^/. ; its restoration at peace,
364 ; main cause of attainment of
peace, 364 ; unavoidable from the
reverses on continent, 365 ; evacu-
ated, 365 ; expedition organized
against, iv. loS ; description of fort-
552
INDEX.
ress, 120; sti'ength of the garrison,
121 ; expedition starts, 122 ; strength
of attacking force, I22«. ; anticipated
difficulty of landing, 123; movement
of British fleet, 125 ; landing effected,
125 ; French pickets driven back,
126 ; British push forward in pursuit,
127 ; weather unfavourable for land-
ing stores, 128; French northern
battery abandoned, 12S; Wolfe takes
possession of Lighthouse Point, 12S ;
guns and stores landed at Laurentbec,
128; island battery silenced, 129;
vessels sunk by French in harbour,
130 ; difficulty in constructing roads,
130; sortie attempted, 130; sortie
of 9th July against the right of
attacking force, 130 ; Ikiiish works
pushed forward, 131 ; fire in the
town, 132; "le Celebre," "I'Entre-
prenant," " le Capricieux," burned,
132 ; additional British batteries,
132; the town on fire, 133; re-
maining ships in harbour taken and
burned, 134; the whole French fleet
destroyed and taken, I34«. ; surren-
der of fortress, 135 ; condition of
French garrison, 137 ; terms of sur-
render, 138 ; British take possession
of fortress, 1 38 ; French lay down
arms, 139 ; news of conquest in Eng-
land, 139 ; 222 ; fortifications de-
molished, 141 ; I42«.
Louisiana : iii. 211 ; failure in sending.
emigration, 211 ; little progress in
settlement, 220 ; hope of discovering
mines, 220 ; famine and disease ex-
perienced, 221 ; soldiers and young
girls arrive, 223; civil life, 224;
constituted separate province [170S],
224 ; unpromising condition, 225 ;
five forts, 225 ; settlers dislike labour,
225 ; ill-feeling between officials,
226 ; females object to eat Indian
corn, 226 ; ecclesiastics sent out,
227 ; difficulties with Indians, 22S ;
Spaniards shew less friendliness,
229 : Spain refuses admittance to
French vessel, 233 ; many convicts
emigrate, 235 ; becomes royal do-
main, 241 ; routes followed to Cana-
da, 272.
Louvigny, de : lieutenant of de Fron-
tenac, among western Indians, ii.
224 ; escorts furs to Montreal , 268 ;
commandant at Cataraqui, 393 ; re-
moved, 397.
Louvigny, de, the younger : sent to
Michillimackinac, ii. 431.
Louvigny, de : defeats Foxes, ii. 510.
Lovelace, lord : governor of New York
and New Jersey, ii. 445.
" Lowestoff " : frigate lost, iv. 374.
Lowther, Miss Katharine : engaged to
Wolfe, iv. 224 ; her miniature given
to commander John Jervis [Lord St.
Vincent], 272.
Loyal, Hannon : attacked by Aubry,
■ iv. 206.
Loyall, fort [Portland] : narrative of
attack, ii. 337.
Loyseau's maxim : i. 10.
Luynes, de: i. 119; toiip cVetat [1617],
121.
Lydius, John Henry : at Montreal, iii.
2S7 ; objections to his visiting In-
dians, 287.
Lyman, Phineas : second in command,
commences fort known as fort Ed-
ward, iii. 526.
M
Macaulay, lord : ii. 558 ; iii. 64.
Macdonald, captain : sent with letter to
Louisbouig, iii. 317.
Machault, fort : iv. 213.
Machault, de : minister of finance, un-
friendly to political pretension of
clergy, iv. 39 ; transferred to the
marine, 40 ; dismissed, 43.
Mackay, J. Ross, Mr. : iv. 499.
Mackenzie, Sir Alexander : crosses
Rocky Mountains, iv. 3So«.
Madockawando ; Indian chief, ii. 356;
.Saint Castings father-in-law, 369.
Maginnis, captain : beats off Canadians
INDEX.
553
in a skirmish, iii. 534 ; mortally
woim led, 534.
Magnan, Pierre : volunteers to return
with Iroquois prisoner, i. 83 ; killed
by the tribe, S3.
Maisonneuve, Paul Chomedy, Sieurde:
his early life, supposed to have visit-
ed Montreal [1613], i. 46 ; 177 ; his
character, 179 ; meets Charles La-
lemant, 180; expedition for Montreal
starts, 181 ; his arrival at Quebec
and answer to de Montmagny, 182 ;
proceeds to Montreal, 183 ; danger
incurred by him, 1S4; returns to
France for reinforcements, 196 ;
arrives at Quebec, 240 ; protests
against courts of goveinor, 309 ;
appointed Royal governor, 310 ;
leaves for France, 314; story of being
superseded, 314.
Malbaie burned : iv. 261.
Mal-de-Siai)i, le : ii. 483.
Malhomines : tribe of, iii. 271.
Malplaquet, battle of: misrepresented
in history, ii. 525.
Mance, Jeanne, Mile.: her youth, i. 180;
at Montreal, 184 ; proceeds to France,
195 ; places money in de Maison-
neuve's hands and obtains yft/ Naza-
reth, Montreal, 196 ; at Quebec, 225 ;
declines to place hospital in charge
of Quebec nuns, 249 ; leaves for
France, 249 ; returns from France,
259 ; money lent to seminary, 36S.
Manning : one, his cowardice at New
York, i. 414.
Manon, Lescaut : iii. 235«.
Manteht, de : in command of expedi-
tion against Schenectady, ii. 205 ;
against Mohawks, 263.
Manufactures in Canada : restrictions
lessened, ii. 421 ; increase of, 4S2.
Maps : of de Galinee, i. 214 ; of Jesuits
lake Superior, 241 ; of Jolliet and
Marquette, the Mississippi and tribu-
taries, 401.
Marais, des : commandant at Chateau-
guay, killed, ii. 229.
March, Col. : his attack of port Royal,
iii. 88 ; troops re-embarked, 89 ; his
want of knowledge of his duties, 89.
Mareuil, de, lieutenant : reported as
about to act "Tartuffe," ii. 274;
excitement caused by report, 275 ;
his conduct brought before council by
bishop de Saint Vallier, 276 ; de
Frontenac's behaviour, 278 ; arrest-
ed, 282 ; his petition, 283 ; accuses
attorney-general of acting illegally,
284; appeals to governor-general for
justice, 284 ; de Frontenac's remark-
able memorandum, 285 ; released,
2S6.
Mareuil, de, father : makes his way to
Albany, ii. 447.
Marguerie, Francois : taken prisoner,
i. 174 ; appears as ambassador, 175 ;
recommends refusal of demand, 175;
released, 187.
Maria Theresa: sustained by Great Bri-
tain, iii. 296 : alliance with France,
iv. 41.
Maricour : son of Charles Le Moyne,
with de Troyes, iii. 14.
Maricourt, de, father, missionary :
asked for by Iroquois, ii. 389 ; sent
to Onondagas, 391 ; returns with
Iroquois deputation, 399 ; obtains
introduction of French priests with
the Onondagas, 404 ; his death, 405.
Marin : commands expedition to Ohio,
iii. 446 ; lands at Presqu'ile, 446 ;
his death, 447.
Marin : arrives at Ticonderoga with 400
Indians, iv. 48 ; ascends to the river
Chicot and reaches fort Edward, 49 ;
reports skirmish, 49 ; attacks Rogers
near fort Anne, 179 ; sent to Cedars,
219.
Marine regiment : refusal to take
rations, iv. 75 ; de Levis' conduct
to them, 75.
Marlborough, the "great duke" of:
objects to Hill's promotion, ii. 457 ;
his services, 520 ; his victories, 521 ;
appointed negotiator at Utrecht, 523 ;
refuses the immense bribes offere<l
by de Torcy, 524 ; his interest in the
554
INDEX.
young pretender, 524 ; battle of Mal-
plaquet, 525 ; his efforts to obtain
peace, 529 ; his indifference to poli-
tical writers, 530 ; his family ties,
53° ; the infamous attacks of Swift
upon him, 532 ; the " Examiner,"
533 ; his interview with the queen,
537 ; the false estimate of Marl-
borough in history, 53S ; attacked in
house of commons, 547 ; dismissed
from his command, 54S ; sends a
message to lord Poulet, 550 ; leaves
England [17 12], 551 ; returns to
England [17 14], 551.
Malbroiigh sen va fe7i guerre, ii. 560.
Marie, de : starts with de La Salle for
Canada, ii. 153 ; kUls Moranget,
154 ; continues journey after de La
Salle's murder, 159 ; drowned in
Arkansas river, 160.
Marriages : encouragement of, i. 359-
362 ; Montcalm's view concerning,
iv. 16.
Marshall, Erasmus IL, Mr. : of Buffalo
'• 455-
Marsolet : after first conquest of Quebec,
remained with Kirke, i. 19S. "
Marson, Mde. de : mother-in-law of de
Vaudreuil, ii. 431.
Martin, Henri, historian of France : ii.
490;/.; 494; 495 ; iii. 127;^. ; 232«.
Maryde Medicis : i. 119; nobility of
Brittany rally in her favour, 121.
Mascarene, Paul : mounts first guard
at Port Royal, iii. loi : a French
huguenot, his birth, 107 ; becomes
major-general, 107 ; sent to .Mines,
108 ; his conduct therf, 109 ; de-
mands furs for Vetch, 109 ; sent up
the river to obtain timber, 112;
present at meeting [1714], 133; ap-
pointed governor of Nova Scotia,
168; constitutional disputes, 1S4 ;
administers government, 302 ; meets
Le Loutre, 303 ; trusts him, 304 ;
attempts to place -Annapolis in state
of defence, 304 ; interference of Le
Loutre, 304 ; beats off attack, 305 ;
attacked by troops from Louisbourg,
305 ; defends fort, 307 ; his influence
on the Acadians, 308 ; learns char-
acter of Le Loutre, 343.
Mascoutins : form alliance with Foxes,
i'- 475 ; opposed to French, iii. 271 ;
prisoners taken by them, 272.
Mass, the : first performed in Canada,
i. 48.
Massachusetts: first issue of " bills of
credit " by, ii. 249 ; changes of
government in, 359; forced to defend
herself, iii. 71 ; offers bounties for
Indian prisoners and scalps, 75 ; in-
dignant at attack of iJeerfield, Si ;
petitions to be relieved from charge
of Acadia, S3 ; determines on attack
of Port Royal, 87 ; expedition of
colonel March, 88 ; dissatisfaction,
failure of attack, 91 ; makes peace
with Abenakis, 197 ; force sent
against Louisbourg, 313 ; losses at
siege, 318 ; scheme of conquest of
Canada revived, 327 ; fort attacked,
333 ; settlement burned, 335 ; pris-
oners taken to Canada, 335 ; legis-
lature intervenes on the part of pro-
vincial troops, iv. 382.
Matanes ; tribe visited by de La Veren-
drye, iii. 374.
Mathew, admiral : misconduct before
Toulon, iii. 300.
Maugras, de : sent by de Hertel to
Saint Francis, ii. 3:57.
Maurepas, fort : constructed, iii. 373.
Maurin : supplies forts from .Montreal,
his dishonesty, iii. 54S.
Mazarin, cardinal : his treaty with
Cromwell, i. 10 ; enters into treaty
of Westminster with Cromwell, ii.
177.
McGregor, major Patrick : proceeds to
western lakes with Albany traders,
II. 74 ; stopped and taken prisoner,
76 ; released by de iJenonville, 90.
McKellar, chief engineer : recommends
plains of Abraham be fortified and
city of Quebec abandcmed, iv. 364.
Megapolensis : assists Jogues in his
escape, i. 186.
INDEX.
555
Membre, Zenobie, recollet : joins de La
Salle at Niagara, i. 459 ; with him
at fort Prudhomme, ii. loq ; leaves
France in the expedition to the Mis-
sissippi, 128 ; is left behind at the
fort, 152.
Menager: engaged in treaty of Utrecht,
ii. 522.
Menendez : destroys Huguenot colony
of Saint John, Florida, iii. 219.
Meneval, Robineau de : appointed
governor of Acadia, ii. 1S6 ; in com-
mand at Port Royal, 344 ; taken
prisoner, 346 ; proceeds to France,
348.
Mercer, col. : letter from him to Shir-
ley, complaining condition of Oswego
and want of money, iv. 27.
Merchant adventurers : company of, i.
86.
Mermet, father : missionary priest, ii.
409 ; proceeds to Wabash -with le
Sieur Juchereau, 409.
Messaiger, father : joins de La Veren-
drye, iii. 372.
Messerve : colonel of New Hampshire
at siege of Louisbourg, iii. 316;
his character, iv. 45 «.
Mesy, SafTrey de : recommended by
" Jesuits, i. 301 ; his early life, 302 ;
arrives in Canada as governor, 302 ;
establishes courts at Montreal, 309 ;
his quarrels with de Laval, 314;
sends major d'Angoville to biihop
notifying exclusion of councillors,
315 ; issues proclamation by beat
of drum, 315 ; addresses letter to
Jesuits, 316 ; renewal of quarre] with
de Laval, 321 ; appoints a fresh
council, 322 ; his death, 324 ; his
will, 325 ; his political mistakes,
325 ; final proceedings of the dis-
pute, 327 ; his case considered, 32S.
Metagorda bay : not landing place of
de La Salle, ii. 132.
Methodism : not active in Halifax, iv.
440; introduced in Nova .Scotia
about [17S2], 441//-
MeuUes, Jacques de : appointed intend-
ant, ii. 32 ; his instructions, 37 ; his
letters with regard to de la Barre,
51 ; criticises the peace of la Fam-
ine, 58 ; recalled, 72 ; his character,
72 ; recommendations as to Acadia,
184 : visits Acadia, 192.
Meusnier, Pierre : with de La Salle,
rescued from Indians, ii. 154.
Miamis : demand sacrifice of Le Pe-
sant, ii. 435 ; war threatened with,
435 ; danger passes away, 435 ; sub-
mit to de Cadillac, 435.
Michel, captain : i. 86 ; his death,
10 1 w.
Michillimackinac : attempt to surprise,
"i- 353-
Micmacs, tribe of : territory occupied
by, ii. 189 ; iii. 72?;. ; 420.
Middleton, Charles, earl of: signs
treaty of [1686], iii. 19; his char-
acter, 23.
Milet : missionary priest with Iroquois,
ii. 203 ; his influence in favour of
French, 295.
Militia, Canadian : disarmed, iv. 441.
Miller, captain of the "Racehorse":
blown up above Quebec, iv. 350.
Mines : burned by Church, iii. 84 ;
inhabitants refuse oath, 143 ; ask
permission to send deputies to Saint
Ovide, 146 ; deputy collector of cus-
toms there forced to leave, 1 5 1 ; in-
habitants refuse to take oath [1726],
155 ; embargo placed on trade, 155.
Minet : engineer with de La Salle, ii.
125 ; expostulates witli him, 135 ;
map made by him, 138 ; his account
of the wreck of "■ PAiinal'ld," 135 ;
decides upon returning lo France,
141.
Ministry on the accession George III. :
jealousies, iv. 476 ; new appoint-
ments, 47S.
Minorca : surrender of, iv. 95.
Mirepoix, due de : treasonable corres-
pondence with, iv. 21-23 '' supposed
writer Cleorge Croglian, 23.
Missaguash river : boiuidary Acadia,
iii. 436.
556
INDEX.
Missionaries: in parishes in neighbour-
hood of Montreal complain of neglect
and indifferent treatment, ii. 485.
Missionaries, British ; few sent by col-
onists among Indians, ii. 416.
Missionary priests [French] : appeal to
jealousy of Indians, ii. 375 ; their
devotion to duty, 396 ; their presence
a comfort and consolation to the
Indian, 416.
Mississippi : discovery of, i. 399 ; at-
tracts attention, 401 ; descent by
Jolhet and Marquette, 401-404 ; de
La Salle's descent of, 4S4-486 ; early
Spanish expeditious to, 487 ; mouths
of, iv. 214 ; fort upon, 225 ; country
north of attracts attention, 252 ;
first settlements made north of the
Illinois, 270.
Mobile: established, iii. 221 ; furs
stored there, 223.
Mohawk river : description of, iii. 537 ;
the carrying-place, 538.
Mohawks : attack Dupuy, i. 235 ; at-
tack island of Orleans, 236 ; carry
eff prisoners chanting song of victory
before Quebec, 236 ; demand incor-
poration of Ilurons, 239 ; their ag-
gression, 264 ; offer peace [1663],
312; their treachery, 312.
Monceau, de : [see d'Anteuil the
younger].
Monckton, Robert, brigadier : ordered
to attack fort Beaustjour, iii. 495 ;
sent to Boston to complete organiza-
tion, 495 ; detached to the Saint
John, iv. 151 ; ascends the river and
destroys settlement, 152 ; appointed
second in command at Quebec, 223 ;
his services, 225 ; takes possession of
Point Levis, 244 ; severely wounded
at Quebec, 2S4.
Mondelet, Dominique, judge : his de-
scription of the " ngne militaire"
iv. 439.
Money: early currency, i. 155.
Monroe, lieutenant-colonel : defends
fort William Henry, iv. 24; sum-
moned to surrender by Montcalm,
34 ; will defend his fort, 35 ; sends
messages to Webb, 55 ; strength of
garrison, 56 ; his capitulation, 63,
[see William Henry].
Monseignat, de : reflections on Phips'
attack, ii. 24S ; 340«. ; clerk of Con-
seil Superieur, 420.
Montagnais : the tribe of, i. 33 ; 71.
Montcalm, Louis Joseph, de : his
young years and character, iii. 551 ;
his memory not esteemed in Canada,
552 ; organizes attack of Oswego,
562 ; leaves fort Frontenac, 562 ;
arrives before Oswego, 563 : attacks
fort, 564 : its surrender, 565 ; prison-
ers taken, 565 ; his conduct at
Oswego, 569 ; song in his honour,
570; returns to Montreal, iv. I ; his
success made complete by Webb's
proceedings, i ; proceeds to- Carillon,
6 ; unsatisfactory relations with de
Vaudreuil, 6 ; objects to la petite
guerre, 7 ; opposed to marriages of
young officers, 16; recommends men
be encouraged 10 marry, 17 ; his dis-
like of high play, 17; arrives at Ticon-
deroga, 49 ; advances against William
Henry, 51 ; joins de Levis before
fort, S3 ; sends summons of surren-
der, 54; his letter, 54; difficulty in
absolving him from blame for subse-
quent proceedings, 54 ; strength of
his force, 59^. ; character of Indian
force, 60 ; sends Webb's intercepted
letter to Monroe, 61 ; opens his bat-
teries, receives order of Saint Louis,
61 ; his judgment in dealing with
the Indians, 62 ; surrender of fort,
62 : terms granted, 63 ; massacres by
Indians, a stain on his character, 67 ;
his subsequent conduct, 68 ; his letter
to de Moras, 79 ; his description of
Canada, 86 ; arrives at Ticonderoga,
162 ; passes to left bank of river,
163 ; his force at the intrenchment,
166 ; repulses assault on his ]-)Osition,
170; leaves for Montreal, 190; op-
posed to maintenance of forts at far
distances, 217; orders grain to be
INDEX.
557
gathered in, 219; arrives at Quebec,
221 ; rejects money sent by Wolfe to
grenadier for saving Ochterlony. 255;
proceeds to Dechambeau, 258 : sends
a battalion to Sillery. 267 ; hears of
Wolfe's landing, 277 ; orders forces
to Quebec, 277 ; no alternative but to
fight, 279 ; French losses, 2So«. ; 286 ;
mortally wounded, 2S5 ; his death,
286 ; his monument at Quebec. 304.
Montigny, de : with de Ramezay's ex-
pedition, ii. 44S.
Montigny, dc, Sieur : [see Laval].
Montmagny, Charles Huault, de : gov-
ernor, i. 158; traces plan of Quebec,
159; visits Tliree Rivers, 160 ; 'op-
poses settlement at .Montreal, 1S2 ;
accompanies de Maisonneuve, 1S3 ;
builds fort on Richelieu, 185 ; at-
tempts to make peace, 187 ; retires
from his office, 190.
Montmorency : taken possession of by
Wolfe, iv. 246 ; Indians under de
Repentigny, from ambush, attack
detachment from, 251.
Montmorency, de : appointed to vice-
royalty, i. 60 ; writes Champlain,
61 ; executed, 104.
Montorgueuil, captain : surrenders
Chedabucto, ii. 346.
Montreal [Mont Royal] : selected by
Champlain for settlement, i. 37 ;
traces of Indian cultivation, 37 ;
spoken of by him as " le sault,"
39; several vessels at in [1611]. 39;
Cham]>lain may be considered the
founder, 54; first settlement, 176;
the site named by pere le Jeune. 177;
foundation of the city, 183 ; settle-
ment escapes notice, 1S3 ; first Iro-
quois attack, 184 ; first marriage and
birth, 225;/. ; fort attacked, 247 ;
defended, 24S ; affected by Indian
hostility, 249; described in [1661],
268 ; parish church established, 27S ;
Albany traders frequenting,- iii. 2S7 ;
employment given on fortifications,
owing to distress. 2SS ; fortifications
extended, their cost, 35S ; surrender
of, iv. 408 ; conquest of Canada^
434 : citizens of present an address
to Gage, 445 ; 446«.
Montreal, district of: Gage appointed
governor, iv. 440 ; division into
courts, 445 ; Gage's departuie, 447 ;.
Burton appointed governor, 447.
Montresor : bearer of a letter from
Murray to Amherst, iv. 381 ; his
hardships, 381.
Montreuil, de : second in command
attack of Johnson, iii. 524 ; his ne-
glect of Dieskau, 534.
Monts, de : i. 14 ; expedition leaves
France, 23 ; prejudiced against
Canada, 24 ; proceeds to St. Croix,
Acadia, 25 ; abandons settlement,
26 ; returns to France, 27 ; arrives
at Port Royal to carry back settlers
to France, 29 ; resolves on new
explorations, 29 ; determines to pro-
ceed to the Saint Lawrence, 29 ;
joins Champlain at La Rochelle, 40.
Moody, colonel : arrives at Placentia,
iii. 131.
Moody, Rev. Mr. : his grace at banquet
capture of Louisbourg, iii. 318;/.
Moore, governor of south Carolina r
attacks saint Aiigustin, iii. 222.
Moranget, nephew of de La Salle :
sails on expedition, ii. 12S ; attacks
Indians, 141 ; desires stores to be
brought from Martinique, 14 1 ; starts
with de La Salle for Canada, 153 ;
murdered, 156.
Morel : an official friend of de Seignelay,
ii. 127.
Mornay, Duplessis de : appointed co-
adjutor bishop, iii. 262 ; succeeds de
Saint Vallier, 262 ; sends authority
to de Lotbiniere to administer diocese,
262 ; resigns his see, 284.
Morris, major : sent to Cape Sable, iv.
151.
Mortmain law : enforced, iii. 359 ; its
conditions, 360.
Mosquito, the : i. 1 56 and n.
Moulton : commands attack against
Norridgewock, iii. 190.
S58
INDEX.
Moxus, Indian chief: ii. 355.
Murders near Montreal : i. 38 1.
Murray, James, brigadier [son of lord
Elibank] : appointed to a command,
iv. 227; his service, 227; letters shew
unfriendliness to Wolfe, 227 ; in
command of troops sent up the Saint
Lawrence, 257 ; attacks Pointe aux
Trembles, beaten back, 257 ; estab-
lishes himself at Saint Antoine, 257 ;
attackf5 Dechambeau, 257 ; appointed
governor of Quebec, 295 ; his want
of money, 29S ; obtains it from the
troops and navy, 298 ; position of
his government, 356 ; deficiency in
firewood, 356 ; prisoners of war
embarked, 357 ; fleet sails away, 357;
his arrangements with regard to cord-
wood, 357 ; fortifies Saint Foy, 357 ;
discipline maintained, 35S ; garrison
suffers from cold, 359 ; regulates
markets, 359 ; establishes value of
coin, 359 ; hears reports of intended
attack of garrison, 360 ; takes pos-
session of Point Levis, 360 ; sickness
of garrison, 361 ; his want of money,
361 ; expects attack to be made, 364 ;
fortifies Cap Rouge, 364 ; orders
Canadian inhabitants to leave town,
365 ; story of the gunner on the ice,
365 ; refuted by Murray's diary, 365 ;
hears of landing of French, 366 ; with-
draws his outposts, 366 ; trying con-
dition of weather, 366 ; marches his
force outside the walls, 368 ; numbers
of British troops present, 368 ; 369;;.;
battle of 28th April, 368 ; British
retire, 369 ; British losses, 369 ; de-
fends city, 371 ; sends "■Racehorse''
to Halifax, 372 ; in letter to Halifax
explains his reasons for figliting out-
side of walls, 372 ; days of the siege,
373; arrival of "the Lowestoff."
373 ; other ships follow, 373 ; Col-
ville's ships two days later, 373 ;
ascends the Saint Lawrence, 3S3 ;
with his force advances to Montreal
by water, 394 ; issues proclamation,
394 ; lands at Sorel, burns place,
395 ; feels " cruel necessity," 395 ;
arrives at Contrecceur, 396 ; receives
proposal of surrender from de Vau-
dreuil, 396 ; preparations for opposi-
tion to his advance, 402 ; lands on
island of Montieal, 402 ; appointed
governor of Quebec, 441 ; governor-
general, 463 ; reports distress at
Quebec and its relief, 464.
Musgrave, Dr. : iv. 496.
Muys, de, governor of Louisiana : his
death, iii. 224.
N
Natchez: visited by d'Iberville, iii. 216 ;
children thrown into flames, 216 ;
fort built by de Bienville, 232; shew
bad spirit, 237 ; outbreak, 238 ;
massacre of French, 238 ; defeated
by de Loubois, 240 ; conquered by
Perrier, 241.
Naudiere, Mde. de la : mentioned from
the pulpit, ii. 28S.
Naxouat, fort : erected by de Villebon,
ii- 355 ; chiefs called upon to attend
here, 367 ; attacked by colonel Haw-
thorne, 3S3.
Negroes : laws regarding, iii. lyjn.
Nelson, John : taken prisoner to Que-
bec, ii. 350 ; kindness of to de
Meneval, 364 ; gives warning to
Boston of proposed attack of, 364.
Nesmond, marquis de : sent with fleet
to attack Boston, ii. 316 ; returns to
France, 318.
Neutral tribe : attacked by Senecas,
i. 204.
Newcastle, duke of: iii. 164; his
neglect of Nova Scotia, 165 ; his
ignorance of American affairs, 327 ;
attempts to find support in the house
of commons, iv. 92 ; selects sir
Thomas Robinson, 93 ; administra-
tion affected by Braddock's defeat,
94 ; resigns, 96 ; dismissed by Bute,
• 487 ; his dignified conduct, 4S7.
New England colonies : their activity,
INDEX.
559
i. 114; their foundation, 191 ; felt
power of New France, ii. 445.
Newfoundland : tai<en possession of by
Dumont, i. 285 ; squadron arrives
from France [1697], iii. 32; d'Il>er-
ville's campaign, 33 ; attack of by
French, iv. 493 ; Bute's sacrifice of
the fisheries, 498.
New France : opinion in France un-
favourable to [1630], i. 102 ; fear
that colony would drain France of
its population, 103 : value of its
fisheries and mines recognized by
Richelieu, 104.
New Orleans : founded, iii. 233 ;
visited by Charlevoix, 233M. ; gender
of the word in French, 233;/. ; seat
of government, 236.
" New subjects," the : Gage's opinion
concerning, iv. 441 ; the king's in-
structions regarding, 450 ; difference
of treatment to that of former times,
451 ; estimate held of the hal'itants
under French rule, 451 ; their politi-
cal education by the proclamations
made, 451 ; first raised to independ-
ence under British rule, 451 ; their
treatment by Gage, 455 ; no brighter
passage in imperial history, 466.
New York : an English colony, i. 355 ;
taken by Dutch, 413: feeling with
regard to attack on Schenectady, ii.
442 ; difficulties with provincial
troops, iii. 328 ; currency, 330;/. ;
449«. ; province would attend to her
own Indians only, 449 ; legislature
attempts to conciliate Six Nations,
iv. 2.
Niagara, falls of : supposed early allu-
sion to, i. 22.
Niagara, fort : traced out by de Tonty
and Hennepin, i. 457 ; established
by de Denonville, ii. 85 ; abandoned,
86 ; construction recommended by
Joncaire, 436 ; built by Joncaire,
512 ; visited by Charlevoix, 512 ;
complained of by Burnet, 513; com-
menced by de Lcry, 516 ; placed in
condition, iii. 202 ; its situation, iv.
311 ; attacked by Prideaux, 322;
meeting of Indians there, 323 ; de-
fended by Pouchot, 324 ; advance of
reinforcements from Ohio forts, 325 ;
defeated by Johnson, 325 ; prisoners
taken and losses, 325 ; surrenders,
326 ; terms of capitulation, 327 ;
French losses and prisoners taken,
327 ; consequences of its loss, 328
and n.
Niagara, river : de La .Salle constructs
fort at Lewiston, i. 453.
Nicholson, colonel Francis : appointed
to command expedition against Que-
bec, ii. 444 ; his career, 445 ; ad-
vances to lake Cliamplain, 446 ;
arrives at Boston, iii. 96 ; operations
against Port Royal, 97-101 ; cour-
tesies with de Subercase, loi ; names
place Annapolis, 102 ; his letter to
de Vaudreuil, 103;/. ; his rancour
against Vetch, 128 ; summons meet-
ing of inhabitants, 133.
Nichols, colonel : at Half-way brook,
iv. 177.
Nicollet, Jean : an interpreter, i. 175 ;
his discoveries, 212; his career, 213;
marries Marguerite Couiliard, 213 ;
first white man who reached lake
Michigan, 214.
Nicolls, colonel Richard : governor of
New York, i. 354.
Nika : Indian hunter with de La Salle,
ii. 153 ; murdered, 156.
Niverville, de : sent to the Saskat-
chewan, iii. 413 ; a canoe with ten
men ascends river, they report hav-
ing reached ks motiiagnes des roclies,
413-
Noble, colonel : in command at Grand
Pre, attacked, iii. 347 ; killed,
34S ; his troops without snow-shoes,
349-
Noblesse of Canada : their condition as
described by de Denonville, ii. 65.
Norridgewock : attacked [1722], iii.
182 ; attacked [1724], 190.
Norris, sir John: fails to attack French
fleet, iii. 299. §
56o
INDEX.
Norton, Rev. John : at fort Massa-
chusetts, iii. 333 ; his history, 333«.
Notaries : the duty of, iii. 359.
Notre Dame des Victoires : church of,
ii. 248.
Nova Scotia : severed from New Eng-
land, ii. 374 ; possible design of
Jacobites to restore to France, iii.
121 ; contrast of tiie conduct of tlie
French and English ministers with
regard to, 140 ; meeting of council
[1720], 142 ; failure of Great Britain
to establish sufficient gnrrisons, 145 ;
condition of [1721], 14S ; uncared
for by the politicians at home in the
time of George I., 14S ; with pro-
tection, settlement would have come
from New England, 149 ; estab-
lishment of garrisons recommended,
151 ; attention directed to, owing to
cession of Louisbourg, 418 ; Plalilax,
foundation of, 419 ; settlements of
Acadians, 420 ; council offer reward
for Indian scalps, 428 ; no Roman
catholic settler permitted, 441.
Noyan, Fayan de : commanded at fort
Frontenac, iv. 184/1.
Noyau, de : duel with de Lorimier, ii.
219.
Noyelles, de : attacks Sakis, iii. 278 ;
grants peace, 278.
Noyrot, de, recollet father : sent to
France, i. 77 ; returns to Canada,
79-
Oath : reign of William III., altered,
iii. 154M. ; administered to French
Canadians on submission, iv. 37 1«.
Ochiltree, lord : i. ioi«.
Ochterlony, captain : his death, iv.
Ohio : French claim to, iii. 297 ;
attracts attention of de la Galisson-
niere, 390 ; no claim far pretensions of
French sovereignty, 396 ; expedition
of de Celoron, 396-40S ; four British
traders trrested, 416 ; Gist's explora-
tions, 446 ; Croghan's explorations,
447 ; description of, 447 ; influence
of English traders, 449 ; the Indians
pass to side of French, 451.
"Old Killick" : iv. 24i«.
Olier, M. : founder St. Sulpice, i. 178;
sends priests to Montreal, 240.
" One hundred associates " : company
established by Richelieu, i. 92 ; re-
duced to forty-five, 284 ; abandon
their charter, 293.
Oneidas : send deputation to Mont-
real, iv. I.
Onion river [Ouinoisqui] : ii. 414.
Onondagas : apply for Jesuit mission, i.
226 ; send deputation, 233 ; destroy
tribe of Fries, 239 ; danger of de-
tachment sent, 242 ; French escape
from, by stratagem, 242 ; wait ujjon
de Tracy, 335 ; agree to mediate
between Senecas and French, ii. 50 ;
terms accepted by de la Rarre, 56 ;
senil embassy to de Frontenac,
296 ; sent deputation to Montreal,
iv. I ; declare themselves neutral, 4.
Ononthio : meaning of, ii. 105^;.
Orleans, island of : attacked by Iro-
quois, i. 195 ; notices on church door,
iv. 242 , description of, 242.
Orme, captain Robert : aide-de-camp
of Braddock, iii. 465 ; his journal^
465M.
Oswego, established by Burnet : ii.
514; protested against by Christian
Iroquois, 515 ; reinforced, iii. 46S ;
Shirley arrives there, 53S ; weak
condition of garrison, 550 ; attacked
by Montcalm, 564; its surrender,
565 ; depressing influence arising
from its loss, 567 ; conduct of French
Indians at siege, 569 ; consequences
of its capture, iv. 2 ; 3«. ; Indian
massacres on taking, ign. ; its im-
portance admitted, 27 ; 28 ; provis-
ions arrive in bad condition, 28 ; its
recognized importance, 312 ; attack-
ed by Saint Luc de la Come, 321.
Ottawa river : rapids to Portage du
Fort, i. 45».
indp:x.
S6l
Ottawas, the : attack fort at Detroit,
ii. 433 ; retreat to Micliillimackinac,
434-
Oureoiiliare, Cayuga chief: sent back
from France, ii. 208 ; sent by de
Frontenac to Iroquois, 212 ; his in-
fluence, 296.
Outagamies or Foxes : [see Foxes].
Oyster river : massacre at, ii. 372.
Palatines, settlement of: destroyed by
de Bellaitre, iv. 70.
Papineau, Mr. Louis Joseph : i. 177/;.
Paris, minister at Salem : ii. 362.
Parker, colonel: descends lake George,
his defeat and losses, iv. 51.
Parkman, Mr. Franci?, of Boston :
reference to his writings, i. 26n. ;
324«. ; 437«. ; ii. 100: 420//.; iii.
427«. ; his narrative of proceedings
of the Pennsylvania legislature, 541.
Partisan leaders : French, ii. 353.
Pascal : ii. 438/;.
Pasquine : engineer sent out to Acadia,
ii. 187.
Passamaquoddy bay : considered as
place of settlement [1604], i. 25.
Paulmy, de : ap]ioiiUed minister, iv. 43.
Peace of Aix-la-Chnpelle ; ii. 179 ; ne-
gotiations, iii. 356 ; events in Europe
leading to, 361.
Peace negotiations [1761] : offers from
Great Britain, iv.4So; French claims,
4S1.
Peace of London: i. 120.
Peace of Paris : its conditions, iv. 497 ;
clauses from definitive treaty, 505 ;
carried through house of commons,
499 j by bribery and intimidation,
499.
Pean, Ungues : husband of Mde. Pean,
iii. 544; purchases wheat. 545;
leaves Canada on plea of ill-health,
iv. S3.
Pean, .Madame : her relations with
Bigot, iii. 391 ; her character, 391.
Pelham, Henry: prime minister [1743].
iii. 299 ; long tenure of oflice, iv. 89 ;
includes Pitt in ministry, 90 ; his-
death, 91.
Pemaquid : captured by Indians, ii.
195 ; rebuilt, 262;/. ; reconstructed
by Phips, 361 ; taken by d'Iberville,
379-
Peiialossa, Comte de : governor of New
Mexico, ii. 1 14 ; seized by Inquisi-
tion, 114; in London, 1 15; in Paris,
115; proposals to French govern-
ment, 115; his character, II7 ; his
death, 1 17.
Pennisseault : in charge of Montreal,
" La Friponne," iii. 546.
Pennisseault, Mde. : mistress of de
Levis, iii. 547.
Pennsylvania : difficulty as to supply
bill, iv. 133; demands payment of
debts due, 314.
Pennsylvania, legislature of : perverse
proceedings of, iii. 446 ; would take
no steps to protect Ohio territory,
449 ; refuses prottction to settlers
on the frontier, 541 ; threatened by
frontiermen, 541.
Pensacola : surrenders, iii. 234 ; first
cargo negro slaves brought, 234 ;
surrendered to .Spaniards by Chateau-
guay, 234.
Pepperell, Sir WiHinm : commander
in chief Louisbourg expedition, hon-
ours granted him, iii. 320 ; his de-
scendants loyalists, 32OW.
Pere : proceeils to (^uinte, ii. Si ; re-
turns with prisoners, S2.
Perrier : appointed governor of Louisi-
ana, iii. 236 ; defeats the Natchez,
241.
Perrot, Frangois Marie, governor of
Montreal: trades in furs, i. 394;
irregularities under his government,
394 ; his speecii over some skins,
416 ; goes to Quebec, 416 ; refu.ses
to answer queries, 420 ; .sent to
P" ranee, 430 ; iinjMisoned for a week
in the l^astile, 431 ; reappointed to
government, 431 ; accused of inter-
fering wiih administration of justice,
ii. 21 ; removed and transferred to
2M
562
INDEX.
Acadia, 46; 184; is recalled, 1S6 ;
ordered to return to France, 1S7 ;
sends western Indians to Montreal,
224 ; taken prisoner, 349 ; his daugh-
ters, 349«.
Perrot, Nicholas : coureiir de Bois at
Michillimackinac, ii. 73 ; accompa-
nies expedition to western lakes, 220.
Petit, father: arranges for capitulation
of port Royal, ii. 345.
Petile Guerre, la: iii. 305 ; its activity
[1745-6], 333; Iroquois attacks of
French, 337 ; continued by French
Indians [175S], iv. 159; carried on
at Quebec, 25S ; actively followed on
the Mohawk, 313 ; party at Still-
water attacked, 317.
Pettekuin : engages in negotiations for
treaty of Utrecht, ii. 522.
Petun ; the nation, i. 53.
Philip V. of .Spain : considered to
have views on the French succession,
iv. 2:5.
Philipps, Richard : governor general
of Nova Scotia [1717], iii. 13S ; his
letter from Iloston [1720], 141 ; de-
scription of country, 141 ; renches
Annapolis, 142 ; receives deputation,
142 ; writes to de Saint Ovide, 146 ;
represents matters in London, 149 ;
fails to command attention, 150;
returns to England [1722], 152; re-
appears at Annapolis [1729], 160;
obtains acceptance of oath, 160;
his form of oath, 161 ; defends it,
l6i«. ; reports upon country to duke
of Newcastle, 164 ; points out neces-
sity of building forts, 166; leaves the
province [1734], 166 ; his description
of the Acadians, 166 ; his operations
at Canso, 185.
Phips, Sir William : successful attack
on Acadia, ii. 230; his attack on
Quebec, 233 ; failure of, 245 ; sea-
manship of, 24S//.; proceeds to Eng-
land, 249 ; capture of Port Royal,
344; governor of Massachusetts,
360; death of, 376.
Plchon, Thomas : at Beausejour, iii.
491 ; his correspondence with Hus-
sey, 492 ; describes Le Loutre, 492;
his statements regarding siege of
Louisbourg, iv. 142/;.
Picquet, abbe : commences settlement
of La Presentation [Ogdensburg],
iii. 409 ; his early career, 409 ; ob-
tains countenance of de la Galisson-
niere, 410; his proceedings at Os-
wego on .Montcalm's victory, 411 ;
present at de la Corne's attack of
Oswego, iv. 320 ; with Pouchot at
fort Levis, 3S5.
Piedmont, Jacan de : fortifies Beause-
jour, iii. 496.
Pigeon, captain ; sent in command of
expedition to obtain timber, iii. 114;
his instructions, 114; surprised by
Indians, 115; losses, 115.
Pijart, Jesuit father: proceeds to Huron
missions, i. 161.
Piracy in Acadia : ii. 1S3.
Pitt, William [earl of Chatham]: awak-
ens the .spirit of the nation, iv. 88 ;
king's objection to him, 89 ; appoint-
ed treasurer to the forces, 90 ; refuses
to take percentages, 90 ; opposes
motion of his colleagues, 90 ; in-
cluded in ministry of duke of J:)evon-
shire, 96 ; endeavours to save Hyng,
96 ; marries sister of Richard, earl
Temple, 96; dismissed from office, 97;
excitement in the country from this
step, 98 ; honours paid to him by
the cities, 98 ; forms ministry with
duke of Newcastle, 99 ; condition of
England, 99 ; his appointments.
100; report of reverses on taking
office, 100 ; his defence of duke of
Cumberland, 102 ; organizes expedi-
tion against Rochefort, 104 ; its
failure, 105 ; his spirit of determina-
tion, 106 ; his influence upon men,
107 ; his policy with regard to
America, 107 ; determines to attack
Louisbourg, 108 ; organizes expedi-
tion, lo8 ; resolves to attack Canada
• at all points, 156; calls upon pro-
vinces to raise troops, 156 ; organizes
INDEX.
563
attack of Quebec, 223 : appoints
Wolfe in command, 224 ; his energy
in carrying out his purpose, 229 ;
appoints admiral Saunders to com-
mand of fleet, 229 ; difficulties with
Bute as to king's speech, 476 ;
attacked through Bute's influence,
477 ; desires a durable peace, 47S ;
advocates exclusive possession of
fisheries, 478 ; prepared to exact
terms he considered indispensable,
479 ; his reply to de Bussy as to
Spanish claims, 4S3 ; desires to de-
clare war against Spain, 484 ; his
resignation, scene at the council,
484 ; the pension and title to his
wife, 488 ; his interview with the
king, 4S9//. ; his letter to Bute,
489«. ; grossly caricatured, 491.
Ploughing with oxen : introduced into
Canada, i. 85.
Poincy, de : governor of West Indies, i.
190.
Point au Baril : selected as station, iv.
Point Cardinal rapids : incorrectly
stated, iv. 221 ; error corrected, 391,
Point Levis : taken possession of by
Wolfe's force, iv. 244 ; attacked by
French floating batteries, 245 ; British
batteries established, 244 ; Quebec
batteries open against, without effect,
247 ; fruitless attack upon, 24S ;
taken possession of by Murray,
[1760], 360 ; burns houses there,
361 ; abandoned, 367.
Point Saint Charles : three Frenchmen
killed, i. 241.
Pompadour, Mde. de : unfriendly to
Jesuits, iv. 38 ; ordered to quit Paris,
43 ; her re-establishment in favour,
43 ; her death, 43«.'
Poncet : cure of Quebec, i. 241.
Pontbriand, Mgr. Henri Marie Dubreil
de : appointed bishop of Quebec,
iii. 2S5 ; arrives in Canada, 293 :
claims right of sending clergy to
Acadia, 429 ; states he is desirous of
visiting country, 429 ; condemns Le
Loutre, 493 ; his mandements, iv.
353 ; the last " Te Deum " for vic-
victory, 354 ; penitential psalms to
be sung, 354 ; his instructions to
cu7-es, 354 ; his description of Que-
bec, 356 ; his death, 353.
Fontchartrain, Louis Phelypeaux de :
succeeds de Seignelay as minister of
colonies, ii. 257 ; his policy, 26011.
Poiitgrave : i. 12 ; associated with
Chauvin, 13 ; connected with Amar
de Chastes, 21 ; arrives at the Saint
Croix, 26 ; at Tadousac. 31 ; at
Montreal, 38 ; meets Champlain at
Fontainbleau, 40 ; with father Ja-
may, 48 ; receives Champlain on his
return from the Huron country, 54 ;
empowered to control commercial
policy, 59 ; at Tadousac, 62 ; ar-
rives at Quebec, 63 ; brings news
union of companies, 68 ; determines
to go to Tadousac, 94.
Pontleroy, de : ordered to construct
intrenchments at Ticonderoga, iv.
162.
Population of Canada : [1624], i. 71 ;
its stationary character, 152 ; I53«. ;
[1654]. 250 ; [1663], 293 ; [1663-
1673], 362 ; considered, 363 ; [1674],
43S; [16S0], 438; [1713], [1726],
iii. 269; [1727, 1739, 1747], 357;
at conquest, iv. 4I3«. ; [1761], 452 ;
[1762], 453; total, 45^.
Port Nelson : captain Draper trades
there, iii. 9 ; collision between French
and English, 9 ; taken by French,
10 ; comes again into possession of
English, II ; expedition of [1691]
organized, 29 ; taken by d'Iberville
[1694], 31; P'rench change name to
" fort Bourbon," 31 ; retaken by
English [1696], 32 ; taken by d'Iber-
ville, [1697], 38.
Portneuf, de : ting taken by him at
Port Loyall, ii. 247 ; account of his
expedition, 337 ; his treachery, 342 ;
censured for conduct in Acadia,
368 ; directs i^aids, 3S4.
Porto Bello : attacked, iii. 296.
564
INDEX.
Port Royal : selected for settlement, i.
27 ; present site Annapolis chosen,
27 ; abandoned [1607], 29 ; found-
ed, ii. 171; expediuoM ngain>t, 262;/.;
343 ; attacked by Clnncli [1704], iii.
82; attacked by Wainwri^dit, 90;
second failure of attack, 91 ; injury
to inhabitants, 91 ; attack consented
to by British government, 96 ; Nich-
olson's expedition leaves Boston,
97; strength of garrison, 97; IJritish
force lands, 97 ; place capitulates,
99 ; terms of surrender, 100 ; cour-
tesies between commanders, 10 1 ;
French troops embark, loi ; named
by Nicholson " Annapolis," 102 ;
projects for reconquest by French,
105.
Poskoioac, fort : constructed, di. 374.
Pouchot : sent to Point au Baril, iv.
219; removed to Niagara, 219;
fortifies Niagara, 321 ; attacked by
Prideaux, 323 ; surrenders fort, 326 ;
proceeds as prisoner to New York,
327 ; exchanged as prisoner, 3S5 ;
in command at fort Levis [1760],
385 ; attacked l)y Amherst. 3S6 ;
surrenders, 388 ; liis conversation
with Amherst as to rapids, 390,
Poulharies, de : at attack of William
Henry, iv. 10.
Poutrincourt, de : joins ex[iedition
[1604], i. 24; arrives at Port Royal,
27 ; receives notice privilege re-
voked, 28.
Pownall, governor of Massachusetts :
shews great energy, iv. 156 ; es-
tablishes discipline in regiments,
156 ; officers not allowed " suttling,"
157-
Pretender, the : expedition, 1745, iii.
324-
Prevert, le sieur : his extraordinary
stories, i. 23.
Prevost : left in charge fortifications
of Quebec, ii. 222 ; writes de Fror.-
tenac of intended invasion of Canada,
229.
Prevost, coDimissaire at Louisbourg :
protests against longer defence as
merely a point of military honour,
iv. 136.
Prices of provisions : i. 155.
Prideaux, brigadier : appointed to
command Niagara expedition, iv.
315 ; his force, 315 ; leaves Schen-
ectady, 316 ; leaves Oswego, 317 ;
arrives before Niagara, 321 ; sum-
mons Pouchot to surrender, 323 ;
carries on siege, 324 ; killed, 324.
Prince Edward island : taken posses-
sion of by lord Rollo, iv. 148 ; its
early history, I49 ; name given to,
I50W. ; island formerly ile Saint Jean,
early settlement, 150.
Prince Society : publication of, its
value, iii. 45.
Pringle, captain : joins Rogers' scout-
ing party, iv. 85.
Printing : not introduced until after
conquest, iii. 291.
Prisoners: taken by French at Hud-
son's bay arrive in London, iii. 20.
Protestants [French] : i. 8 ; only,
allowed to sing hymns on shore by
Kirke, lOO ; exclusion from Canada
recommended by tie Laval, 295 ;
forbidden to exercise religion pub-
licly, or remain in Canada during
winter, 435 ; tolerance shewn to by
Colbert, 436 ; Dudouyt recommends
exclusion, 443 ; persecution of in
France [1724-S], iii. 144; [1726],
267 ; [1757], iv. 39 ; proposal to
d'Ii)erville, iii. 217 ; memorial for-
warded to de Ponchartrain, 217 ;
their constancy and fortitude, 267 ;
the attempt to admit toleration irv
France, 267 ; overborne by clerical
party, 268.
Protestants : duties of, with regard to
the extension of the faith in new
colonies, iii. 441.
Provinces : decline to furnish barracks
for imperial troops, iv. 31.
Provincial officers : questions raised by
' them, iv. 26 ; considered their ser-
vices confined to attack on Crown
INDEX.
565
Point, 26 ; decline to act with king's
troops, 27.
Provincial troops : abandon their offi-
cers, iv. 175.
Provisions : illegally exported to Canada
from British provinces, iv. 30.
Puget : Huguenot with de La Salle
on his expedition, ii. 129.
Puiseaux, M. de : i. 172 ; accompanies
de Maisonneuve to Montreal, 183.
Putnam, nmjor : of Connecticut, taken
prisoner, iv. 179
Quakers of Philadelphia ; their indif-
ference to the ravages of the war, iii.
432-
" Quarante Sols " • Indian chief, ii.
414.
Quebec: first settlement [1608], i. 30;
site of " Abitation," 31 ; Cliamplain
increases extent of buildings [1616],
54; the "habitation" burned during
English possession, in ; good feeling
at, 112 ; described by Boucher, 155 ;
place suffers from malignant fever
[1659], 260 ; not safe from attack,
260 ; constituted a city, 293 ; election
for mayor [1664], 321 ; fire, ii. 40 ;
cathedral chapter established, 61 ;
ct4re reunited to seminary, 62 ; forti-
fications commenced, 259 ; praise of
the tone of its society by Charlevoix,
274 ; 294 ; seminary burned. 422 ;
contributes to expedition to Hudson's
bay [16S6], iii. 13 ; work undertaken
owing to the general distress, 2S8 ;
attack organized in America against,
328 ; fears of naval attack, 329 :
precaution against, 329; fortifications
extended, 355; believed to be not
assailable by water, iv. 217 ; its de-
fence, the duty of French navy, 217;
religious processions to avert calam-
ity, 21S ; defences considered, 221 ;
disposition of forces, 221 ; fire ships
proposed, 221 ; council of war, 221 ;
landmarks of channel removed, 222 ;
description of country, 242 ; bom-
bardment commences, 248 ; its de-
structive effect, 248 ; prisoners sent
back by Wolfe airive, 250: three
prisoners hanged for theft, 251 ;
known Niagara was captured, 259 ;
supplies brought by old men, women
and children, 261 ; harvest, 268 ;
provision boats expected, 275 : con-
quered by British, 293.
Queen, Her majesty the : her birthday
observed in Canada, iv. 346;/. ; her
beneficial influence on manners, 435 ;
her fidelity to constitutional freedom,
468.
Quen, de : superior of Jesuits, i. 24 1.
Queylus, abbe Gabriel de : arrives at
Quebec, i. 240 ; retained in city,
241 ; considers impolitic to multiply
religious orders, 249 ; sends two
nuns to Mdlle. Mance, 249 ; not in
accord with Jesuits, 250 ; leaves for
France, 250 ; proceeds to Quebec to
meet bishop de Laval, 273 ; his
generosity of character, 274 ; popu-
lar at Quebec, 275 ; leaves Quebec,
275 ; arrested at Montreal, 276 ;
taken forcibly to Quebec and sent
back to France, 276 ; forl)idden to
return to Canada, 277 ; Montreal
associates in France appeal, 277 ;
communication sent to Canada, pro-
hibition withdrawn, 277 ; visits
Rome, 27S ; finds that he is accused
of Jansenism, 278 ; prevented leav-
ing France, 279 ; obtains a passage
and calls on de Laval, 279 ; ordered
not to leave Quebec, 280 ; leaves
Quebec for Montreal, 282 ; forced to
return to France, 2S3 ; returns to
Canada, 370 ; head of seminary,
Montreal, 376 ; leaves for France,
396 ; Talon's opinion of him, 396 ;
his death, 396.
Quintana : seizes French frigate, ii.
114.
566
INDEX.
Radisson, Pierre Esprit : statements of
as to Hudson's bay, iii. 8 ; arrives at
Port Nelson, lo ; returns to Canada,
lo ; his career in Canada, 46 ; 48 ;
his so-called discoveries proved to be
a fable by de La Verendrye, 370.
Raestown : route by, to fort Duquesne,
iv. 195.
Ragueneau, father : i. 175 ; resolves to
remove Hurons to Quebec, 210 ;
meets Bressani's party, 211 ; attends
Hurons to Montreal, 2,^9.
Ramezay, de : joins expeditions against
Iroquois, ii. 309 ; commander of the
forces, 389 ; prevents negotiations
with Indians, 416 ; opposes Abenaki
settlement in Canada, 418 ; in com-
mand of force sent to oppose Nichol-
son, 449 ; lands above Crown Point,
449 ; retires to Montreal, 450 ; in-
structed to prevent Indians receiving
presents from English, iii. 170.
Ramezay, the younger, his son : com-
mands expedition to Mines, iii. 329 ;
reaches Mines, 344 ; hears of de-
parture of d'Anville's fleet, 345 ;
commandant at Quebec, iv. 2S7 ;
his services, 2S7 ; instructed by de
Vaudreuil to surrender, 288 ; his
force, 2S9 ; receives memoir of citi-
zens, 289 ; calls council of war, sur-
render recommended, 290 : collects
tents at Beauport, 291 ; sends white
flag of capitulation, 291 ; terms of
capitulation, 292 ; French text, 305.
Rapid : art in descending, iv. 390.
Rasle, Sebastian, Jesuit father: at Nor-
ridgewock, iii. fji ; his answer to the
settler complaining of injuiies suffer-
ed from Indians, 173 ; reported to
Versailles for his influence over Aben-
akis, 173 : correspondence with de
Vaudreuil and Begon, 177//. ; at
Georgetown with Abenakis, 177 ;
his place attacked and p.-ipers seized,
182; killed, 191; his character, 192;
de Vaudreuil's account of, 193.
Ratisbon : truce of, ii. 113.
Raudot : appointed intendant, ii. 422.
Raudot, the younger : memoir as to
Canada, iii. 129.
Raymbault : Jesuit father at Sault St.
Mary, i. 212.
Raymond, count : governor Cape Bre-
ton, intrigues with Acadians, iii,
427.
Razilly, Isaac de : sails from France to
take possession of Acadia, ii. 173.
Recollet fathers : name suppressed edi-
tion of Champiain [1632], i. 17 ;
first brought to Canada, 46 ; leave
France, 47 ; their missions in [1624],
71 ; injustice to them, 72 ; [1631]
prepared to return to Canada, 122 ;
their return opposed by company,
123 ; appeal to the pope, 123 ; their
influence in France, 151 ; petition
Anne of Austria, 151 ; their dissatis-
faction, 152 ; return to Canada, 371.
Redknap, colonel : sent to Boston for
orders, iii. 89 ; replaces major
Foibes at Annapolis, 1 1 7.
Regent, duke of Orleans : his influence
on France, iii. 253^. ; heir to crown
after Louis XV., 255 ; his conces-
sions relative to Mardyke, 256.
Regiment, Carignan-.Salieres : arrives,
i. 329 ; disl)anded, 410.
A'>\^'Ul- Militaiic, le : misrepresented,
iv. 438 ; described by French Cana-
dian wrilers, 439 ; a misnomer, 440 ;
king's ordersas to treatment of French
Canadians, 450 ; its duration, 463.
Relations [Jesuit]: i. 103; their in-
fluence, 148.
Religion : French Canadian feeling re-
garding, iv. 461 ; native born eccle-
siastics considered advisable, 461 ;
arrangements after death of bishop
de Pontbriand, 462 ; Mgr. Briand
ajipointed first bishop after conquest,
463-
Religious houses : forbidden to furnish
refuge to criminals, iii. 359.
Remy, de : sulpician present at Fene-
Ion's sermon, i. 423.
INDEX.
567
Repentigny, de : arrives in Canada, i.
159 ; aids in re-organization of com-
pany, 187 ; in command of Indians,
330.
Repentigny, Saint Pierre de : ordered
to destroy fort Frontenac, ii. 201.
Repentigny, Montesson de : on expedi-
tion against Schenectady, ii. 205.
Repentigny, de : killed in attack of
Sakis, iii. 277.
Repentigny, de : present with detach-
ment sent against Montmorency, iv.
251.
Restoration of Charles II. : eftect on
Acadia, ii. 178.
Restrictions on leaving Canada during
first settlement : i. 363.
Richelieu, cardinal : his policy, i. 9 ;
his alliance with Gustavus Adolphus,
10 ; forms company of one hundred,
92 ; purchases office of admiral of
France, 104 ; his death a loss to
France, 104 ; determines to regain
Canada, 105 ; [1633] in full power,
118; absence of state papers, 121 ;
called to council [1624], 12 1 ; his
toleration towards the calvinists, 122;
did not interfere with right of worship
at La Rochelle, 123.
Richelieu river : partially ascended by
Champlain, i. 22 ; fort built at junc-
tion with St. Lawrence, 1S5 ; forts
constructed, 330.
Rigaud de Vaudreuil : at fort Massa-
chusetts, iii. 333-5 ; brings reinforce-
ments to Canada, 550 ; in command
of attack of William Ileiiiy, iv. lo ;
his winter march up lake Champlain,
11 ; besieges fort, 13 ; retreats, 14;
in command at head of portage, 50 ;
sends out parties under de V'iliiers
and de Corbierc, 50 ; his visit to the
Six Nations, 1S7.
Rimouski : reached by New England
vessel, iii. 194.
Road : betwec-n Montreal and (Quebec
opened, iii. 289.
Roads : in Acadia [1721], iii. 121.
Roads : opened in Canada, iii. 358.
Roberval : i. 6 ; traditions concerning, 7.
Roberts, Mr. Pelham's secretary : his
account of corruption house of com-
mons, iv. 92«.
Robinson, sir Thomas : his failure in
the house of commons, iv. 93 ; at-
tacked by Fox and Pitt, 93.
Roche, lieut. : joins Rogers' scouting
party, iv. 85.
Rochefort : expedition against, iv. 104;
its failure, 105.
Rocheblave, a trader : left in charge
above Niagara, iv. 325.
Rochester, earl of : signs treaty of
[1686], iii. 19.
Rocky Mountains : not mentioned by
Charlevoix, iii. 368 ; possibly not
known until described by Lewis and
Clarke, 380 ; first crossed by sir
Alexander Mackenzie, 383;/. ; name
heard of Montagues dcs Roches, 413 ;
doubtful if the great range was
meant, unknown in Canada, 4I4«.
Rogers, Robert : his early career and
character, iv. 5 ; his expedition north
of Ticonderoga, 7 ; his gallant fight,
S ; receives general praise, 9 ; pay-
ment of his personal loss refused,
9«. ; sent on scout to Carillon, 85 ;
attacked by large force, 85 ; his
losses, 85 ; " Rogers' rock," S6«. ;
sent out to intercept a French party,
.178 ; his defeat of INLarin near fort
Anne, 179; his losses, 179; at
Ticonderoga, 313; his march against
Abenakis, 33S ; its hard>hips, 339 ;
arrives at village, 339 ; de>troy3 it
and its inhabitants, 340 ; his march
homeward, 340 ; losses on the jour-
ney, 341 ; arrives at Amonoosuc to
find no provisions, 341 ; his descent
of the Connecticut, 341 ; arrives at
Crown Point, 342 ; his losses, 342 ;
attacked near Crown Point, 379 ;
sent to lie aux Noix to reconnoitre,
382 ; his activity in the att.ack of
lie aux Noix, 399 ; sent to Detroit,
409.-
Rohault, Rene : i. 148.
568
INDEX.
Rollo, lord : sent to Prince Edward
island, iv. 14S ; disarms population
on the Saint Lawrence, 395.
Roman Catholicism : its civil influences,
iii. I44«.
Roquemont, de : sent from France
with provisions, i. 90 ; intercepted
by Kirke and defeated, 91 ; carried
prisoner to England, 93.
Rosignol, a trader : arrested [1604],
i. 24.
Rouen, archbishop of : raises question
of his jurisdiction, i. 273 ; writes
^ bishop de Laval, delegates him to
induct de Queylus in ctire o{ Mont-
real, 279.
Rouille, fort, Toronto : constructed,
iii. 394.
Rous, captain : at the Saint John, iii.
429 ; proceeds there, French burn
the place, 508.
Rouville, de : with de Ramezay's ex-
pedition, ii. 449.
Rouville, Hertel de : attacks DeerHeld,
iii. 77 ; in command of expedition
[170S], 92 : attacks Haverhill on the
Merimac, 94-95.
Royal Americans [the present 60th,
the King's Royal Rifle Corps] : first
raised, iv. 31.
Royal-Rousillon regiment: arrives from
France, iv. 48.
Ruffio, Mde. : at Dechambeau, iv. 258.
Ruter : deserter from de La .Salle
found among Indians, ii. 15S ; kills
one of de La Salle's murderers,
Liotot, 159.
Ryswick, treaty of: ii. 322; 384; 3S6;
gives one fort only on Hudson's bay,
fort Albany, to the English, iii. 39 ;
its provisions, Gt, ; not possible to
determine boundaries in America,
63 ; conditions offered by Louis
XI\ ., 64 ; difficulties in settlement,
64«. ; its effect on Acadia and New
England, 66;;.
Sabbath-day point : when first called,
iv. 50;;.
Sable island : i. 14 ; wreck of Elliott
there, iv. 411.
Sablonniere, marquis de la : officer in
de La Salle's expedition, ii. 128 ;
misconduct of, 147.
Saccardie : engineer officer, ii. 349.
Sacheverell's sermon : ii. 453/;.
Saco river Indians : i. 27.
Sagard, Gabriel : i. 55 ; his history of
Canada [1636], 65 ; petition mention-
ed by him, 66«. ; arrives in Canada,
69 ; his voyage, 69 ; received by
Champlain, 70.
Saget : de La Salle's servant, starts
with him for Canada, ii. 153 ; mur-
dered, 156.
Sakis : tribe of, iii. 271 ; receives Foxes,
276 ; ordered by de Villiers to give
them up, 276 ; they resist, 276 ; re-
treat to join Sioux, 277 ; cross Mis-
sissippi. 277.
Salem witches : ii. 361.
Salieres, de : explores lake Champlain,
i- 331-
Saligny, de : officer in de La Salle's
expedition, ii. 128.
Salmon falls [Herwick] : attack on
mentioned, ii. 211 ; account of, 336.
Salt spring : early mention of, i. 229.
Salusbury, John : father of Mrs. Piozzi,
iii. 4iQ«.
Sanctaril, Jesuit : his pamphlet burned,
i. 9.
Sandusky Ilurons : difticulty with, iii.
392.
Saquima, an Ottawa chief: attacks
Mascoutins, ii. 475.
Saratoga, on the Hudson : attack of,
iii. 331 ; fort described, 33I«. ; re-
stored, 336 ; attacked by de La
Come Saint Luc, 356.
Saskatchewan river : iii. 374.
Saunders, sir Charles : iv. 229 :
appointed to (Quebec expedition,
229 ; his services, 229 ; his subse-
INDEX.
569
<iuent career, 2^0n. ; instructed to
send admiral Durell to Saint
Lawrf-nce, 230 ; expedition starts,
231 ; writes to de Lancey, of New
Yorlv-, 231 ; proceeds to Halifax,
231 ; sails for Louisbourg, 231 ; fleet
sails, 23S ; arrives at Bic, 240 ; passes
through channel of " la traverse,"
241 ; points out necessity of holding
Point Levis, fleet sails homeward,
297 ; his service on hearing of
Hawke's squadron, 297;;. ; his great
merit, 303.
Saurel, M. de : i. 1S5 ; constructs fort
at mouth.of Richelieu, 330 ; expedi-
tion to lake George, 342.
Sauvole, de : in command at Biloxi, iii.
215 ; death of. 221.
Savage, captain : on Phips' expedition
to Quebec, ii. 239.
Saxe, marshal : assembles force at Dun-
kirk, iii. 299 ; loss of transports by
storm, 300.
Scadding, Dr., of Toronto : has pre-
served site of Toronto fort, iii. 395«.
Scarcity of provisions in Canada : iv.
17; 74; rations of troops reduced,
75 ; quantity of grain [1759], 2ig.
Schenectady: expedition against, ii. 205.
Schuyler, Abraham : conducts negotia-
tions with Iroquois, ii. 399 : 447.
Schuyler, captain John : commands
attack on Laprairie [1670], ii. 227 ;
sent to Quebec by lord Bellomont,
318 ; has meeting with de Frontenac,
321.
Schuyler, major Peter : in command of
expedition, ii. 253 ; attacks Laprairie,
254 ; attacked by de Varennes, 256 ;
pursues French, 263.
Scott, major : sent to the Petitcodiac,
iv. 153.
Secon : a French protestant, iii. 217.
Sedgwick, major : sent by Cromwell to
seize Manhattan, attacks P>ench in
Acadia, ii. 176.
Seignelay, de : succeeds his father
Colbert as minister, ii. II ; de La
Salle's propositions submitted to
him, 117; assists de La Salle, 119;
reproves de Beaujeu, 122; announces
death of de La Salle, 164; death of,
257
Seigneurs : grants to and obligations of,
i. 364.
Seigneurs in Acadia : difficulties con-
cerning authority, iii. 162.
Selkirk, lord [Sir W. Alexander] :
makes grant to de la Tour, ii. 172.
Seminary of Quebec: established [1614]
i. 311 ; dispute with bishop de Saint
Vallier, ii. 292.
Senecag : irritated by construction of
de La -Salle's fort on the Illinois, ii.
40 ; jealous of proceedings equally
of English and French, 41 ; expedi-
tion against of de la Barre, 53;
peace made with, 56 ; attacked by
de Denonville, 84 ; their attack on
Lachine and massacre of inliabitants,
102 ; chiefs visit Quebec, 252 ; sent
deputation to Montreal, iv. i ; declare
themselves neutral, 4.
Seneca town : visited by Champlain
[i6i5].i. 52.
Senerzergue, de : second under de Levis,
iv. 51 ; wounded at Quebec, his
death, 2S5.
Sergeant, Henry : at fort Albany, Hud-
son's bay, iii. 17.
Serigny, de: expedition of to Hudson's
bay, ii. 299.
Settlement in Canada : commencement
of[i6i7].i. 55.
Settlement of townships : lake Cham-
plain proposed, iv. 346.
Shea, Mr. : of New York, i. 468.
Ship building : ii. 504 ; receives im-
pulse, iii. 2SS.
Shirley, "William : governor Massa-
chusetts, iii. 209 ; advocates in Lon-
don attack of Louisbourg, 310 ;
submits enterprise, legislature Massa-
chusetts. 311 ; receives Warren's
reply, cannot act, 312 ; fleet sails,
312 ; projioses attack of Quebec,
327 ; projects attack of Crown Point,
525 ; proceeds to Oswego, 53S ;
570
INDEX.
works at forlifications, 539 ; aban-
dons proposed attack on Niagara,
539 ; experiences opposition, 557 ;
his defects of character, 557 ; sends
supplies to Oswego, 55S ; rebuilds
Fort Bull, 558 ; organizes regiment
of bateau men under Bradstreet, 558;
succeeded in command by Loudoun,
iv. 24 ; his good qualities, 25 ; al-
ways poor, 25 ; his first interview
with Loudoun, 25 ; to be blamed for
defenceless condition of Oswego, 27;
letter to, him from Mercer, 27 ; ac-
commodation found by him for im-
perial troops, 31.
Shute, governor of Massachusetts : calls
attention of Saint Ovide to French
fishermen at Canso, iii. 140 ; his
career, 171 ; meets Indians at Ar-
rowsith island, 171 ; concludes treaty,
172 ; his proceedings afler event at
Georgetown, 178; his letters of com-
plaint to de Vaudreuil, 179 ; leaves
for England, 1 87.
Silhouette : finance minister of France,
iv. 481.
Sillery, de : chancellor, i. 44.
Sillery, Noel BriMart de : founds insti-
tution, i. 163 ; his career in France,
163;/. ; member society of one hun-
dred, 164.
Sillery, fort : built, i. 231.
Sillsville : supposed to be near route ,
followed by Champlain [1615], i.
53«-
Simon, father : with d'Iberville at
Pemaquid, ii. 378 ; present in raitls
on settlers, 3S4.
Sioux, tribe of: tractable with French,
iii. 270 ; massacres party in lake of
the Woods, 373.
Sioux : company formed to trade with,
iii. 270; 371 ; names of tho-e com-
posing it, 270«.
Six Nations: first so known, ii. 166;
their confidence in the British siiaken,
iv. 2 ; 3;/. ; in favour of union with
other tribes, 4 ; inclined to accept
French interests, 1S9.
Skene, major : iv. 346.
Slavery recognized : ii. 4S6.
Smallpox : [1636], with the Ilurons, i.
162 ; considered as introduced by
Jesuits, 162 ; in Canada, iii. 2S8.
Smart: commander of "Squirrel,"' at
Canso, iii. 140.
Smithsend, Richard : sent prisoner to
Quebec, iii. 21.
Smollett, Dr. Tobias : iv. 36 ; 64.
Snow-shoe : use by youth to be main-
tained, ii. 483.
Souart, sulpician priest : arrives at
Quebec, i. 240.
Soulanges, de : governor of Acadia,
ii. 182.
South Carolina: founded, iii. 219;
Craven, governor of, attacks Indians,
232.
Southwick. captain: at Casco, iii. 75.
Sovereign council : established, i. 292;
first members, 302 ; ordinances
issued [1663], 311 ; meetings during
[1664], 318 ; disputes as to minutes,
318 ; minutes changed, 319 ; ad-
dresses letter to king, 319 : re-estab-
lished under de Tracy, 333 ; resumes
sittings, 347 ; examines case of Per-
rot, 420 ; de Fcnelon examined,
426 ; members to hold appointment
from king, 431 ; increased in number
to seven, 434 ; name changed to
-Superior Council, ii. 420.
Spain : war declared against, iv. 491.
Specie in Canada : ii. 499.
.Spekeman : killed in Rogers' expedi-
tion, iv. 9.
Spendelow, lieutenant : discovers pass
through Alleghany mountains, iii.
474-
Standards, the French : after capitula-
tion of Montreal, story of tiestruction
of, iv. 404.
Stanhope, earl [Lortl Mahon] : ii. 17S;
charges Marlborough with assisting
pretenderwith money, 536; iii. 356«.;
461/i. ; his narrative of Temple's story
of Wolfe, iv. 116//.; 486/;.
Stanhope : first minister of George L,
INDEX.
571
neglect of Nova Scotia, iii. 139 ;
his foreign policy, 253.
Stanwix : brigadier at carrying-place
on the Mohawk, iv. 159 ; ordered to
Pittsburg, 312.
Stanwix, fort, lake Oneida : at carry-
ing-place consti-ucted, iv. 189.
Stark, Rogers : lieutenant, iv. 7.
Stephen, Sir fames : iii. 496.
Stephen, one lieutenant : his infamous
conduct when carrying provisions to
Rogers, iv. 341.
Sterling, Lord : i. 87/^.
Stevens, lieutenant : attacked near fort
Stanwix, iv. 317.
Stobo, captain Robert : sent as hostage
to fort Uuque^sne, iii. 458 ; plan of
fort Duquesne, made by him, 484 j
found in Braddock's baggage, 4S4 ;
sentenced to be hanged, 484«. ;
escapes, arrives at Louisbourg, re-
turns to Quebec, iv. 249;;. ; joins
Amherst at Crown Point, 344.
Stoughton : lieutenant-governor of
Massachusetts, ii. 367.
Subercase, Daniel Auger de : governor
of Acadia, iii. 85 ; his services, 85 ;
arrives in Acadia, 86 ; complains of
interference of priests in civil matters,
* 87 ; defends port Royal, 99 ; his
difficulties, 99«. ; surrenders fort,
99 ; his letter to Nicholson, 102 ;
hopes to revisit port Royal with a
force to retake it, 107.
Sully, minister of Menry IV. : opposed
to expedition to Canada, i. 21;/. ;
at the Louvre after death of Henry
IV., 118.
Sunderland, l\obert Spencer, earl of:
signs treaty of [i6S6], iii. 19 ; his
character, 23.
Superior council : condemn canons of
Quebec, iii. 263.
Swift, Jonathan, dean: knew "Jack
Hill," ii. 457; his opinions as siiewn
in his journal, 532 ; -'the Examiner,"
533 J his savage attacks of Marlbor-
ough, 535.
. St.
Saint-Ange, de : at fort Chartres, iii.
273-
Saint Anne : fort constructed, ile La-
mothe, i. 331.
Saint Anne, en bus : burned, iv. 261.
."^aint Castin, baron de : settles in
Acadia, ii. iSi ; reproved for irregu-
larities of life, 187 ; his career at
Pentegoet, 190 ; approves of Indian
raids, 192 ; gives unfavourable opinion
of proposed neutrality, 259 ; marriage
of, 356 ; plot to kidnap, 365 ; at cap-
ture of Pemaquid, 379.
Saint Castin, the younger : receives
commission, iii. 105 ; instructed to
harass troops at Port Royal and act in
accord with missionaries, 105 ; threat-
ens Acadians if they act peaceably,
1 19 ; Gaulin supposed author of
letter, 119.
Saint Charles fort : lake of the Woods,
iii. 369.
St. Cirq : French officer killed in
Schuyler's attack on Laprairie, ii.
254.
St. Cosme : missionary priest in Acadia,
ii. 384.
.St. Croix : settlement at, i. 25 ; priva-
tions suffered there, 26 ; Cham[:)lain's
description of, 26 ; abandonment of
. settlement, 26 ; expedition to south-
ward, 27.
Saints' days : abolished, iii. 359.
St. Denys, Juchereau de : in Louisiana,
iii. 220.
Saint Esprit : mission [la Pointe] lake
Superior established [1670], iii. 6.
Saint Francois Xavier : i. 75.
Saint Germain-en-Laye : treaty of, i.
109; ii. 173.
Saint rielene, de : son of Charles Le
Moyne ; attacked by Irociuois, ii. 87 ;
in command of expedition against
Schenectady, 205 ; killed in I'hips'
attack of Quebec, 242 ; with de
Troyes* expedition, iii. 14.
572
INDEX.
St. Jean : attacks Indians at Lachine,
ii. 104
Saint Joachim : burned, iv. 262.
St. John's, Newfoundland : taken by
French, iv. 494 ; retaken by British,
495-
Saint Joseph : Huron mission [Teanau-
staye] destroyed, i. 204.
Saint Joseph : chosen by recollets as
patron saint, i. 71.
Saint Lawrence river : first descent by
father Poncet, i. 224 ; first ascent by
pere le Moyne, 227.
Saint Louis : Huron mission, destroyed,
i. 205.
St. Louis fort : on Illinois, founded by
de La Salle, ii. 116.
Saint Louis rapids [I.achine rapids] :
called after a Frenchman named
Louis drowned there [161 1], i. 38.
Saint-Luc de la Corne : in command
of Indians at William Henry, iv. 59;
their number, 59 and n. ; their char-
acter, 59 ; sent to Galops rapids,
220 ; attacks Oswego and retreats,
319-
St. Lusson, de : takes possession of
shores of lake Erie, i. 390.
Saint Mai.Kent : confederated French
nobles assemble at, i. 120.
Saint Mary : station on the Wye, i.
200; described, 201 ; abandoned, 209.
Saint Mary, Sault : mission of Jogues
and Raymbault, i. 212.
Saint Mary : mission lake Superior
established [1641], iii. 6.
St. Ours : captain de Denoiivillc's
expedition against Senecas [16S7],
ii. 79 ; second in command [170S],
iii. 92.
Saint Ovide, de : governor of Cape Bre-
ton, iii. 132 ; his correspondence with
Shute, 140 ; embarrassed by Philipp's
letter, 146 ; his reply, 147 ; his .secret
instructions to the missionaries, 147 ;
suggests answers to Acadians when
refusing oath, 147.
Saint Pierre, fort, Rainy lake : iii. 369.
Saint Pierre, Legardeur de : in com-
mand at Michillimackinac, iii. 393 ;
finds Indians ill-disposed, 393 ; ap-
pointed to command expedition west
of lake Superior, leaves Montreal,
413 ; did not himself go beyond fort
de la Reine, 413 ; sends de Niver-
ville to the Saskatchewan, 413 ;
his fort attacked by Assiniboines,
415 ; returns to Montreal, 415 ; ap-
pointed to command of Ohio, 447 ;
receives Washington at fort le Preuf,
451 ; his death, 531.
St. Poncy, cure of Annapolis : sum-
moned before council, iii. 167 : his
behaviour, sent out of country, 167 ;
sent back by de Saint Ovide, 167.
Saint Rep;is : Indian settlement estab-
lished, iii. 549.
Saint Roch : burned, iv. 261.
Saint Sulpice, seminary of : assumes
obligations of company, i. 309 ;
additional ecclesiastics arrive, 367 ;
disliked by bishop de Laval, 368 ;
dissatisfaction with de Frontenac's
appointments, 420 ; refuses to dis-
miss de Fenelon, 442.
Saint Therese : name given by French
to fort, Hudson's bay, iii. 10.
Saint Therese : on the Richelieu, fort
constructed, i. 330.
Saint- Vallier, Jean Baptiste de la Croix-
Ciievricres de, second bishop of Que-
bec : sails for Canada, ii. 62 ; letters
as to state of societ}', 66 ; conse-
crated, 67 ; his volume on Canada,
67 ; his opinion of Saint Castin,
190 ; visits Acadia, 192 ; will not
advise as to reception of de Fron-
tenac, 219 ; his disputes with de
Frontenac, 273 ; prohibits perform-
ance of plays, 276 ; assails de Mareuil,
276 ; dispute with seminary, 291 ;
proceeds to France, 292 ; captured
at sea, 421 ; returns to his diocese,
4S9 ; his death, iii. 258 ; his burial
cause of serious quarrel, 259 ; his
body exposed at ChapdU Ard^nU,
*259 ; his burial, 261 ; attempt to
interrupt ceremony, 261.
INDEX.
573
Tadousac : Chauvin's voyage to, i. 13.
Tailer, James : Boston pirate sent to
Quebec, ii. 183.
Talmage, lieutenant : in command of
blockhouse at Schenectady, ii. 207.
Talon, Jean, intendant : arrives in
Canada, i. 327 ; remonstrates against
company, 332 ; his powers, 356 ;
misunderstanding with de Courcelies,
357 ; returns to France, 357 ; re-
appears in Canada, 357 ; his chnrac-
ter, 35S ; his services, 358 ; his ex-
ertions to develop the province,
373 ; organizes expedition of father
Albanel, 390 ; marks of royal fa-
vour, 393 ; leaves Canada, 393 ; ob-
tains Seigneury of des Islets, erecled
into barony, 435 ; one his last acts
to permit use of brandy in fur trade,
440.
Talon : French family with de La
Salle's expedition, ii. 128 ; left be-
hind at fort, 152 ; rescued from
Indians, 154.
Tamouratoua : Indian chief, ii. 251.
Tareha : Indian chief, ii. 295 ; 302.
"Tartuffe," Moliere's : difficulty con-
cerning at Quebec, ii. 275.
Tassemaker, Peter : minister at Schen-
ectady killed by French, ii. 20S.
Tast, du : arrives with fleet at Quebec,
ii. 252.
Taxous : Indian chief, ii. 367 ; incited
to agression liy father Thiery, 370.
Teanaustaye : [see St. Joseph].
Teganissorens : Iroquois chief arrested
at Quebec, ii. 45 ; seized by Hurons,
97-
Temple, Richard : first lord Grenville,
iv. 97«. ; his behaviour to George II.,
97 ; his fable with regard to Pitt's
behaviour, 116 ; as related by lord
Mahon, Ii6«. ; Horace Walpole's
opinion of, ll6>r. ; his character and
intrigues, 117; his evil influence on
Pitt, liS; his story to be rejected,
119.
Temple, Thos. : gets grant of land in
Acadia from Cromwell, ii. 177 ;
ordered to deliver up the country,
179-
Terrebonne : iron mines worked, iii.
291-
Tessier : pilot in de La Salle's expedi-
tion, ii. 147 ; starts with de La Salle
for Canada, 153 ; continues journey
after the murder, 159 ; abandons
protestant faith on arrival at Quebec^
l6ln. ; arrives at France, 162.
Tessouat : i. 45.
Ti'/fs de Boiile : iv. 457.
Textile plants of Dominion : ii. 440.
Thaveudcnaga, [Joseph Brandt] : ii.
167.
Themines, Marechal de : i. 57.
Thibaut, captain : i. 34.
Thompson, Mr. James, of Quebec :.
iv. 274.
Three Rivers, district of: Champlain
meets Indians there, i. 33 ; fort con-
structed, 70 ; 130 ; exposed to attack,
174; attacked [1652], 219; harvest,
iv. 268 ; Burton appointed governor,
440; courts of law, 441 ; Ilaldimand
temporarily governor, 447 ; the law
courts, 447.
Thury, father, Jesuit priest : with
Abenakis, ii. 192 ; his narrative of
massacre by Canabas, 193 ; of sur-
render of Pemaquid, 196 ; present at
attack of York [i 691], 351 ; describes
chiefs as being desirous of peace with
New England, 367 ; incites chief
Taxous against peace, 370 ; warns
de Frontenac some steps must be
taken to secure Indians, 378 ; present
at the attack of Pemaquid [1696],
37S; thanked for influencing Indians,
iii. 67.
Ticonderoga : described, iii. 52S; forti-
fications proceeded with, 550; project
against by British abandoned, iv.
5 ; French force, activity of, 44 ;
extravagance of Indians, 53 ; Aber-
croniljie's attack of intrenchments,
159 ; site of defences, 167 ; mass of
574
INDEX.
abatis and fallen trees, 167 ; incident
during action recorded by Pouchot,
175-
" Tilbury : " the wreck of, iv. 35.
Tilly, de : attacks Indian allies of
French by mistake, ii. 222.
Tilly, de I'lsle : arrives at Lachine
with western Indians, ii. 224.
Tilly, Legardeur de : appointed to
council, i. 302 : reinstated, ii. 32.
Toast of British troops of all ranks on
leaving Louisboiug : iv. 23S.
Tobacco : early account of, i. 5.
Tonnancour, de, canon of Quebec :
protests against course taken by Du-
puy, iii. 263 ; his conduct arraigned,
264.
Tonty, Henri de : accompanies de La
Salle, i. 449 ; at Green bay, 475 ;
hears of loss of " le Griffon" ^75 ;
narrative of occurrences in Illinois,
475-7 ; finds his way to lake Miciii-
gan, 478 ; joins de la Durantaye in
his attack of Albany traders, ii. 76 ;
sent by de La Salle to Canada, 109 ;
despatched to Illinois, passes winter
there, 112 ; descends Mississippi to
rescue de La Salle, 160 ; hears of de
- La Salle's murder, 161 ; death of,
436«.; letter to de La Salle, iii. 214/;.
Tonty, Alphonse : refused permission
tojoine.xpedition,ii. 127; at Michilli-
mackinac, 417; his exactions de-
scribed byd'Aigremont, 436; in com-
luand at Cataraqui, his misconduct,
436.
Torgac, de : officer " de la Reim,"
killed, iv. 6«.
Torcy, de : his history of treaty of
Utrecht, ii. 522 ; proceeds to IIol-
land, 523 ; his offer of money to
Marlborough, 524 ; his conversations
with Marlborough, 525.
Toronto : early names of, iii. 394 ;
fort Rouillc, 395 ; site preserved by
Dr. Scadding, 395//.
Touches, I'eR.nne de : killed, i. 305.
Tourmente, Cape : settlers murdered
near, i. 56.
Toulon : blockaded by British fleet,
iii. 300.
Townshend, colonel : killed, iv. 333.
Townshend, George, marquis of : his
talent for caricature, iv. 96^. ; ap-
pointed brigadier at Quebec, 225 ; his
previous career, i^i ; his letter to his
wife from Quebec, 226«. ; accidental-
ly brought into p;-ominence, 227 ;
Horace Walpole's opinion of him,
227 ; his contrast to Wolfe, 227 ; as-
sumes command, 285 ; his inactivity
after the action, 2S7 ; criticised in a
letter to a brigadier-general, 303//.
Toxus : his death, iii. 176.
Tracy, marquis de : arrives in Canada,
i. 329; organizes expedition to the
Mohawk, 343 ; expedition starts, 344 ;
described, 345-7 ; returns to France,
Trade : controlled, ii. 485 ; regulations
with regard to Law's company, 507 ;
its depressed condition, iii. 129 ;
with the Indians in [1730], 283.
Trapping : ii. 4S6.
T7-averse, la : difticulties of its naviga-
tion, iv. 232.
Treaty of neutrality : between France
and England, possessions beyond
seas, iii. 19 ; its conditions, 20.
Treaties : St. Germain-en-Laye, 29th
March [1632], restoration to France
of Quebec [taken 1629] and Cape
Breton, i. 108 ; 109 ; Westminster,
2nd November [1656], France claims
Acadia and mainland [taken 1654],
ii. 177; Breda, 31st July [1667],
Acadia, &c., ceded to France, ii.
179 ; London, i6th November [16S6J,
treaty of neutrality, iii. 19 ; Rys-
wick, 20th September [1697], sur-
render to France of nearly all Hud-
son's bay, iii. 39 ; Utrecht, 31st
March [171 3], surrender to Great
Britain of Hudson's bay. Nova Sco-
tia [Acadia] and Newfoundland, ii.
4S0 ; Aix-la-Chapelle, 30th April
['747J [preliminaries], iii. 361 ; Oc-
tober [174SJ [final treaty], restora-
INDEX.
575
tion to France of Louisbourtr and
Cape Breton [taken 1745], iii. 364 ;
Paris, loth February [1763], surren-
der to Great, Britain of Canada, iv.
497 ; clauses affecting America, 505.
Tremblay, father : agent Quebec Sem-
inary, ii. 292.
Trepezet : detached to observe Aber-
cronnbie's force, iv. 163 ; sends for
orders, 164 ; deserted by Indians,
loses his way, 164; his party defeat-
ed with serious loss, 164.
Tressavd : refused permission to accom-
pany Champlain, i. 37.
Trorison : superior St. Sulpice, Paris,
ii. 162 ; 164.
Trouve, father : taken prisoner by
Phips, brought with him to Quebec,
ii. 233 ; exchanged, 245 ; account of
his capture, 345.
Troyes, de : commands Hudson's bay
expedition [16S6], iii. 14 ; ascends
Ottawa to the Matawan, 14 ; follows
Ottawa and Abbitibbi to James' bay,
14; attacks fort Hayes, 15 ; proceeds
to fort Rupert, 15 ; the furt taken,
16; sails for fort Albany, 17 ; fort
capitulates, 18 ; his good conduct,
lS«. ; in command at fort Niagara,
85 ; dies there, 85.
Trudeau, Canadian officer : at attack
of Mobile, iii. 234.
Tufet : leads expedition from Bordeaux
to Acadia, ii. 173.
Turenne : defeats Spanish army before
Dunkirk, i. 10.
Tuscaroras : sixth nation of Iroquois,
ii. 166 ; north of Louisiana, iii. 231;/.
Tyng, colonel Edward : taken prisoner
to Quebec, ii. 350.
U
•' Ulysses" : wreck of, iv. 152.
" Unigenitus " Bull : constitution of,
ii. 493 ; 49S.
Union of provinces [1753] : recom-
mended by British government, iii.
459 ; meeting of states to consider,
459 ; failure of attempt, 470.
United States : origin of signature in
commerce for the dollar, iii. 205.
Urfe, d', sulpician : waits upon de
Frontenac interest of de Fenelon, i.
427 ; accompanies de ^Fenelon to
France, 430 ; complains that de Fron-
tenac had opened his letters, 431 ;
his cousin marries Colbert's son, ob-
tains protection from Colbert, 431.
Ursins, des : at Quebec with ships of
war, ii. 318.
Ursuline convent, Quebec : founded,
i. 171 ; early difficulties, 172 ; re-
built, ii. 33 ; second fire, 77.
Utrecht, treaty of: its provisions, ii.
4S0 ; 520 ; narrative of events, 519-
555 ; negotiations, 522 ; closed, 524 ;
resumed, 528 ; concluding negotia-
tions, 541 ; dissatisfaction with the
peace, 545.
Valerian, pere : his sermon at the
cathedral, iii. 264; summoned before
council, 265.
Valiant, father : sent by de Denonville
to Albany, ii. 91 ; with Senecas,
409; maintains peace, 415.
Valigny, de : a captain under de La
Salle, ii. 127.
Valliere, de La : arrives in Acadia from
Canada, ii. iSi ; grants licenses to
English fishermen, 182.
Valrennes, de, commandant fort Fron-
tenac : destroys fort, ii. 201 ; sent
against Schuyler, 253 ; attacks him,
255.
Valterie, de la : joins expedition to
Michillimackinac, ii. 26S.
Vanbraam, captain : hostage with
French, iii. 45S.
Van Corlaer : governor of Albany,
i. 1S6.
Van Epps : prisoner with Indians,
escapes to Albany, ii. 264.
576
INDEX.
Varin, Francois Victor : controls trade
at Montreal, iii. 546: leaves for
F'rance, iv. S3.
Varin, Mde. : gives receptions, iii. 547.
Vassan, de : replaces de La Corne at
Beauscjour, iii. 439 ; removed by
influence of Le Loutre, 439.
Vauclain, M. de : commands " I'Are-
thuse " at Louisbourg, iv. 131 ;
escapes blockade, 131 ; fights naval
action in " I'Atalante," 374.
Vaudreuil, Philippe de Rigaiul, Mar-
quis de, governor-general : marries
Louise Elizabeth Joybert, ii. 64;/. ;
arrives in Canailn. 79 ; completes fort
Niagara, 85 ; takes command at La-
chine, 103; present at Quebec during
Phips' attack, 23S; attacks Iroquois,
250; 263; sent to .Montreal, 257; pres-
ent at expedition against Loquois,
309 ; aspires to governorship, 3SS ;
governor of .Montreal, 3S9 : appoint-
ed governor-general, 412; negotiates
with Indian tribes, 413 ; expeditions
organized by him, 418 ; negotiations
with Dudley, 42S ; prepares for
threatened invasion, 447 ; learns
troops are being collected at head of
lake Champlain, 448 ; sends force
there under de Ramezay, 449 ; pre-
pares to defend Montreal frontier,
473 ; proceeds to France, 4S9 ; re-
turns to Canada, 510 ; recommends
that fatdx-sanliiers [fraudulent deal-
ers in salt], be sent to Canada, 50S;
recommends expulsion by force of
British from Oswego, 516 ; death of,
517 ; Acadia: sends partizan leaders
among Indians, iii. 72 ; responsible
for Indian raids, 73 ; attacks organ-
ized by him, 74 ; prepares expedition
to ascend lake Chamjilain, 75 ; di-
rects attack against New England,
[170S], 92 ; his unjust conduct to-
wards de Subercase, 104 ; tleclares
Abenakis necessary to sustain power
of French, 120 ; asks powder and
muskets be sent to Intlians, 170 ; his
callousness in urging Abenaki at-
tacks, 173 ; promises to send Cana-
dian Abenakis to aid southern tribe,
177 ; his letters to Kasle, I77«. ; his
correspondence with Shute, 179-
182 ; instructions from France, 1 88 ;.
meets commissioners sent by Dum-
mer, 195 ; failure pf negotiation, 196;.
brings lake Superior to notice of
regent, 366.
Vaudreuil, Mde., de : sails for France,
ii. 489 ; attracts attention at Versailles,
4S9 ; returns to Canada, 510; re-
tires to France, 517 ; her character,
518.
Vaudreuil, Pierre Francois Rigaud,
marquis de : governor of Louis-
iana, iii. 245 ; governor-general of
Canada, 522 ; his early career, his
character, 523 ; receives Six Nations
deputation, assures them of his pro-
tection, iv. I ; his complaints against
Montcalm, 6; boasts of his succps.s-
on lake Champlain, 7 ; organizes at-
tack against fort William Henry,
10 ; waitetl upon by women who re-
fuse horse-flesh, 76 ; sends Duplessis
to fort Frontenac, 185 ; arrives at
()uebec, 221 ; gives instructions for
women and children to retire to
wooils, 222 , calls to field all capable
of bearing arms, 222 ; writes Wolfe
as to prisoners, 245 ; will not allow
Canadians to remain quiescent, 258 ;
addresses Wolfe, 25S ; instructs de
Ramezay to surrender city of Quebec,
28S ; leaves Beauport, 2S8 ; sends
message to Amherst, 401 : proposes
capitulation of Montreal, 401 ; refuses
de Levis' request to continue resist-
ance, 403 ; leaves Canada. 409.
V^ughan, colonel : at Louisbourg, iii.
314-
Venango, fort : constructed, iii. 450.
Ventadour, due de : viceroy, i. 72 ;
retires from the world, 77.
Vercheres: assaulted by Iroquois, ii. 87.
Vergor, de : spirited defence of ship,
• iii. 438 ; in command at Beausejour,
487 ; his memory assailed in modern
INDEX.
577
times, 48S ; his early life, 488 ; tlie
letter received by him from Bigot,
488 and //. ; in command at Beau-
sejour, 496 ; sends messenger to Dru-
cour at Louishourg, 497 ; surrenders
Beausejoiir, 499 ; gives supper after
surrender, 501 ; tried for surrender
of ISeausejour and acquitted, iv. 82 ;
at fort Machault, 84; in command at
Anse an Foulon on Wolfe's landing,
273-
Vero : at Chignecto, iii. 157.
Verreault, M. I'abhc : reference to his
waitings, i. 247«. : 3i3«. ; 378«. ;
382«. ; ii. 5027/. ; notes as to La-
mothe Cadillac, iii. 229//. ; 387;/. ;
le 7-egne riiilitaire, iv. 438/^. ; 439«. ;
440«. ; 444«. ; 447//. ; 449;/. ; 450''-;
46o«.
Vetch, Samuel : his early career, ii.
423 ; proceeds to Canada, 428 ;
■proposes invasion of Canada, 441 ;
his opinion of the resources of the
British provinces, 441 ; sees chance of
Canada being successfully assailed,
443 ; proposes attack upon (Quebec,
444 ; his views accepted, 444 ; in-
structed to obtain troops from pro-
vincial governments, 444; calls meet-
ing provincial governors at Rhotle
Island, 446 ; expedition postponed,
446 ; imperial troops sent to Portu-
gal. 446; in London, 451 ; memoir
of Walker's expedition, 460 ; arrives
at Gaspe, 461 ; ships ascend .Saint
Lavs^rence, 462 ; run upon Egg
islands, 463 ; wreck of vessels and
losses, 463 ; appointed* atljutant-
general, iii. 97 ; first governor of
Annapolis, loi ; asks present of furs
through Mascarene. loS ; arrests
four principal inhabitants, with the
priest, III; sails for Boston, HI;
returns to Annapolis, 114; orders
expedition to obtain wood, 114; its
secrecy, 114; expecting attack, calls
council of war, 116 ; ji^ins expedition
to Quebec, liS; treatment during
his service at Annapolis, 121 ; pro-
poses aid of pive Nations of New
York, 122 ; obtains provisions, 123 ;
superseded by Nicholson, 123; at-
tends meeting of council at Boston^
123 ; proceeds to England, 123 ;
his last years, 123 ; dies in King's
Bench prison, 123 ; his opinions as
to Acadia, 134 : reconnnends retain-
ing if possible French inhabitants,
135-
Viel, Nicholas : arrives in Canada, i.
69 ; his death, 73 ; his writing.s,
74 ; completed Montagnais diction-
ary, 74 : his death described, 75.
Viele, Arnold : Indian interpreter sent
by Dongan to the Iroquois, ii. 49.
Viger, Jacques : his description of the
r'egne m Hit aire, iv. 439.
"Vigilant" le : taken at Louisbourg,
iii. 315.
Vignau, Nicholas de : relates a voyage
made by him, i. 44 ; acknowledges
his imposture, 45.
Vignau, du : deserter engaged in plot
against de Saint Castin, shot, ii. 365.
Vignol, Guillaume : killed, i. 265 ;
locality, Moffat's island, 265.
Villars, de, captain of "La Sarre " :
sent to Cedars, iv. 219.
Villebon, de : arrives at Port Royal,
ii. 349 ; commences fort at Naxouat,
355 ; calls upon chiefs to attend
there, 367 ; censured for his conduct,
368 ; successfully defends Naxouat,
383 ; death, 3S6 ; receives instruc-
tions as to Acadia, iii. 66 ; instructs
father Thury to excite Indians, 67 ;
informs Stoughton that river Kenne-
bec is to be considered as the boun-
dary, 68 ; complains of clergy en-
deavouring to control civil matters,
69.
Villerai : tried for loss of fort Ciasper-
au, acquitted, iv. 83.
Villeray, Rouer de: appointed to coun-
cil, i. 302 ; forces open du Mesnil's
rooms, 306 ; his early life, 30S ; pro-
ceeds to France, 321 ; declines to
act against Perrot, 430 ; sent to
2N
578
INDEX.
France, 430 ; appointed first coun-
cillor, 433 ; leaves Canada, ii. 7 ;
presiding officer of council, 9 ; sent
on deputation to de Frontenac, 218;
his character, 2T]n. ; censured for
his opposition to de Frontenac, 290.
Villiers, de : calls upon Sakis to give
up Foxes, iii. 276; attacks them,
276 ; his deatii, 277.
Villiers, de : named as controller, iv.
83 ; his disiionesty, 83.
Villiers, Coulon, de : commands ex-
pedition against Grand Pre, iii. 347 ;
wounded, 34S ; advances to attack
Washington at fort Necessity, 455.
Villieu, de : sent to Naxouat^ ii. 368 ;
leads Abenakis in raids against New
England settlements, 371 ; returns
to Montreal, 374 ; at Pemaquid with
d'Iberville, 379 ; taken prisoner,
380 ; released, returns to Acadia,
iii. 67 ; assumes government of
Acadia, 70.
Vimont, Jesuit father : proceeds to
Three Rivers, i. 175.
Vincelot, de : sent to France by de
Vaudreuil, ii. 3S8.
Vincennes: at Michilliniackinac, ii. 417.
Virginia : the territory known as such,
i. 215.
Virginia : would do nothing on the
Ohio, iii. 449.
Virginian Ohio company : at Will's
Creek, iii. 44S.
Virginians . their behaviour on Brad-
dock's defeat, iii. 483^.
Vitry : kills Concini on the Pont Neuf,
i. 119.
Voyage urs : word comes into use, iii.
270«.
W.
Wainwright : placed in command of
operations against Port Royal, iii. 90.
Walcott : of Connecticut, iii. 312.
Waldegrave, lord : iv. 97;/. ; 437;/.
Waldo : brigadier at Louisbourg, iii.
312 ; addresses Pitt regarding Louis-
bourg, iv. io8.
Waldron, major : killed at Cocheco, ii.
195-
Walker, admiral sir Hovenden : ap-
pointed to command expedition
against Quebe^ ii. 452 ; his book,
452«. ; his miserable incompetence,
463 ; vessels wrecked, 464 ; in spite
of failure of expedition it makes great
impression in Canada, 473.
Walley, major : in command of land
forces on Phips' expedition, ii. 231 ;
effects landing, 239.
Walpole, Horace: his mis-statements
regarding Braddock, iii. 464;/. ; re-
ference to his writings, iv. Ii6w. ;
299//. ; 434«. ; 473„. ; 474„.
Walpole, sir Robert : prime minister,
iii- 253.
War : declared against Abenakis by
Massachusetts, iii. 183 ; France and
England [1743], 296; desire of govern-
ments for i)eace, 297 ; declared
against Spain [1739], 298; news
reaches Boston, 302 ; preparations
for [1 754], 460.
Ward
ensign : sent to construct fort
junction of streams, Ohio, iii. 453 ;
driven away by de Contrecreur, 453.
Warren, admiral: ordered toco-operate
with Shirley, iii. 311 ; no orders re-
ceived, cannot take action, 312 ;
receives his orders and .sails, 313 ;
arrives at Canso, 313; his services
at the siege, 316; addresses men on
parade at Louisbourg, 321 ; his con-
ciliatory manners, 325.
Washington, George: when major,
sent to the Ohio by Dinwiddie, iii.
451 ; reaches Venango, the scene
there, 45 1 ; proceeds to fort le Bceuf,
gives letter to Legardeur de Saint
Pierre, 451; returns with answer,
452 ; at Wills' Creek with regiment.
453; at Great Meadows in command,
453 '> hears force sent out to attack
him, 453 ; comes on trail of French,
453; attacks and defeats French
INDEX.
579
party, 454; retires to Great Mea-
dows, 454; retreats to Gist's settle-
ment, 455 ; difficulties with captain
Mackay, 455 ; returns to Great Mea-
dows, 455 ; his force attacked by
Coulon de Villiers, 456 : capitulates,
457 ; the expression " rassassinai de
Junonville' explained, 457 ; permitted
to place baggage in security, 457 ;
nominated on Braddock's staff, 473 ;
his account of the defeat, 483M. ;
offers his services to Stanwix, iv.
195 ; advocates line of route through
Virginia, 196 ; cuts road to Raes-
town, 197 ; gives his views for pre-
ference of route, igjit. ; arrives at
Loyal Hannan, 20S ; commands
column against fort Duquesne, 211.
Webb, colonel Daniel : arrives at New
York, iii. 558 ; his destruction of
Mohawk forts owing to loss of Os-
wego, 565 ; his preci[iitation, 567 :
his abandonment of forts dijcouraging
to Indians, iv. 3 ; left in comn^aml
by Loudoun, 32 ; is told that Ticon-
deroga and Crown Point may be
taken, 32 : understands difficulties of
his position, 44 ; reinforces William
Henry, 45 ; the small number of his
troops, 45 ; applies for reinforce-
ments to governors of provinces, 49 ;
describes party of provincial troops
when attacked as giving way, 49 ;
blamed for not sustaining Monroe,
56 ; unable to aid him, 5S ; sends
letter recommending capitulation,
61 ; accounf of scene after surrender,
6^n.
Weems : surrenders Pemaquid to In-
dians, ii. 196.
Wells : attack on, ii. 357.
Wesley, John: in British provinces, iii.
440.
Westbrook, colonel : his expedition,
iii. 188.
West India Company : i. 331.
Westminster : treaty of, ii. 177.
Wheeler, sir P'rancis : unsuccessful
expedition of, ii. 271.
Wheelwright, one : named as selling
provisions to French, iv. 30.
Whiting, Massachusetts officer : seized
by French, ii. 448.
Whitmore, brigadier : appointed gover-
nor of Louisbourg, iv. 1 38 ; refuses
assistance to Wolfe, 237 ; his letter,
237«. ; his letter to Pitt, 238 ; his
death, 238//.
Wilberforce, William : iv. 190^.
Willard, captain : in command at fort
Loyall, withdrawn, ii. 33S.
William III.: death of, ii. 407.
William Henry, fort : in command of
major Eyre, iv. 1 1 ; attacked by
Rigaud de Vaudreuii, lO ; strength
of garrison, 11 ; first alarm given,
tl; summons to surrender sent, 12;
shipping burned, 14 ; the French
retreat, 14 ; under command of lieut-
enant-colonel Monroe, 24 : its garri-
son, 24 ; French force arrives, 53 ;
scouts taken prisoners by Indians,
53 ; garri^on takes posses>ion of
intrenchmer.ts, 53 ; description of
fort, 55 ; strength of garrison, 56 ;
capitulation of fort, 63 ; articles of
capitulation, 63 ; attack of British
troops by Indians, 64 ; the fort plun-
dered, 65 ; no protection given by
P^ench, 66 ; attack of column by the
Indians, 66 ; Wcl:)b's account of
scene, 6-]n. ; fugitives reach fort
Edward, 68 ; terms of capitulation
repudiated in general orders, 159.
Williams, Rev. John : minister of Deer-
held, iii. 77 ; his narrative, the re-
deemed captive, 79 ; 202-207 ? his
sufferings. So.
Williams, fort, on the Mohawk : iii.
538.
Will's Creek : trading post, iii. 448 ;
[fort Cumberland].
Wine: made by the Sioux [1727],
iii. 270.
Winslow, licutenant-colonel John : re-
cruiting at Boston, iii. 495 ; his
character, 495 ; commands troops for
Bcausejour, 496 ; fleet starts, 496 ;
SSo
INDEX.
at Grand Pre, 510; his address to
the Acadians, 511.
Winter travellini; in the early years : i.
418.
Winthrop : governor of Massachusetts,
i. 191.
Winthrop, of Connecticut : ii. 174 ;
commands expediiion against Can-
ada, 226.
Wives of French governors in Canada :
ii. 64U.
Wives for officers : imported, i. 362.
Wolf : French officer sent to Abercrom-
bie, iv. 162.
Wolfe, James : liis opinion of Brad-
dock's defeat, iii.485 ; on the marriage
of young officers, iv. 16/1.; name first
obtains general mention at Rochefort,
105 ; offers to attack fort, 105 ; ap-
pointed brigadier Loui.sbourg expedi-
tion, III; his birth, III; his services,
III; his education, 112; served in
the rebellion of '45, 113; major in
20th [lord George Sackvdle's], 113;
his ajlxire </e caitr w'ah Miss Lawson,
113 ; in command of 20th, 114 ; his
regiment sought after by men of rank,
114 ; his studies in French, 115 ; in
France, 115 ; story of the dinner at
Pitt's house, 115; repeated by Mr.
Thomas Grcnville on authority of
lord Temple, 116; his association
with men of rank, 116; Temple's
story to be rejected, 119; Wolfe at
landing of expedition, 127 : takes pos-
session of the lighthouse point, 128 ;
opens batteries, 129 ; silences island
battery, 129 ; after surrender desires
to return to England, 14S ; ordered
to Gaspe, 153 ; returns to England,
154; his correspondence with lord
Barrington, 153 ; offers his services
to Pitt, 223 ; his local rank in America,
223; in command of the 67th at
Salisbury, 223 ; would have preferred
foreign service in cavalry, 223 ;
appointed to command expedition
against (Quebec, 224 ; difficulty as to
staff, 224 ; Pitt removes king's objec-
tion to Carleton, 224 ; the inferior
rank and pay given him, 224 ; organ-
izes his force, 235 ; his strength on
leaving Louisbourg, 235W. ; declares
his intention ^o take care of his
person, 236«. ; his correspondence
with Whitmore, 237 ; expedition
sails, 238 ; writes to Pitt, 239 ; his
generosity to Whitmore, 239 ; his
want of money, 239 ; ships arrive at
Bic, 240 ; signal fires announce
arrival, 240 ; lands force on island of
Orleans, 242 ; first sees Quebec, 242;.
storm, 243 ; fire-ships sent down,
243 ; sends prisoners to Quebec with
letter, 244 ; orders Monckton to take
possession of i*oint Levis, 244 ; his
proclamation, 244 ; acquainted with
ford on the Montmorency, 245 ; losses
during campaign through the Indians
who passed that way, 245 ; takes
possession of ground, 246 ; skirmish
on tiiat occasion, 246 ; reconnoitres
above city, 248; considers attempt
too hazardous, 249 ; his second pro-
clamation, 251; his attack of 31st
July of French lines, 254 ; its repulse,
254 ; British losses, 255 ; issues third
proclamation, 25S ; his health bad,
263 ; sends letter to brigadiers with
plans of attack, 263 ; operations
above the town proposed, 264 ;
his letter to the minister, 264 ; his
letter to Saunders, 264 ; abandons
camp at Montmorency, 265 ; vessels
ascend Saint Lawrence, 266 ; no
hope of co-operation from Amherst,
269 ; his illness, 270 ; army depressed,
270 ; his arrangements for attack,
270-1 ; his last order, 271 ; demon-
stration against Beauport, 272 ; the
boats leave ships, 273; his force, 274;
landing effected, 276 ; pickets driven
back, 277 ; British line formed, 277 ;
before the battle, 278 ; French force,
279;/. ; British losses, 2S0;/. ; his
m.asterly generalship, 2S2 ; feeling in
• the Biiti^h ranks, 2S3 ; the battle,
283 ; defeat of the French, 283 ;
INDEX.
581
mortally wounded, 2S3 ; his death,
284 ; news of the victory in London,
299 ; the national exultation, 300 ;
the conquest of Quebec, the con-
quest of Canada, 300 ; the national
disgrace in neglecting his claim after
his death, 30 r«. ; his monument at
Quebec, 304.
Wraxall, sir William : iii. 533«. ; iv.
92M. ; lion. ; 499". ; 500;/.
Wroth, ensign : sent to Mines and
Chignecto to administer oath, iii. 156 ;
proclaims George II. at the Saint
John, 156; at Chignecto, his pro-
ceedings there, 157 ; oath adminis-
tered by him, 159; at Mines, 159;
council vote concessions unwarrant-
able and desire oath be not ratified,
159-
VVurtele, Mr. F. C, of Quebec : ii.
420.
Ybert, Pierre : of Chignecto, iii. 157.
York, fort, Hudson's bay : captured,
ii. 352 ; Geyer, governor, iii. 28 ;
taken by d' IbervilTe, 31 ; name
changed l)y French to fort Bourbon,
31 ; d'Iberville's expedition against
[1697], 33; surrenders to d'Iberville,
39 ; restored to England by treaty of
Utrecht, 43; captain James Knight
and Henry Kelsey receive fort from
Jeremie, 44.
York, duke of : instructions to Dongan,
governor of New York, ii. 47 ; ob-
tains grant of land in Acadia, 1 78
[see James II.]
Young, colonel : sent with re-inforce-
ments to William Henry, iv. 45 ;
sent to Montcalm with terms of sur-
render, 63.
THE END.
582
INDEX.
ADDENDA.
B
Barbier : officer with de La Salle, ii.
128 ; sounds channel for landing,
136 ; marries one of the young
women, 152 ; left in charge of the
fort, 152.
Barthelemy: with de La Salle, ii. 153;
after the murder continues witli abbu
Cavelier iu his journey to Canada,
159 ; left with Couture on the
Arkansas, 160; his exaggerated
statements, 163.
Beaubassin, son of de La Vallicre :
attacks Berger's settlement on Cape
Breton, ii. 1S4.
Beaujeu, .Mde. de : de La Salle's feel-
ing she was governed by Jesuits and
influenced her husbantl against him,
ii. 127.
Beauregard : captain of French frigate
" Friponne," stationed to protect
coast of Acadia, ii. 1S7.
Belleisle, de, son of Le Borgne : gover-
nor of Port Royal, ii. 179.
Berger : obtains fishing concessions in
Acadia, ii. 1S2 ; appointed king's
lieutenant, 1S4.
Bernou, abbe : his confidence in Peiia-
lossa, ii. 117.
Berthier : iu conimau<l of militia de
Denonville's expedition [16S7], ii. 79.
Biencourt, de : remains at Port Royal
after de Poutrincourt's departure, ii.
172-
Bienville, de, fifth son of Charles Le
Moyne, first of the name : killed at
Repentigny, He Jesus [1691], ii. 251.
"Big Jaw," Iroquois chief: influences
deputation to be sent to (Quebec,
ii. 96.
Bigot, Jacques, Jesuit father : with
Abenakis, ii. 1S9; on the Kennebec,
urges tribes to war, 367.
" Black Kettle" [La Cliandicre Noire\ :
complains of injustice received from
Perrot, ii. 39.
Boisrondet : lieutenant of Tonty at fort
Saint Louis, on Illinois river, receives
abbe Cavelier, ii. 160.
Hoisseau, Josias, partizan of de Fron-
tenac : summoned before council by
attorney-general for atheism, ii. 21.
Bouat : accompanies chevalier d'Aux
to the Onondagas, dies of smallpox,
ii. 212.
Bourg, Morillon de : takes possession
of Acadia after treaty of Breda,
ii. 179.
Bourgchemin : reported in private
letter of de Saint Vallier to de
Frontenac, as absent from the mass
of the Sexagesima, ii. 2S7.
Boyvinet, lieutenant-governor of Three
Rivers : summoned before council,
refuses to obey, ii. 23.
Bradstreet, governor of Massachusetts :
his proposition to de Frontenac,
ii. 25S.
Brement, Eustache : accompanies de
La Salle, remains at fort, taken by
Indians and rescued, ii. 154.
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